Abstract
As the world is becoming more globalised, intercultural competence development within higher education is at a crossroads between the competing aims of neoliberal and cultural social imaginaries. On the one end, the global market demands graduates that are interculturally competent. Higher education is attempting to meet this demand with internationalisation endeavours, specifically virtual exchange programmes. There exists a widely held assumption that these programmes will lead to intercultural competence development. However, this article questions this assumption due to the neoliberal hegemony within which higher education functions, which emphasises market rationales. This is placed in contrast to intercultural competence development within a humanistic educational setting, which emphasises cultural pluralism. A strong link is drawn between the importance of intercultural competence and the ability of graduates to navigate diverse cultural social imaginaries. This paper argues that the neoliberal social imaginary poses a risk of trivialising the humanistic meaning of intercultural competence development in higher education to mere neoliberal cosmopolitan capital for the human consumer.
1. Introduction
The globalised world demands specific skills of graduates, one being the ability to function effectively within intercultural situations (López-Rocha 2021). This skill is generally known as intercultural competence, which can be understood as “an individual’s ability to achieve their communication goals while using appropriate communication behaviours to negotiate between different identities within a culturally diverse environment” (Portalla and Chen 2010, p. 23). Especially within the neoliberal framework, intercultural competence has become a buzzword, a type of market capital that graduates need to be competitive within the greater globalised market (Mourão et al. 2022). Higher education has heeded this demand by increasingly incorporating intercultural competence development into its institutional strategies. One of the primary methods of doing this is through internationalisation endeavours.
There exist various forms of internationalisation, of which the most well known is study-abroad programmes. However, due to the cost of physical mobility, they tend to only be available to a privileged few. In response to this, higher education is increasingly investing in internationalisation at home initiatives. This includes internationalising curriculums and virtual exchange programmes. These virtual exchange programmes, for the context of this article, should be understood as technology-enabled, sustained collaborative, intercultural interaction between two or more culturally diverse and geographically separated groups of higher education students (Rubin 2017). A virtual exchange can be facilitated in various ways, but generally it is short term (6–12 weeks), co-taught multicultural and blended online coursework that bridges physical distance as well as academic disciplines (Haug 2017). The most crucial element is the collaboration between student groups, which can be synchronous or asynchronous.
A primary aim of virtual exchange programmes is the development of intercultural competence (hereafter referred to as ICC). Within higher education, and specifically virtual exchange discourse, there is a repeated assumption that these virtual exchange programmes will in most cases lead to ICC development (Duffy et al. 2022; López-Rocha 2021; Helm and O’Dowd 2020; Helm 2017). However, I question this assumption based on the neoliberal hegemony within which higher education internationalisation functions.1 I argue that the neoliberal framework and the neoliberal social imaginaries that exist within this context influence the degree to which the assumption can simply be accepted. I will first contextualise the importance of ICC in the pursuit of a culturally pluralistic society2 and the concept of social imaginaries, before continuing with the neoliberal social imaginary.
In this regard, this article will rely strongly on a formulation provided by Ten Kate and Van den Hemel (2019):
The 21st century so far has turned out to be a time of crossroads. On the one hand, neoliberal globalization continues to shape the way in which people, thoughts, ideas flow and interconnect. On the other hand, nationally or culturally oriented identifications are on the rise.(p. 259)
Using this image of the 21st century crossroads, this study will unpack the relationship between these elements and ICC. Firstly, the article will contextualise ICC and the importance thereof within the globalised world. It will explain the interrelated nature of lCC and culturally and religiously orientated identities and social imaginaries. The humanistic importance of ICC will be emphasised by arguing that ICC should be part of the competencies graduates will need to navigate a world of pluralistic identities. The article then moves to the second neoliberal crossroad and highlights the disjunction between the neoliberal hegemony in which higher education institutions function and the humanistic aims of ICC. Using the work of Kubota (2016) on the neoliberal study-abroad imaginary, this article will draw a parallel between Kubota’s imaginary and what I call the virtual exchange imaginary. I will conclude by questioning whether the supposed development of ICC3, specifically within internationalisation at home endeavours, is succeeding in a neoliberal aim, but perhaps running the risk of failing in a longer-term humanistic aim.
3. The Neoliberal Hegemony
This section will focus on the second road of Ten Kate and Van den Hemel’s crossroads: the neoliberal hegemony. Specifically, how the neoliberal framework, in which the internationalisation of higher education generally functions, frames the kind of intercultural competence students may acquire. Within this neoliberal framework, this section will continue to unpack why I question the assumed relationship between virtual exchange programmes (as part of internationalisation endeavours) and ICC development.
In the past decade, the discourse surrounding the internationalisation of higher education (hereafter referred to as IoHE) has changed from a focus on its benefits to growing critique of the ways in which countries and individual institutions interpret and manifest IoHE (De Wit 2010). Critical discussions of IoHE regularly raise concerns over the evolution of IoHE from a process that was geared towards academic, cultural and social pursuits to one that is increasingly characterized by economic gains, competition, status building, self-interest and commercialization (Bamberger et al. 2019; Robson and Wihlborg 2019). Scholars generally discuss these issues under a neoliberal umbrella. I will follow suit, although I will also be taking note of Teichler (2017), who cautions that it is still difficult to analyse to what extent actual institutional policies and activities are in line with neoliberal rhetoric and raises the point that institutional internationalisation strategies continue to vary substantially.
Economic and political rationales of internationalisation practice have become increasingly dominant (Bamberger et al. 2019; Brandenburg and De Wit 2011; Scott 2017; Robson and Wihlborg 2019). IoHE is steadily connected to, and being operationalised through, a hegemonic neoliberal framework (Bamberger et al. 2019; Robson and Wihlborg 2019). Rizvi and Lingard (2010) argue that neoliberalism and IoHE are so deeply intertwined because they are both strands of globalisation. Scott (2017) explains that IoHE is in its very nature linked to globalisation, but that the post-second war 20th century ideals of solidarity, mutual understanding, democracy and social justice became out of sync with new 21st century neoliberal forms of globalisation. He argues therefore that, in order to stay relevant in the 21st century globalised age ideology, IoHE increasingly focuses on new market imperatives such as wealth generation and competitiveness.
Linked to the neoliberal free market system, a prestigious and competitive culture has emerged within HE. In this culture, the worth of institutions is largely based on their international global rankings (Espeland et al. 2016). Ranking flows from a neoliberal discourse that values performativity in measurable outputs. The perception is that universities must now be “entrepreneurial and market-relevant” (Robson and Wihlborg 2019, p. 1); without this, they cannot be labelled as good or world-class. The pursuit of international students has only fuelled the strive to obtain these rankings (Robson and Wihlborg 2019). Kubota (2016) raised the concern that this leaves quality assurance to open competition, which means that higher education activities become part of unregulated market forces.
In the context of the European Union-funded project ‘Towards a European Framework for Community Engagement of Higher Education’ (TEFCE), Brandenburg et al. (2019) reviewed various European- and EU-funded projects to determine the extent of their social engagement and prioritisation. Their study showed little evidence that IoHE strategies systematically prioritise or address social issues. Only one project (EUniverCities) was identified, in which IoHE was considered to be “a valuable instrument to achieve social goals”. In a similar vein, Jacobs and Mitchell (2021) conducted a high-level review of all articles containing the word “internationalisation” published in University World News in 2020. They found that 44.8% of articles included themes of performativity and competition and concluded that “the dominant discourse in IoHE focuses on neoliberal objectives such as funding, rankings and the global competitiveness of both universities and graduates” (p. 23).
The findings above are unsettling, especially since the European Parliament study of 2015 explicitly updated the definition of internationalisation to include De Wit’s elaboration that internationalisation should “make a meaningful contribution to society”. It makes one wonder what meaningfulness in European HE signifies.
The neoliberal hegemony is also evident in IoHE research (Robson and Wihlborg 2019; Rizvi and Lingard 2010). As noted by Connell, “a first-order effect of the neoliberal turn is to instrumentalize research and teaching. Research that benefits a corporate or organizational interest, or fits a politician’s definition of national priorities, is encouraged” (Connell 2013). Robson and Wihlborg (2019) refer to this as a “neoliberal interpretation” of internationalisation research. The issue they raise is not that the topics are unimportant, but that they dominate research. Jooste and Heleta (2017) agree and quote Leonard Engel, executive director of the European Association for International Education, when he said that internationalisation topics are researched as entities in their own right and not within the global societal context. This prompts them to raise the question “Where is higher education internationalisation research in relation to global challenges such as conflict, poverty, environment, climate change, inequality, migration, xenophobia, political, and other kinds of oppression, and post-conflict reconstruction?” (p. 6).
The neoliberal trends we see in internationalisation extend deeply into education as a sector. Scholars are critical of the economic, competitive rationales, which they argue lessen the focus on academic quality and humanitarian pursuits such as intercultural competence and peacebuilding (Brandenburg et al. 2019; Bamberger et al. 2019). Rizvi (2007) criticised the overemphasis on neoliberal pursuits as distorting the purpose of education. Slaughter and Rhoades already noted in 2004 that universities seemed to be selling education as a commodity and no longer as a public good.
Nussbaum (2010) referred to this as the “Silent Crisis”. She explains that the need for profitability and competitiveness is leading to the humanistic aspects of science and social science7 losing their place in the curricula. She warns that this could lead to the world producing “generations of useful machines” rather than “complete citizens who can think for themselves, criticize tradition and understand the significance of other person’s suffering and achievements” (p. 2). Although it is above argument that pragmatic education is vital, we should caution that abilities associated with the humanities, which can be infused within other disciplines, are at risk of getting lost. Nussbaum contrasts this as an education for profitmaking and an education for inclusive citizenship, or what can be otherwise referred to as humanistic education. ICC, as it is imagined by Byram and others (as discussed in Section 2.1 above), is in its very essence part of the latter type of education.
Giannakakis (2020) supports Nussbaum’s sentiments. He contends that the neoliberal influence within education has become so profound that we are starting to question the very meaning and purpose of education. Following the work of Jose Ortega y Gasset, Giannakakis offers three primary but interrelated objectives of higher education, the first being education towards pragmatic ends that aligns more with neoliberal market demands (professional training), the purely theoretical side (e.g., basic research) and the third is cultural formation that forms part of the aims of humanistic education. The tension between the first and the last is the focus of this discussion. These two aspects should ideally complement each other or co-exist. However, we are increasingly seeing that the first is gaining preponderance over the latter (p. 366). Giannakakis contends that the fragile balance between these aspects has been “almost completely shattered by the ascent to hegemony of ‘excellence’” (p. 368), which has become the central principle guiding the governance of universities. Humanistic education is continuously being supplanted by what Giannakakis refers to as the “neoliberalisation of education” (p. 369). With this process, various practical implications arise, for example, alterations of institutional budgets to favour those programmes that have their basis in market mechanisms and demands.
The extent to which this is prevalent is still unclear; however, there is a visible pattern whereby the humanistic aspects of higher education, or humanistic education, are being neglected. ICC, in its humanistic sense, is therefore no longer aligned with the guiding principles of higher education, which are increasingly becoming neoliberal. I contend that the neoliberalisation of education has the potential to weaken the import and trivialise the humanistic meaning of ICC. However, the market version of ICC, focused on developing the human capital, as opposed to the human soul, remains in demand. Higher education is increasingly under pressure to promote entrepreneurship of the self and the neoliberal market demands. Fundamentally, the market has no specific need for graduates who value meaningful relationships with other cultures, who are actively a part of the pursuit of social justice, and who question ingrained systems and seek alternative experiences—all of which form part of humanistic education. It is in this context that I question whether ICC development as part of internationalisation endeavours and specifically virtual exchange programmes will be able to be the continuous, in-depth experience that has been described in the work of Byram, Deardorff and others (see Section 2.1 above). For this reason, we need further research into how ICC is developed in higher education in general and more specifically in virtual exchange projects.
3.1. The Neoliberal Social Imaginary
This article agrees with Ten Kate and Van den Hemel (2019) that this is a time of crossroads, in which there are distinct movements towards a globalised, neoliberal imaginary and that of culturally orientated identifications. On the neoliberal road, naturally, social imaginaries founded within neoliberal understandings will emerge. These social imaginaries see the world as a neoliberal market in which “every person is an entrepreneur of his or her existence” (Ten Kate and Van den Hemel 2019, p. 10), where personhood is defined as self-reliant individualism and every person acts in their own self-interest (Pickren 2018). This neoliberal social imaginary fashions the neoliberal graduate as one who can succeed in a globalised market (Smith and Samuell 2022) equipped with cosmopolitan traits, which include communication skills, a global mindset and intercultural competence (Kubota 2016). Being cosmopolitan is linked to imagined career benefits and constitutes part of neoliberal human capital (Kubota 2016). In this framework, productive human capital will invest in their education to be worth the neoliberal project (Smith and Samuell 2022). Higher education as part of the meta-narrative of neoliberalism needs to ensure that it offers avenues to obtain the neoliberal market demands or the cosmopolitan traits. Higher education institutions therefore strive to meet these market needs by focusing on various internationalisation efforts as ways to obtain cosmopolitan capital of which, arguably, the most well-known are study-abroad experiences.
Student mobility is closely tied to skills that constitute a part of neoliberal, human capital. However, the study-abroad initiatives are not without critique, especially regarding the perceived benefits of these exchanges. Kubota (2016) describes study-abroad programmes as embedded in the neoliberal ideology and the concept of social imaginary, which is formed and reinforced in the age of the internet via images, stories and narratives. She describes this as the “study abroad imaginary”:
“In either case, study abroad… is believed to provide a positive experience with many benefits, including linguistic, cultural, personal and career advantages. However, as the articles in this issue demonstrate, not all participants experience positive outcomes in actuality. In this sense, the beliefs about the benefits of study abroad are ideological constructs and they are translated into what Rizvi and Lingard (2010) call a social imaginary, influencing and reflecting people’s subjectivities, social relations and public policies”.(p. 349)
She describes the oft-mentioned benefits of studying abroad, for example, intercultural competence development, as being “fraught with complexities and contradictions” (p. 348). This widely spread discourse surrounding the perceived benefits of studying abroad justifies student mobility programmes, which in turn strengthens the idea of a social imaginary. She then illustrates that the benefits lack empirical support and career opportunities are not equally guaranteed for all participants as none of the benefits taken in isolation are sufficient for working internationally.
In a later work, Smith and Samuell (2022) elaborate on the study-abroad imaginary. They argue that higher education is marked by a human capital approach that relies on market-orientated learning systems. This approach makes it impossible to disassociate internationalisation social imaginaries that drive behavioural patterns from neoliberal dogma (Smith and Samuell 2022). With this understanding, they further write that study-abroad imaginaries strengthen the connection between the perceived benefits of internationalisation and the productive, neoliberal citizen. This influences the behaviour and choices of both students and higher education institutions.
3.2. The Virtual Exchange Social Imaginary
Drawing on both Kubuto’s work and the later work of Smith and Samuell (2022), I draw a parallel between the neoliberal study-abroad imaginary and the perceived benefits of virtual exchange programmes, which I will refer to as “the virtual exchange imaginary”.
As discussed in the Introduction, virtual exchange initiatives form part of many higher education internationalisation portfolios. They fall under the category of internationalisation at home, which are those initiatives that do not require physical mobility. Virtual exchange has many purported benefits, one of which is intercultural competence development. This assumption of a direct relationship between ICC development and participation in a virtual exchange programme is a widely held belief. This discourse has become a common way of thinking that guides practice and policies within the field of internationalisation and the perceived benefits of virtual exchange justify the funds allocated to these programmes. Virtual exchange programmes are conceived, designed and funded with this shared understanding in mind. In this sense, they constitute a social imaginary. The virtual exchange imaginary makes possible and legitimizes a range of practices within higher education internationalisation and is entrenched in the neoliberal hegemony of higher education.
When taking into account the gap between the assumed extent of ICC development and the actual development that is more likely to be of a superficial level, this article speculates that the VE experience is unlikely to cultivate lasting ICC development. The VE experience is also constrained in various ways that hinder ICC development, one of which is the limited time and interaction between students as well as the reality that VE is usually situated in a single context, exposing students to one, maybe two, cultures. This could be different if the process is institutionalised and becomes lengthier experiences that take place more than once within a student’s study period.
The concern in this neoliberal virtual exchange imaginary is not that VE programmes are being allocated funds, but the nature of the ICC development within the programmes. Neoliberalism is based on the ideal of profit, and every action must therefore ultimately be profitable (Ten Kate and Van den Hemel 2019, p. 10). Within this context, developing ICC for the humanitarian benefit, as discussed above, is not necessarily going to attract priority and funds to the extent it would if it forms part of the neoliberal package. Kubota (2016), drawing on the work of Kymlicka (2013, p. 113), argues that the neoliberal social imaginary has “replaced the type of diversity conceptualised by previous social liberalism with neoliberal multiculturalism ‘as a competitive asset for cosmopolitan market actors’”. Within the neoliberal framework, ICC is understood through a lens of self-interest, self-reliance and the bettering of oneself to be competitive within a globalised market. It is not ICC for the aims of understanding and decreasing prejudice, stereotyping and xenophobia. With this understanding in mind, the imaginaries and discourses surrounding virtual exchange/ICC envision a specific form of learning, driven not by a desire for cultural pluralism or any of the humanitarian aims of ICC but, perhaps, the need to secure competitive graduates for the global market order. The neoliberal aims of internationalisation do not focus “necessarily on exposure to diverse cultures and languages but the relatively unobtainable societal benefits of globalism that leave little space for critical interpretation” (Smith and Samuell 2022, p. 13). ICC development initiatives, when being fit into the neoliberal paradigm, run the risk of becoming cosmopolitan capital for the human consumer and higher education only needs to show that it is creating opportunities to develop these traits. However, creating ICC development opportunities in a way that ensures actual development is more time- and cost-consuming and would most likely not make sense within the neoliberal mindset.
Bruner (1996) supports this by explaining that the curricula in a given period reflects the ideals of dominant groups in society. Moreover, Bruner notes that “learning and thinking are always situated in a cultural setting and always dependent on the utilization of cultural resources” (p. 4). Therefore, higher education is materially shaped by the current economic, social and cultural discourse, which is embedded in the neoliberal paradigm. Education produces and reproduces existing power structures (O’Neill 2016) and it is for this reason we must be critical of the neoliberal imaginary within HE. There exists a great risk that ICC training becomes a box to tick during which superficial understanding of culture is acceptable, as opposed to the original aims of ICC development. In support of this view, Bennett and Kane (2011, p. 352) raised concerns that higher education fosters an “employability ethos for productivity and prosperity” where focus is on workplace competencies and not “on moral reasoning and sensitivity that are needed to nurture global citizens and civil societies” (Lilley et al. 2014, pp. 3–4).
Within this ethos, I venture that the extent to which actual development takes place becomes an afterthought. I therefore question the depths of these exchanges and the extent to which actual ICC development takes place. Students do perceive themselves as becoming more aware of cultural difference and stereotypes and report lower levels of prejudice, which all support the idea of navigating a pluralistic cultural world. However, this is, in many cases, superficial knowledge of culture. Various scholars have warned that such superficial knowledge may lead to cultural essentialism (Kubota 2016, pp. 7–8; Holliday et al. 2021).
4. Conclusions
In the globalised world, the market demands graduates who have certain cosmopolitan competencies, one of which is ICC. Higher education is attempting to meet this demand with various internationalisation endeavours. One example is virtual exchange programmes, where there now exists a widely held assumption that participation in such a programme will lead to ICC development. However, this article questions this assumption by analysing specifically the neoliberal social imaginary that underlies HE internationalisation. As the world is becoming more globalised, we are at a crossroads, and this article places ICC development within HE at the centre of this crossroads.
Firstly, the importance of ICC within the globalised world is contextualised outside neoliberal market demands, by placing it relative to culturally and nationally orientated identities. We live in a world that is increasingly defined by an us and them narrative. These narratives are partly based on specific social imaginaries. With the age of the internet, we are, perhaps for the first time in history, unable to isolate ourselves from the imaginaries of others, some of which can potentially be damaging to global peace and the survival of minorities and the vulnerable. We need graduates who can enter a world of division and pluralistic identities and be able to approach the “other” with the necessary skills, attitude and knowledge to find a middle ground. More than this, we need to develop a generation that is willing to look critically at their own identities and the leading imaginaries in which they function, and be able to reconstruct this. This article argues that ICC could be a vital part of the competencies graduates need to enable this, but that ICC development then needs to be performed within a humanistic framework with intentional educational programmes that take the concept of SI into account.
However, ICC development also forms part of the internationalisation endeavours that place it firmly on the neoliberal crossroad. Neoliberalism is less concerned with humanistic aims, and will emphasise economic rationales. ICC, within this framework, is not developed necessarily to navigate a world of pluralistic cultural social imaginaries and finding a place of peace and tolerance. ICC is developed because it has become a market need for workers to be able to effectively function within a culturally diverse work environment. Therefore, graduates need to only indicate that they have been exposed to an experience that potentially developed their ICC. Higher education needs to indicate that it provides this experience. Within this context, the neoliberal social imaginary surrounding international experiences has developed, in which there are certain assumed benefits to an international experience, without data to back this assumption. Kabuto and others write about the study-abroad imaginary and this article draws a comparison between that and the virtual exchange imaginary, which rests on the same assumptions. This article emphasises that the assumption of ICC development within virtual exchange programmes needs to be questioned because of the neoliberal framework in which it operates. We need to caution against ICC becoming mere neoliberal cosmopolitan capital for the human consumer.
This article links Ten Kate and Van den Hemel’s crossroads with the concept of ICC development in graduates. I argue that we need ICC graduates to successfully navigate the road of nationally and culturally orientated identities and social imaginaries, but that the second neoliberal crossroad within which ICC is currently being developed can be detrimental to this process as we are buying into the virtual exchange imaginary for neoliberal reasons, as opposed to developing lasting ICC within a humanistic context.
Funding
This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement
Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement
Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement
Not applicable.
Conflicts of Interest
The author declares no conflict or interest.
Notes
| 1 | The questioning is two-fold, based on both the neoliberal framework but also on the lack of empirical data to support the claim. The empirical critique is developed in a different article (Mitchell 2023). |
| 2 | It is here of importance to note the difference between the related concepts of cultural diversity and cultural pluralism. Diversity refers to the presence of a variety of differences among people, such as differences in race, ethnicity, gender, etc. There are various ways to deal with and approach cultural diversity, e.g., exclusion, assimilation and pluralism. Assimilation is often the desired and inevitable process, where immigrants of refugee groups, for example, would eventually become similar to the dominant group (Park and Judd 2005)—the so-called “melting pot’” that ultimately still represents the dominant culture (Bourne 1996). Cultural pluralism is an alternative response to diversity where individuals from different ethnic, racial, religious and linguistic backgrounds are able to maintain and express their cultural identities, while also participating in the larger society. It promotes the idea that not only can different cultures coexist in harmony but also that society can benefit from the richness and diversity of these cultures. This approach disregards assimilation. It is also a conscious inclusion and valuing of cultural differences and diversity in the learning environment and curriculum (Schachner et al. 2016). |
| 3 | It should be noted that any further reference to intercultural competence and the development thereof should be read as referring to the context of higher education and internationalisation at home endeavours. |
| 4 | See for example (Hoover 2020; Staudigl 2020; Van den Hemel 2018). |
| 5 | See Note 1 for the relation between diversity and pluralism. |
| 6 | See for example (Starkey 2022; Lilley et al. 2014; Rizvi 2008). |
| 7 | Nussbaum describes this as “…the imaginative, creative aspect and the aspect of rigorous critical thought”. (p. 2) |
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