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Article

Teaching Moral Ethics through Sermons: A Case Study on Gregory of Nyssa

by
Jonathan Farrugia
Department of Church History, Patrology, and Palaeochristian Archaeology, University of Malta, MSD2080 Msida, Malta
Religions 2023, 14(8), 1004; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14081004
Submission received: 22 June 2023 / Revised: 20 July 2023 / Accepted: 3 August 2023 / Published: 7 August 2023
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Ethics and Religion: Education towards Religious and Human Values)

Abstract

:
This article studies six sermons related to proper social behavior from a Christian perspective by fourth-century theologian Gregory of Nyssa. A brief comment on the dating and the context of the sermons is given before the different themes discussed in the different liturgical seasons are analyzed, and then the content of each of these sermons is explored in some depth. Following this, an analysis of the persuasive and instructive styles in these sermons is made, underlining the different ways the bishop exhorts his people according to the matters at hand. When discussing issues that set a bad example, such as the practice of usury and the rejection of correction, the language used is very harsh; in other cases, the tone is softer, such as when it comes to deciding whether one should postpone his baptism or not or how one should behave vis-à-vis the more needy in society; when dealing with sensitive issues like fornication, given the natural human weakness in this aspect, the language is much more pastoral. Finally, a comment on the narratives used concludes the study.

1. Introduction

One of the foremost fourth-century theologians hailing from Cappadocia was Gregory, the younger brother of the better-known Basil. Born towards 335 at Pontus, he was baptized around 360 and eventually was ordained bishop of the town of Nyssa by his brother in 372. Gregory outlived the other two great Cappadocians—his brother Basil and their friend Gregory of Nazianzus. He was a respected theologian in his own right, participating in various important councils and being invited by Emperor Theodosius to deliver funeral orations for his daughter and wife. His works include biblical commentaries, letters, theological treatises, dialogues, biographies and sermons. Schemas of Gregory’s theories and doctrines have been drawn by scholars, largely using his treatises and biblical commentaries and more often than not side-lining his sermons. However, it is in these that the image of Gregory as a bishop and teacher of morally upright living for his congregation can really be found.
A small number of his sermons deal specifically with moral behavior, and the themes range from love for the poor to the condemnation of usury, from warnings against fornication to warnings against delaying baptism, and also there is one particular sermon that underlines the people’s obligation to obey their bishop. These sermons are six in all and are entitled: “Against those who practice usury” (Usur1), “Against those who postpone their baptism” (Bapt2), “Against fornicators” (Fornic3), “Against those who are vexed by correction” (Cast4) and two sermons “On the love for the poor” (Benef5 and Quat uni6). Through an analysis of the style and narratives used, the following study will seek to reveal how the bishop of Nyssa sought to instill ethical values in his congregation via instruction regarding the way a good Christian should behave, pointing out his role when faced with particular social as well as religious obligations. As the source material is made up of sermons, the immediate context of these texts is liturgical, and therefore the content is markedly religious. That is, regardless of the subject at hand, the reason presented by Gregory for behaving in one way and not in another is always derived from instructions found within the Christian faith.
In one of these sermons, Gregory clearly states that in order to live in good conduct one must avoid evil: “It is not possible, in fact, to live an upright and moral life if not by fleeing evil as much as possible, in order to follow virtue, like a son would follow his mother.”7 Society, therefore, is upheld by these two supports: avoiding evil and acting correctly. Apart from this, these six sermons provide exhortations to lead a virtuous life marked with acts of fraternal love towards others. It is through this that one’s faith is truly set as an example and goes beyond being just words, hence authentic Christian living is brought about by believing and acting accordingly: “faith requires its sister, which is good conduct.”8
Even though the subjects of these six sermons do not have much in common9 among themselves, the thread that brings them together is their purpose: they are all intended to give listeners lessons related to their behavior in everyday life. Cassin explains this in clear brevity in his introduction to the translations of the three sermons related to the use and misuse of material wealth:
À travers ces trois textes se dessine, tantôt en creux, tantôt de manière explicite, un guide pour l’action des chrétiens envers leurs frères, fondé sur l’imitation de la conduite de Dieu envers tout homme. Si l’évêque de Nysse ne recule pas devant l’intimidation et le recours aux scènes effrayantes des textes évangéliques sur la fin des temps, il cherche avant tout à inciter ses auditeurs à se faire les disciples du Christ, en conformant leurs actions à celle du Père.10
Christians, then, become true disciples of Christ when they seek to behave as God would behave in certain circumstances. Regarding the sermons dealing with social duties, we can say that Gregory’s doctrine is based on the unity of the world and the unity among human beings because these reflect the unity of the Triune God. Even though people may belong to different classes, if anyone tears apart their unity, as in the case of abuse of wealth and power, it is as if the culprit is denying God. This is the sin that lies at the foundation of all other sins.11
In this study I will seek to bring together the most salient features of Gregory’s method of teaching the congregation how to live as upright Christians in their public and private lives; proceed to discuss these features; and then, in the conclusion, I will seek to point out what the method and the content tell us about Gregory as an instructor of moral ethical behavior in the fourth century.

2. Dating and Liturgical Context

There has not been much debate on the dating of these sermons, and later scholars have kept to the earliest suggestions made by Jean Daniélou12 and Gerhard May.13 The following table follows the generally accepted chronology of these six sermons:
DatePlaceTitle
379 (March)CaesareaContra usurarios
381 (January)14CaesareaAdversus eos qui baptismum differunt
381 (March)NyssaContra fornicarios
382 (January)NyssaContra eos qui castigatione aegre ferunt
382 (March)NyssaDe beneficentia
382 (March)NyssaIn illud: Quatenus uni ex his fecistis, mihi fecistis
Scholars agree that these were delivered in an arc of three years. Two of them were delivered in January: Bapt on the day of Epiphany and Cast on the first Sunday after the beginning of the calendar year; the other four (Usur, Fornic, Benef and Quat uni) were delivered during March, therefore most probably during Lent.15
The themes treated might be linked to the liturgical period: the sermons delivered at the beginning of the year, therefore in the immediate aftermath of the Christmas period, relate to more private behaviors, such as choosing whether to get baptized or not and how one should react when he is corrected by his spiritual superior; the Lenten sermons are more linked to public behavior, involving charity towards the less fortunate and proper behavior vis-à-vis others, be it in sexual profligacy or in more material matters.
As stated, these homilies were preached during mass, and in many cases, they refer to specific biblical texts. Some are quite straightforward, like for example Quat uni, which is clearly taken from Mt 25:40, so the gospel reading must have been the narrative of the sheep and the goats (Mt 25:21-46). The complete title of Fornic (Εἰς τὸ ὀ δε πορνεύων εἰς τὸ ἴδιον ἀμαρτάνει) immediately brings to mind 1 Cor 6:18, so most probably Gregory constructed his homily on the passage on sexual immorality (1 Cor 6:12-20). Biblical sources for other sermons are not that straightforward. We have noted that Bapt was preached on the feast of Epiphany, when the baptism of Christ was commemorated, and thus the text must have been taken from one of the gospel narratives of the episode in the Jordan River. The text that the homily alludes to is actually Is 40:30, which is present in all three synoptic gospels (Mt 3:3; Mk 1:3; Lk 3:4). Further down, reference is made to the Holy Spirit that comes down from heaven, which having descended first on Jesus as a dove does not help us to identify which of these three texts was read since all three give this detail. The many references to the sixth chapter of Luke in Usur lead to the presumption that the gospel being read was Lk 6:27-36, where Christ gives instruction on how the life of his disciples should be clearly different from that of pagans because they are guided by unconditional love. Finally, Benef is probably founded on Mt 6 where Christ gives practical instructions on how to perform acts of charity, but other possible sources, according to the biblical references, might be the episode of the poor widow who gave some coins to the temple treasury (Mt 12), Mt 25, or even Lk 12 and Lk 16. Cast does not seem to be linked to any particular biblical passage.

3. Personal Ethics That Set the Foundations for True Christian Living

The two January sermons deal with completely different issues. The earliest, delivered at Caesarea in 381 on the feast of Epiphany, is an exhortation to baptism, which is presented as the solution for the problem of sin; this is explained by giving many reasons why persons should not delay their own baptism. Here, Gregory seeks to encourage adults who for some reason refrain from entering the baptismal bath to make the step that would guarantee their salvation. This he does through many examples: paraphrasing stories from the Bible (such as the story of the Ethiopian eunuch and Philip), retelling episodes of recent history (like the story of Archias, who delayed his baptism and cried to no avail for initiation when he was shot by arrows during an espionage expedition for the benefit of his country) and sometimes making up his own examples (such as those concerning people who are healthy but suddenly succumb to some fatal disease). What these examples have in common is that all of them point out in sharp clarity the urgency to receive the sacrament before death cuts short a person’s life16, sealing his destiny to hell forever.17 It is through baptism that man will find the grace to help him make the right choices in life,18 avoiding the sins discussed in the other sermons.
Presumably, the majority of the people present for these sermons were Christians, or, at most, people who had adopted the Christian way of life without having yet received baptism. This exhortation for baptism is proof enough of this, for it would make no sense to make such a long and detailed reflection on the necessity and urgency of the sacrament if the category of people to whom this applies were not present in the church. We have to keep in mind that this was preached on the feast of the Epiphany, when the baptism of the Lord used to be commemorated; it is understandable that all who somehow followed the Christian faith, as baptized Christians or merely as proselytes, would have attended the liturgy on such a day.
The other sermon, preached at his home diocese of Nyssa a year later, was the result of some grumbling against him by members of his congregation. The unusual context for this one seems to have been that a day or two before, several people preferred to attend the festivals commemorating the start of the new calendar year rather than going to mass, and thus Gregory excommunicated them; this led to some serious complaints and the bishop answered with this sermon, in which he harshly insists that leaders should be obeyed and not turned into targets for unjustified protests.19

4. Social Ethics in Practice

The Lenten sermons found in this category, together with the exegetical sermons, which were usually preached during Lent as well, shed some light on how uneducated Christians were taught the precepts of the faith through sermons. In the first sermon on the love for the poor, reference is made to a previous sermon, now lost, delivered two days earlier. Thus, we understand that it was the custom to have a series of daily, or quasi-daily, sermons wherein the bishop would treat specific subjects that concern behavior. We can therefore say that these form in fact an annual retreat of sorts, organized by the bishops for their flock during Lent. A recurrent theme in these sermons is that of the fear of divine punishment as a stimulus for good actions. The fact that it is mentioned in more sermons goes on to prove the seemingly low level of commitment to morally ethical behavior shown by the people. Also, getting people to live in an upright manner by scaring them with post-death consequences discloses the low level of education that was common in those times.20 This would also explain why many of the examples presented by the preacher about why a person should behave correctly may seem very naïve and unconvincing to the contemporary reader. Some might validly argue that this might not necessarily mean that people were less educated, but rather that they were considerably relaxed when it came to Christian commitment. In any case, Gregory seems to have found this method of preaching appropriate in order to encourage people to try and get out of their comfort zones and take their Christian lives more seriously.
The four sermons preached during this period can be divided into two types: one consists of three sermons that deal with the misuse of material wealth at the expense of others (Usur, Benef and Quat uni) and the other consists of the remaining sermon on the misuse of one’s body (Fornic)21, which essentially entails another person’s complicity, with or without consent. The three sermons of the first type prove that Gregory shared the same concerns as other Fathers of his age. We know that three Greek Fathers who were contemporaries of Gregory have preached sermons on similar themes, namely Basil,22 Gregory of Nazianzus23 and John Chrysostom.24 Basil’s sermons on the subject certainly were of direct inspiration to his younger brother, as the latter states in the sermon against those who practice usury.25

5. Persuasion and Instruction

All these sermons, being exhortations on ethical behavior, share a protreptic style,26 sometimes having an unusually harsh tone, especially when the preacher is addressing a specific category of people who seem to be present in the audience. Among Gregory’s sermons, I believe that the six being discussed here contain the toughest language. All of them carry strong words of reprimand against those who abuse their economic power, those who show no love to the poor and to the sick, those who abuse their bodies through sexual activity, those who continuously postpone baptism, and those who do not accept criticism for their misdeeds.
Analyzing the preaching rhetoric of these sermons, two different styles are easily discernible: Gregory sometimes seeks to persuade his audience by encouraging them to turn their backs on sinful behavior, while at other times he uses harsher language and gives orders. The use of the verbal mood and the person accommodate these different forms: when he is encouraging people, he usually uses the first or third person in the middle passive voice (which translates “let us…” or “let him…”), but when he is criticizing and ordering he uses the second person, mostly in the imperative, as if he were referring directly to individuals found in the audience.
The two harshest sermons by far are Usur and Cast. In both cases, the example set by the guilty parties would have led to much-undesired consequences in society at large. Usury was a serious problem back then, as it is now, so a number of bishops launched strong-worded attacks against those who practiced it since it literally led innocent victims to financial ruin. Basil had already delivered a very harsh sermon on the same subject some years before his younger brother. Refusal to obey the bishop, while not leaving anyone destitute could, on the other hand, very easily lead to unruly and undisciplined behavior even in other contexts. Reprimands of this kind were not exclusive to Gregory of Nyssa; other bishops did sometimes use their orations in order to answer back to people who criticized them. Socrates Scholasticus refers to a lost sermon of John Chrysostom wherein he compares his archenemy, the empress Aelia Eudoxia, to Herodias, for showing her open disfavor after he had criticized her vanity.27
Chronologically, the earlier of the two sermons is the one against usurers, wherein Gregory even says out aloud that he knows his people were grumbling against what he was saying;28 it is evident that he knew that among the congregation there were people who practiced this form of business. As we can see from the following citation, here Gregory takes on the role of an angry moralist:
From an ally you turn into an enemy, for you no longer come to [the person’s] aid, letting him pay you back your load after he has freed himself from the need that weighs upon him. Instead you sow evils for him who is in need, stripping him who is already naked, hitting again him who is wounded, and adding worry upon worry and grief upon grief. For he who receives gold with interest from you, receives along with it the deposit of poverty masked as charity, bringing along the loss of his own house!
(Usur, 196, 23–30)
The tone is not as harsh throughout; there are some very short intervals where Gregory seeks to give counsel to these people, albeit with severe words. It is through these that his pastoral care as a bishop and teacher of moral ethics transpires. At times the call for repentance is clear: “You are a human being; then love human beings not money! Put an end to your sin.”29 Other times he puts his addressees’ sinful conduct in contrast with their life as Christians, reminding them that who does not show love towards others cannot pray God asking for His kindness:
How will you pray, you sordid usurer? With what arrogance will you seek the good from God, you who take everything but have never learnt how to give? Or don’t you realise that your prayer is a recalling of your misanthropy? What have you pardoned in order to ask for pardon? You call upon Him who shows pity, but whom have you showed pity?
(Usur, 201, 18–22)
Gregory also goes a step further, urging sinners to put their trust in God, not in their wealth or in their physical prowess,30 accepting the grace that the Creator freely gives to all who turn to Him. In order to make his point, he makes abundant use of biblical episodes, linking excerpts from the Scriptures to the subject being discussed in this and other sermons.
The tone of the Cast is, on the other hand, unforgiving throughout. After making a brief reference to what had happened only a day or two before, namely that people participated in pagan new year festivities, proving that in truth their adhesion to Christianity was more superficial than authentic, Gregory flies into a rage and addresses the critics in his congregation directly:
You shall not babble about me in corners by calling [my teaching] rough, neither should you put forward similar blames against me with your own partners in sins! Fine! Just sit there judging your bishop with the council of vanity! I, certainly, will not trouble my soul as if I’m suffering something new when the more disobedient of my pupils are vexed.
(Cast, 330, 17–23)
The bishop was by no means the only one to openly disapprove of the participation of Christians in the pagan festivities held on the Kalends of January. One of the better-known early critics, a contemporary of Gregory, was John Chrysostom, who in his homily on the Kalends denounces the devilish celebrations, the invectives, and the nightlong dances, and stamps the whole lot as devilish and ridiculous comedy.31 Asterius complained about the visits made to houses by jugglers asking for money and causing a public nuisance.32 This situation was not any less problematic in the West, where preachers like Ambrose, Peter Chrysologus, Maximus of Turin, and Augustine also launch severe attacks against this celebration in their sermons. Chrysologus grumbles that people dress up as their gods in a sacrilegious parade,33 with some telling out aloud obscene tales taken from mythology. Augustine grumbled against people playing dice, getting drunk, and participating in mad frenzies at chariot races and indecencies at the theatre.34 The details of the revelry given by other bishops fill in the void left by Gregory, and they explain all too well why he disapproved of the participation of his congregation in these festivities.
As this short sermon progresses, he seeks to underline his authority as a bishop to sanction punishments and excommunication to those who take their Christian duties lightly. This was one of the methods used by bishops in the early centuries to impose morally correct behavior on their congregations. According to Bernardi: “Ce sermon est extrêmement intéressant dans la mesure où il laisse entrevoir cet aspect un peu particulier de la charge épiscopale qu’est le maniement des sanctions ecclésiastiques.”35 Bernardi notes that Gregory improvised this speech due to the circumstances since there is no reference to any liturgical text that might have been of inspiration.36 The use of certain expressions such as “if we hear harsh words we are greatly vexed; if the doors of the church shut us out with an excommunication, we blaspheme”37 might mean that this sort of behavior and reactions were quite regular, hence Gregory’s patience must have been stretched to its limit and beyond, hence the incessant blows at his critics telling them that they are not behaving as true Christians:
Thus, he who has heard: “If you do not turn and become like children, you will not enter the kingdom of heaven” and whenever he perceives that the priest is more austere in correcting his faults both with his manner and with his voice, openly contradicts him, murmurs through clenched teeth, and goes around the market place and the streets reviling him, is not behaving as a Christian should. And if he is excluded from the church, he despises prayer, cutting himself off without simulation from the assembly and from the sacred mysteries; or perhaps even if he is not put under this punishment, he leads himself away from the church, because of his anger against the bishop, and turning himself away from his God and Master. One should say to such a person that which was said to Paul, when was still Saul, “It is hard for you, o man, to struggle against spurs.”
(Cast, 6–19)
The kind of behavior Gregory expects of his people in situations when he, as a bishop, instructs them to do something is to be like children who go to school and do nothing but repeat the examples given by their teacher, without trying to do anything else since they have no authority to do so.38 It hardly comes across as a surprise if people reacted negatively to this kind of behavior expected by their bishop.
Throughout these two sermons, Gregory reproaches those to whom they are directly addressed, showing them the dangerous state in which their soul is found and contrasting this situation to a much better one enjoyed by those who live upright lives. This is evidence that the intention of these sermons was not simply to criticize opposers but also to bring the concerned individuals to acknowledge their misconduct and hopefully repent in order to start living more morally upright lives.
Moving on to the other sermons, the exhortative tone is markedly softer. The sermon against those who postpone their own baptism forms a bridge of sorts between the harsher sermons and the softer ones: the tone communicates a certain urgency, sometimes displaying anger since it is evident that the same counsel had been given more than once before to no avail, but it is generally less punitive. Here, Gregory goes to extremes in order to convince the non-baptized among his audience to present themselves for the sacrament, especially those who attended the liturgy and embraced the Christian customs but for some reason preferred to leave baptism for their deathbed. He discusses this mistake in detail, not only by reminding the people that death might come as a surprise, but also telling them that there would be serious repercussions in their eternal afterlife if they get baptized at the very end, or if, worse, the priest does not make it in time to baptize them:
Do not negotiate grace, lest you fall away from this gift. Be in need of these things as much as possible to be forgiven too, so much as will not shut the king’s benevolence. […] For a long time you have enjoyed pleasure; now give some time to the love of wisdom. Strip off the old man as a filthy piece of clothing, the dishonourable load of shame brought about by a multitude of sins joined together, the one [i.e., the body] being wounded with pitiable rags of lawless conduct; accept, instead, the garment of immortality which Christ holds open [before you] and do not refuse to accept the gift, nor insult the gift-giver.
(Bapt, 360, 8–11, 15–23)
This sermon, together with another one preached on the feast of Epiphany (Diem lum) a year later, where Gregory calls the baptized to be “fathers” of the neophytes, hints that baptism was still largely embraced by people of mature age, sometimes by elders. It was not yet customary for people of a younger age to willingly be initiated, hence the reason for his concern. He is particularly hard on the old people who still avoid getting baptized even though they themselves were aware that death was approaching fast:
For how long will you be a pupil of the first elements? Open your soul as a writing tablet and grant us to engrave the perfect lesson; do not stammer along with other children, do not have a childish mind! I blush, being ashamed of you, because even though you grow old you are still thrown out with the catechumens like a silly little boy who is indiscreet in speaking about the mystery that is to come. Make yourself one with the mystical people and learn the secret words […]
(Bapt, 362, 9–16)
Bernardi has a word to say on the harshness of this last citation, commenting that here the tone is harsher than Basil’s exhortations to baptism, probably because he had already exhorted people for baptism in earlier lost works but without achieving the desired result:
Nous ne retrouverons pas chez Grégoire l’accent d’impuissance que nous avons cru sentir chez son frère. […] l’accent est aussi pressant ici que là. Il paraît évident que l’ardeur des fidèles à recevoir le baptême n’a pas fait de grands progrès et que le prédicateur se sent obligé de déployer toute la force de persuasion dont il est capable.39
But in any case, even though he might at times use more exacting language than Basil when it comes to baptism, there are occasions where his reprimands are kind when compared to other sermons. It could be in order to avoid scaring away prospective candidates by his attitude:
Leave the prison, I beg you, hate the dark dwelling-places of sin, flee the devil like a bitter prison guard who grows strong and derives profit from the misfortune of sinners; for just as God is delighted with our acts of righteousness, likewise does the one who is the cause of sin exult over [our] false steps.
(Bapt, 358, 28–359, 4)
The two sermons on the love for the poor, featuring the importance of charity as a consequence of fasting and the importance to have mercy on the sick, especially lepers, are another step toward the more persuasive style. Charity is not simply giving money to a hungry person; it is literally sharing in their misery by giving them food or money intended for your own use:
You who fast, be the health of them [who hunger]. Be kind toward your unfortunate brothers. Whatever you keep back from your stomach, give it to the poor. May the fear of God be a just compensation for you. Treat with wise mastery two evils that oppose each other: your satiety and your brother’s hunger.
(Benef 97, 9–13)
Later in the same sermon, in a part that is slightly harsher, Gregory draws a sharp comparison between a sumptuous banquet prepared in an extravagantly decorated house and the hungry poor who—like Lazarus—sit on the doorstep hoping to get at least some scraps of what remains. They cry out in their hunger, but their cries are drowned by the racket caused by the musicians inside. He insists that true believers in God cannot live in this way, and therefore concludes the sermon by exhorting his audience to live well and behave according to the commandments.
The other sermon featuring love and respect toward the less fortunate follows the same path. The language is not as harsh as in the sermons discussed earlier but can be at times slightly more punishing than the previous. Here, Gregory speaks more of the dignity shared by all human beings irrespective of their status: who are the monsters, then, those who are mutilated because of illness or those who refuse to acknowledge them as human beings?
Seeing the man in such a state, you have no respect for him who is your kin, you have no pity for him who shares your same race, but you are disgusted by his misfortune and you hate him for asking your mercy, fleeing his approach as if it were the attack of a wild beast.
(Quat uni 115, 8–12)
The conclusion of this sermon brings once again to the forefront the ethical issue of human nature: people should help and support each other because they all share the same human nature. There may be times when prosperity or misery visit some individuals, and these occasions should be regarded as constant reminders that everyone has a moral obligation to do whatever good he can to his brethren.
Finally, the sermon against fornicators presents Gregory’s most fatherly portrait. Here, he only uses the first and the third persons. Even though he abstains from using the second person, it is unlikely that he was not aware that in front of him there were people who followed dissolute lifestyles. Rather, I would say that he avoids the second person because either he did not want to shame anyone in public—sex being a somewhat private affair—or else he did not want to instill unwarranted and undesirable suspicions on the private lives of others among the congregation. Lust was not a subject discussed in public among Christians, contrasting with the more liberal views of the pagans, so Gregory must have wanted to avoid at all costs providing an occasion for gossip. The difference between fornication and the other specific behaviors he mentions in the sermons analyzed above is that these were practiced in public, while lust presumably was not. Gregory describes him who indulges in this sin as “ἁμαρτίας ἀδοξότερος δοῦλος”, while lust is “ἀτιμότερον,”40 so this is in line with avoiding addressing the public directly.
Another interesting detail in this sermon is that Gregory does not give clear examples taken from recent history as he does in the sermons against those who practice usury, those who delay their own baptism, and those who do not accept correction. His appeals against this form of immoral behavior are quite significantly subtle:
Let us turn back, therefore, from the strikes coming from any form of lust, let us close our eyes to licentious behaviour, let us deride the inordinate pleasures around us, let discretion govern our flesh, let purity dwell in our limbs, let us keep to honourable thoughts, let us shine with the beams of good deeds, once our life will be purified we shall glitter all around, let us keep unsoiled the body so that the Spirit would dwell in it as in a temple, let us inscribe to him the fearful command cried out in an inscription against the licentious: if someone ruins the temple of God, God will ruin him.
(Fornic, 217, 4–13)
Not addressing the audience directly and this gentler tone helps us understand that Gregory was aware of man’s fragility in this area41; therefore, this sermon should be considered more as encouraging people to be alert rather than chastising them for something that cannot be easily controlled. As we said, in this sermon, Gregory does not bring an example from real life, as he does in Usur and Bapt; instead, he takes only one example from the Old Testament, namely the story of Joseph. What is quite strange here is that it deals with a male slave who was tempted by his mistress and therefore all the counsels he gives in this sermon are addressed to men, urging them to avoid situations that might lead to sexual immorality. We must admit that it is very strange that he has no words of advice for women who, at best, were exposed to the same risk as men, especially female slaves. This could be another case where the preacher is extremely careful not to generate gossip.

6. The Use of Narratives

Narratives supposedly taken from real events are also present in these sermons. The reason why Gregory tells these stories is to help his listeners grasp with greater ease the lesson he wants to impart. In some cases, he drives the stories closer to home by stating that he knew the person about whom he is speaking (as is the case of Archias in Bapt) or maintaining that he is speaking about someone from the city where he is preaching and that the people should know to whom he is referring (as in the case of the unnamed usurer in Usur). Other times the narrations are either invented or else he could be retelling something from his own experience—such as in the case, soon after the story of Archias, when he describes the panic that seizes a household when an unbaptized person is about to die suddenly. Such narrations are useful because they might be very vivid descriptions of some concrete situations that were present in his environment, such as the description of the poor he gives in Benef and that of the lepers he gives in Quat uni:
This present time brings to us plenty of people who are naked and without shelter; there is in fact a crowd of prisoners at everyone’s door. The foreigner and the migrant are always present and everywhere we see a hand that begs. The air under the sky is their home; their residences are the roofed colonnades, the streets and the most deserted squares. Like the night-ravens and the owls they lurk in holes. As clothing they have rags torn everywhere; their tillage is the good will of the merciful; their food is what the first one who passes by drops; the springs provide them to drink, as they provide to animals, the hollow of their hands are their cups; their storage places are the folds of their clothes, when these do not have holes and can still keep what is put in them; their knees tight together are their table; the ground is their bed, their bath is a river or a lake, which were given by God to everyone without any elaboration. They did not lead this errant and uncivilized life from the beginning, but since when misfortune and need arose.
(Benef, 96, 17–97, 8)
Here is a man who has an upright stature looking towards the sky, having been given by nature hands to help him in his work, now bent towards the ground, having become a four-footed creature and just a little different from animals, howling hoarsely and roughly coming out violently from his innards through tired breathing; or, if we dare say it, such a man is more miserable than animals, for most of the time these [i.e. animals] keep till the end the natural features they had at birth, and none of them pass to other features because of some misfortune similar to what happens to human beings. For this man it is as if nature has been changed, he has another appearance and he is not the usual living being: his hands serve as feet, his knees become heels since his natural heels and the ankles are either completely gone or else they are like appendages tied to the exterior, being dragged haphazardly as they can.
(Quat uni, 114, 18–115, 8)
Descriptions of this kind help the listener to gain a better idea of the strife suffered by those found on the outskirts of society because of their ill health or their social status, hopefully instilling in his audience a moral obligation to provide help and assistance. The very presence of such exhortations in Gregory’s and other bishops’ works proves, even more, the strong union between the role of a Christian leader and that of a pastor as perceived by these men. These descriptions also show to what extent the bishop had mastered the art of oration and how capable he was to bring together this skill with the current needs of his society:
Un sermon de ce genre […] nous montre en Grégoire un grand maître de la prédication, je veux dire un homme qui a su, en mêlant étroitement les idées, les images et les sentiments, créer une émotion, qui a été capable de tourner cette émotion vers une action efficace parce qu’il connaissait la façon de vivre et de sentir ceux qui l’écoutaient, et qu’il avait les yeux ouverts sur ce qui se passait dans les rues de sa ville.42

7. Conclusions

The analysis of these homilies can bring us to a number of conclusions, not only on the kind of moral teaching imparted by Gregory but also on what kind of preacher he was. Starting from the latter, we can say that even in the context of giving instructions on upright moral conduct he turns out to be very versatile: he is capable of being kind and gentle in admonishing his congregation on certain issues, but then he also knows how to be harsh when the issues in question are deemed by him to be more serious and can leave a more negative impact on his listeners’ lives—for example, putting faith in second place and abusing others through the misuse of wealth. Moving on to the content of his instruction, we can say that it is generally deeply rooted in sacred Scripture. Most of the examples presented are taken from the holy books, and straightforward explanations are put forward; here, Gregory’s intention is not biblical exegesis, as is the case in his homilies commenting on specific biblical passages or books. His use of narratives and stories, possibly made up or referring to actual events, help to keep the attention of the audience while keeping always to the subject being discussed. If we had to underline what kind of behavior he expected from his audience according to these homilies, we would summarize it as follows: proselytes are expected to receive baptism without delay in order to avoid losing their place in heaven and in order to be able to live truly Christian lives. Once baptism is received, Christians are expected to live a chaste life—according to their status, of course —and to be kind toward others and help them in any way they can, avoiding by all means any kind of abuse. Finally, they are expected to put the tenets of their beliefs first, avoiding any contact with their former pagan lifestyle.
It is not possible to say to what extent Gregory managed to bring his congregation to live according to the moral ethics he imparts in these sermons. We did say that he was a respected theologian, but, as we have seen, at times this kind of homage appears to have been absent in his own diocese, especially when his zeal led him to be a tad too patronizing for his people’s tastes. In any case, the very fact that these six sermons survived proves that for the centuries immediately following his death their contents were considered as being of value to Christianity, so even if it is questionable whether the bishop of Nyssa managed to bring a moral transformation in his audience,43 his efforts were most certainly better appreciated by posterity.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Notes

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Usur, 195, 7–10.
8
Bapt, 370, 24–25. “On voit se dessiner ici les traits d’un certain moralisme en même temps que s’ébauche une spéculation sur la diversité des conditions de l’âme après la mort.”, (Bernardi 1968, p. 301).
9
In actual fact, the two homilies known as “On the love for the poor” have different themes: one is on charity, the other is on respect for the sick, mostly lepers.
10
(Cassin 2011, p. 167). Translation: “Through these three texts there emerges, sometimes implicitly, sometimes explicitly, a guide for Christians’s behavior towards their brothers, based on the imitation of God’s conduct towards every man. Although the Bishop of Nyssa did not shrink from intimidation and recourse to frightening scenes from the Gospel texts on the end of times, he sought above all to encourage his listeners to become disciples of Christ, by conforming their actions to those of the Father”.
11
Cassin, 165.
12
13
14
Maraval suggests an earlier date, pre-376, because Gregory states that he had not yet suffered persecution, which he did in 376 when he was exiled. I do not find this convincing enough.
15
For further details on the contexts refer to Daniélou (1955, 1966) and the relative entries for these homilies in Mateo-Seco and Maspero (2010).
16
17
Even though in his treatise Gregory of Nyssa speaks clearly of universal salvation, he is equally clear on the eternity of hell in most of his sermons; see (Farrugia 2019).
18
In this, Gregory seems to anticipate Augustine’s doctrine of grace, which he put to writing in the early decades of the fifth century during and after the Pelagian controversy. Even though Gregory of Nyssa does not go anywhere close to Augustine’s extreme theories wherein grace is presented as the unique source through which man can do anything good, he still does seem to imply that grace cannot be achieved unless the person is baptized.
19
For a more in-depth study see (Farrugia 2022).
20
21
The title in Greek literally translates as “The person who commits impurity sins against his own body” but the examples presented in the content (the story of Joseph, the groomsman, the harlot) do not refer to masturbation but rather to sexual activity that requires complicity.
22
23
On the love of the poor: (Gregory of Nazianzus n.d.a); On baptism: (Gregory of Nazianzus n.d.b)
24
25
Usur, 195, 20–23.
26
27
28
“οἶδα γὰρ ὑμῶν τοὺς ὑπ’ὀδόντα γογγυσμούς” (“I know those of you who are murmuring between their teeth!”) (Usur, 206, 5–6).
29
Usur, 196, 10–11.
30
Usur, 199, 5–7.
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
Cast, 326, 4–6.
38
Cast, 326, 8–20.
39
Bernardi (1968, p. 299). Translation: “We will not find in Gregory the tone of impotence that we thought we sensed in his brother’s texts. […] the tone is as pressing here as there. It seems obvious that the ardour of the faithful to receive baptism has not made great progress and that the preacher feels obliged to deploy all the force of persuasion of which he is capable”.
40
Fornic, 213, 24–25 (“a slave of the sin which is most deprived of glory”); 22 (“shameful”).
41
A harsher reference to immodest behavior among his flock is found in Letter 11, speaking about the people of Nyssa to Eupatrius: “And we shall bear with rough Ithaca, rough not so much because of stones as of the behavior of its inhabitants, for there are many suitors in it who are the devourers of the possessions of the one whom they woo, insulting the bride by the very fact that they threaten the chaste woman with marriage, acting in a way worthy of a Melantho, I think, or some other such person, for there is no-one anywhere to bring them to their senses with his bow” (Epist XI, G.N.O. VIII/2, 42, 8–14). This implies that licentiousness was quite common in Nyssa and that the bishop was aware of it.
42
Bernardi (1968, p. 279). Translation: “A sermon of this kind […] shows us in Gregory a great master of preaching, I mean a man who knew how—by closely mixing ideas, images and feelings—to create an emotion, who was able to turn this emotion towards effective action because he knew the way of life and felt those who listened to him, and he had his eyes open to what was happening in the streets of his city”.
43

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