How to Protect One’s Home in Medieval China? A Study of the Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng 佛說安宅神呪經

Abstract

The protection of one’s home and ensuring the safety of one’s family have been deep-rooted concerns throughout time and in all cultures. Ānzhái 安宅 (“pacifying one’s residence”) rituals can be traced to ancient China and are still practiced in contemporary China. In this study, we will focus on the Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng 佛說安宅神呪經 (AZSZJ; T.21, No. 1394), one of the extant Buddhist scriptures dealing with home protection. There have been (at least) two lines of transmission of ānzhái scriptures and on the basis of internal and external evidence, we project the compilation of the extant version of this text to include the late 6th century and mid 7th century and show that the scripture—in earlier catalogues labeled as “fake”—entered the Buddhist canon on the basis of a mistake or confusion by Míng Quán when he recorded it in his Dà-Zhōu kāndìng zhòngjīng mùlù 大周刊定眾經目錄. The main part of the study consists of an annotated translation of AZSZJ and a preliminary analysis of the difficult terminology appearing in parts of the text. In the last part, we discuss some aspects of the text’s traditional Chinese and Buddhist elements and how they were skillfully combined in order to make the overall text attractive for the medieval Chinese Buddhist community and to successfully compete with other contemporary ritual practices concerned with the safety of one’s home.

1. Introduction

The protection of one’s residence and the inhabitants dwelling in it has been a fundamental concern throughout various times and cultures and is of central importance for generating a feeling of safety and peace. In ancient and medieval China, people frequently resorted to religious practices to create this feeling of security and protect their family members against diseases and inauspicious events related to one’s home. These practices included mantic (e.g., the positioning of the house in its natural environment) and talismanic practices, prayers to spirits and deities, and “sorcery” or shamanistic rituals.1 Because popular beliefs frequently related the activities of malignant spirits and demons to the unstable conditions of one’s home and threats to its inhabitants, a special emphasis was placed on finding ways to deal with these potentially troublesome entities.

Ānzhái 安宅 is still an important notion in contemporary China, especially among villagers. Stephen Jones (2010) translates the term as “pacify the dwelling” (p. 78) or “settle the dwelling” (p. 192) and describes it as a folk Daoist exorcistic ritual during the construction of a building or even an entire village, with the aim of getting rid of evil influences.2

In this study of limited scope, our focus will be on the apocryphal Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng 佛說安宅神呪經, the main medieval Buddhist scripture on practices of pacifying one’s home, including an annotated translation, an attempt to date the compilation of the text, and a discussion of the factors that eventually enabled it to compete with other ritual practices deeply rooted in the Chinese medieval culture.

2. Previous Research on the AZSZJ

There is scholarly agreement that the so-called “sūtra” clearly includes elements that indicate a compilation process in China and therefore should be classified as an apocryphal scripture. However, there are differences concerning the dating and the identity of the scripture3.

Makita (1976) was one of the first who studied the AZSZJ in more detail, and on the basis of the Chinese names of the deities (e.g., qīnglóng 青龍, báihǔ 白虎, zhūquè 朱雀, xuánwǔ 玄武, liùjiǎ 六甲, etc.) mentioned in the scripture, he concluded that it must be an apocryphal sūtra. Although it is traditionally regarded as a translation of the Later Hàn dynasty, he observed that it is for the first time mentioned in the catalogues of the Suí dynasty. He also reflected on how the text was eventually included in the canonical sections of the Buddhist canons, and he observed that the Dà-Zhōu kāndìng zhòngjīng mùlù 大周刊定眾經目錄 based itself on the Lìdài sānbǎo jì 歷代三寶紀 and recorded the text as a “lost Mahāyāna sūtra translation” (dàshèng shīyì jīng 大乘失譯經). The Kāiyuán lù 開元錄 continued the interpretation of the Dà-Zhōu kāndìng zhòngjīng mùlù, and all Buddhist canons of the Sòng period onward subsequently included the text as a “real/true sūtra” (zhēnjīng 真經). However, Makita did not conduct a thorough investigation of the Lìdài sānbǎo jì itself, because the catalogue actually does not mention the AZSZJ (see our discussion below).

Dēngfú Xiāo (2003), likewise, regards the AZSZJ as a text with a compilation history in China. However, in contrast to the (Qímíng Zhāng 2011), he reverses the direction of influence and thinks that the rituals described in the text were influenced by Daoist sacrificial practices.

Qímíng Zhāng (2011) is of the opinion that the AZSZJ is the same scripture that is cited as Ānzhái zhòu in the Chū sānzàng jì jí. According to him, the text was forged during the Later Hàn period and reflects this period’s ideas concerning the protection of one’s home. He also emphasizes the impact of the AZSZJ on Daoist rituals of later periods.

Juān Xióng (2015) investigates three versions of the Fóshūo ānzhái shénzhòu jīng: the printed version (as included in the Taishō edition and other Buddhist canons), the version discovered in Dūnhuáng, and the manuscript extant in the Kongo-ji 金剛寺 in the vicinity of Ōsaka, Japan. Comparing the three versions, she argues that they belong to three lineages of transmission. She also points out that the references to the text greatly vary, indicating that the titles Ānzhái jīng, Ānzhái zhòu jīng, Ānzhái zhòufǎ, and Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng ultimately all refer to the same text. On the basis of an analysis of the vocabulary of the Kongo-ji version, she concludes that the text was composed not earlier than the Eastern Jìn, probably somewhere in the northern part of China.

Although the above scholars all agree that the AZSZJ constitutes an apocryphal scripture compiled in China, several problems concerning this text need further investigation. When and where was the text compiled? In the Buddhist catalogues, there are several other scriptures that include the term ānzhái 安宅. What is their relation to the AZSZJ? Additionally, according to Makita’s thorough study, the process of the transformation from a “fake/forged sūtra” to a “real/true sūtra” needs further clarification.

3. A Study of the AZSZJ Based on Medieval Buddhist Catalogues

An edition of the AZSZJ is included in Volume 21 of the Taishō canon, in the part on “esoteric teachings” (mìjiàobù 密教部). According to this edition, the text was rendered into Chinese during the Later Hàn dynasty by an anonymous translator (shī yì 失譯). However, according to historical catalogue entries, this early date of the translation is difficult to maintain, and most likely, it is a Chinese compilation dating from between the Northern and Southern dynasties (420–589) or from the Suí dynasty (581–618).

In Buddhist catalogues, there are several titles containing the phrase ānzhái 安宅, such as Qī fó ānzhái shénzhòu jīng 七佛安宅神呪經, Ānzhái zhòu [fǎ] 安宅呪 [法], Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng 佛說安宅神呪經, and Ānzhái jīng 安宅經. Given that the titles of these scriptures are all quite similar, it is easy to confuse them, and—as we will argue—this was exactly one of the reasons why the AZSZJ eventually became promoted as a “true sūtra”. Below, we will proceed with a critical discussion concerning the references to these works in the various catalogues, attempting to clarify the approximate time of composition and the path of development into a canonical text.

3.1. Sēngyòu’s 僧祐 Chū sānzàng jìjí 出三藏記集 (“Compilation of Notes on the Translation of the Tripiṭaka”; Liáng 梁 Dynasty, ca. 494–97)

References to a Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu 七佛安宅神呪 (“Spirit spell of the seven buddhas pacifying one’s residence”) in one fascicle and an Ānzhái zhòu 安宅呪 (“Spell for pacifying one’s residence”) in one fascicle appear in fascicle 4 of the catalogue, in the section Xīnjí xùzhuàn shīyì zájīng lù 新集續撰失譯雜經錄 which includes texts added after Dàoān’s catalogue (Zōnglǐ zhòngjīng mùlù綜理眾經目錄) was compiled, during the Jìn dynasty. Sēngyòu adds the following comment: “[These are texts that I] have newly collected; now there are these volumes (texts)”.4 (新集所得，今並有其本; T. 55, No. 2145, p. 32a1–2). In addition, he assumed that these scriptures were extracted and re-edited from larger compilations and that they might have undergone some modifications during this process; however, he by no means regarded them as forgeries (T. 55, No. 2145, p. 21b18–c9). On the basis of the inclusion in the catalogue of Sēngyòu and the fact that he claims that he had personally seen the texts, we may conclude that the two scriptures were not compiled later than the end of the 5th century.

3.2. Fǎjīng’s 法經 Zhòngjīng mùlù 眾經目錄 (“Catalogue of the Multitudes of [Buddhist] Scriptures”; Suí Dynasty, ca. 594)

Fǎjīng mentions the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu 七佛安宅神呪 in one fascicle in the part Zhòngjīng biéshēng 眾經別生 (“Scriptures produced separately”) of the section Dàshèng xiūduōluó zàng lù 大乘修多羅藏錄 (“Catalogue of Mahāyāna sūtras”), commenting the following: “All are extracted from the sūtras, but [I] have not seen the texts [myself]; thus, I attach them to this catalogue” (並是諸經所出，既未見本，且附斯錄。; T. 55, No. 2146, p. 126b2–3). This means that he also regarded the scriptures as authentic translations that were extracted from larger texts (biéshēng chāo 別生抄 or biéchāo jīngdiǎn 別抄經典) but at the same time as not being extant anymore.

By contrast, he identifies the Ānzhái jīng and the AZSZJ as “forgeries” by including them under the header Zhòngjīng wěiwàng 眾經偽妄 (“The scriptures which are inauthentic/false”) in the section Xiǎoshèng xiūduōluó zàng lù 小乘修多羅藏錄 (“Catalogue of sūtras of the Small Vehicle”) of the fourth fascicle. In this section, we also find Fǎjīng’s judgment on this type of scriptures (“Nowadays [these scriptures] should be hidden away, in order to save the world from troubles” 今宜祕寢，以救世患; T. 55, No. 2146, p. 139a11–12). It is indeed interesting that Fǎjīng lists the “fake” versions in the “Hīnayāna” section of his catalogue.

3.3. Fèi Chángfáng’s 費長房 Lìdài sānbǎo jì 歷代三寶記 (“A Record of the Three Treasures through the Ages”; Suí Dynasty; 597 CE)

Fèi Chángfáng also assumes that the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu and the Ānzhái zhòu belong to the category of lost translations. He includes both scriptures in the sections Yì jīng Hòu-Hàn 譯經後漢 and in the section Yì jīng Dōng-Jìn 譯經東晉, where the Ānzhái zhòu is registered as Ānzhái zhòu fǎ in the latter section. Importantly, the two titles are paired in both sections, and interestingly, Fèi assigns them to two time periods. Maybe one reason for the confusion was that he had not personally seen the texts (未覩經卷，空閲名題; T. 49, No. 2034, p. 55c12–13).

Although the Lìdài sānbǎo jì was composed 3 years after the Zhòng jīng mùlù, there is no mention of the Ānzhái jīng or AZSZJ. Possibly, these texts had been compiled only recently, and Fèi had not yet any knowledge of their existence.

3.4. Dàoxuān’s 道宣 Dà-Táng nèidiǎn lù 大唐內典錄 (“Catalogue of Canonical [Buddhist] Scriptures of the Great Táng”; 664 CE)

Dàoxuān preserves the information of the Lìdài sānbǎo jì concerning the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu and the Ānzhái zhòu[fǎ] and likewise includes references in two sections, the Hòu-Hàn chuán yì fójīng lù 後漢傳譯佛經錄 and the Dōng-Jìn cháo chuán yì fójīng lù 東晉朝傳譯佛經錄, consequently attributing the scriptures to two time periods (Later Hàn and Eastern Jìn). The information is identical in the latter, but in contrast, in the Hòu-Hàn chuán yì fójīng lù, there is only one main entry on the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu, and the Ānzhái zhòu fǎ is mentioned only in a note to it: “Furthermore, the Ānzhái zhòu fǎ circulated separately” (又安宅呪法別行; T. 55, No. 2149, p. 226a17). This probably means that Dàoxuān regarded the Ānzhái zhòu fǎ not as an independent text but rather as a part of the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu that was extracted and eventually independently circulated.

As for the AZSZJ and the Ānzhái jīng, the titles of these two texts are included in the Lìdài suǒ chū yíwěi jīng lùn lù 歷代所出疑偽經論錄 (“Catalogue of forged sūtras and śāstras composed throughout the ages”) section. He also notes that “they were scriptures circulating among the [general] populace”5 (人間經藏往往有之; T. 55, No. 2149, p. 336a16).

3.5. Míng Quán’s 明佺 Dà-Zhōu kāndìng zhòngjīng mùlù 大周刊定眾經目錄 (“Catalogues of Scriptures, Authorized by the Great Zhōu”; 695 CE)

This catalogue, compiled by Míng Quán, is of central importance for the study of the ānzhái scriptures in that it marks the beginning of significant changes concerning the view on the authenticity of the works. In the 11th fascicle of the catalogue, the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu jīng and the AZSZJ are included in the section “Lost Mahāyāna sūtra translations” (Dàshèng shī yì jīng 大乘失譯經), seemingly following the classification of the Lìdài sānbǎo jì 歷代三寶記, as he himself states. Míng Quán, however, does not record the title Ānzhái zhòu together with the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu jīng (as the other catalogues did) but instead records it with the title Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng (AZSZJ), probably confusing these two scriptures. He recognized that it is misleading to list the scriptures in two time periods (Late Hàn and Later Jìn), as initially listed by Fèi Chángfáng, and claims that both scriptures are a product of Hàn translation activities. In addition, he also includes the AZSZJ in fascicle 13, indicating that he had personally seen the scripture and was reconfirming the authenticity of the scripture as a Hàn translation. As for the text titled Ānzhái jīng, Míng Quán categorizes it as “fake” in fascicle 15 of his catalogue.

Importantly, the classification of the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng as zhēn 真 and its incorporation into the canon are rooted in Míng Quán’s (mis)interpretation.

3.6. Zhìshēng’s 智昇 Kāiyuán shìjiào lù 開元釋教錄 (“Catalogue of Śā[kyamuni]’s Teachings from the Kāiyuán Period”; 730 CE)

In his catalogue, Zhìshēng (669–740) follows the precedence of the Lìdài sānbǎo jì and mentions the Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu jīng in the sections on lost translations of both the Later Hàn and the Eastern Jìn. However, following Míng Quán, he points out the contradiction and he states the following in the section on lost translations of the Eastern Jìn: “[The scripture] is already included in the catalogue of the lost translations of the Later Hàn, and is [in this section] here registered again; therefore, one should know that this is a repetition” (後漢失譯錄中已有，此中復載，故知重也; T. 55, No. 2154, p. 509b27).

The title Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng appears several times in the catalogue:

• Fascicle 1, section “Lost translations of the Later Hàn,” with the comment: “It is also called Ānzhái zhòu fǎ, [Sēng]yòu referred to it as Ānzhái zhòu (亦云安宅呪法，祐云安宅呪; T. 55, No. 2154, p. 483c5);
• Fascicle 3, section “Lost translations of the Eastern Jìn,” with the comment: “The Ānzhái zhòu—it is already included in the ‘Lost translations’ of the Later Hàn [section]; here it is recorded again, and one should know that this is redundant” (安宅呪-後漢失譯錄中已有，此中復載，故知重也。; T. 55, No. 2154, p. 509b27);
• Fascicle 12, section “Single translations of Mahāyāna scriptures (there exists a volume/text)” (大乘經單譯（有本）, with the comment: “The Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng in one fascicle, a lost translation of the Later Hàn” (《安宅神呪經》一卷 ,後漢失譯; T. 55, No. 2154, p. 603c1);
• Fascicle 19, section Dàshèng rùzàng lù 大乘入藏錄: “The Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng in one fascicle, also referred as Ānzhái zhòu jīng” (《安宅神呪經》一卷（亦云《安宅呪經》）; T. 55, No. 2154, p. 687c23).

Thus, Zhìshēng perpetuates the “error” of Míng Quán’s catalogue, equating the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng and the Ānzhái zhòu. However, different from Míng Quán, who uses the title Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng and does not at all mention the title Ānzhái zhòu (replacing all instances of this title in previous catalogues with Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng), Zhìshēng uses both titles, obviously referring to the same text. Importantly, the text with the title Ānzhái zhòu marked as “authentic” (真) and “extant” (存) in the Kāiyuán shìjiào lù (as we show in

Table 1. Overview of the six catalogues compiled between the Liáng 梁 dynasty and the Táng 唐 dynasty with respect to the ānzhái 安宅 scriptures and the judgment whether they are “authentic” (zhēn 真) or “fake/not authentic/apocryphal” (wěi 偽), “extant” (cún 存), or “lost” (shī 失). Note the critical change in the classification of the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng from 偽 to 真 in the Dà-Zhōu kāndìng zhòngjīng mùlù and its subsequent “canonization.”

Scripture Title ⇒ Catalogue ⇓	七佛安宅神呪[經]		安宅呪[法]		[佛說]安宅神呪[經]6		安宅經
	真偽	存失	真偽	存失	真偽	存失	真偽	存失
出三藏記集	真	存	真	存	--	--	--	--
（法經）眾經目錄	真	失	--	--	偽	存	偽	存
歷代三寶記	真	失	真	失	--	--	--	--
大唐內典錄	真	失	真	失	偽	存	偽	存
大周刊定眾經目錄	真	失	--	--	真	存	偽	存
開元釋教錄	真	失	真	存	真	存	偽	存

) is not the text with the same name mentioned by Sēng Yòu, but rather, it refers to the AZSZJ.

In addition, a scripture by the name of Ānzhái jīng is recorded in fascicle 18, section Biélù zhōng wěi wàng luàn zhēn lù 別錄中偽妄亂真錄, with the comment “In the main catalogue the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng is different from this one” (正錄中《安宅神呪經》與此異 T. 55, No. 2154, p. 676a18). It can be concluded that Zhìshēng compared the two texts and must have found them significantly differing from each other.

According to the survey above, it seems feasible to assume that four types of ānzhái texts were circulating, belonging to two main lines of transmission, one deemed “authentic” and one deemed “fake/apocryphal.” The Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu jīng and the Ānzhái zhòu were considered as authentic but lost translations. These texts were probably based on material discussing the Indian practices of guarding one’s home against negative influences. However, because the scriptures are not extant, any assumption concerning their contents remains speculative.

By contrast, the Ānzhái jīng and the AZSZJ were consequently recorded as apocryphal texts, probably being compiled during the latter part of the Northern and Southern dynasties or the Suí period. Because of Míng Quán’s “error” or confusion, the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng was eventually equated with the lost text Ānzhái zhòu and consequently regarded as a product of Hàn dynasty translation activities, subsequently entering the Buddhist canon and being transmitted as such.

4. An Annotated Translation of the “Canonical” Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng

There are four extant versions/lines of transmission of the AZSZJ: (1) the version that was eventually integrated into the Buddhist canon (see the discussion above); (2) two nearly identical texts preserved among the Dūnhuáng manuscripts—S.2210 and P.3915;7 (3) three similar manuscript versions preserved in Japanese temple libraries;8 and (4) a printed version preserved at the library of Ōtani University 大谷大学, referred to as “Zhīfēng bùrǎn shì cáng běn 芝峰不染室藏本.” This version is very similar to the Taishō version, with some additional materials, such as the section with the title Ānzhái zhāi huìyí 安宅齋會儀.9

Compared with the canonical AZSJZ, the Dūnhuáng manuscript versions display significant differences.10 Importantly, in the opening passage (there is no general introductory section that would normally be typical for sūtras), Buddha laments the conditions in the world, stating that people are ignorant and deluded and that they lack faith in the Buddhist teachings (see also below). In addition, he criticizes masters who perform ānzhái practices with blood sacrifices (煞生禱祀; p. 3915-34v-03). On the basis of this observation, he decides to teach the proper performance of the rituals. The passage enumerating the various spirits and demons shows similarities to the canonical version. What is most significant is the fact, despite the term shénzhòu in the title, that there are no spells/dhāraṇīs included in the short text.

Another text with the title Fóshuō ānzhái shénzhòu jīng is preserved in the depository of the Kongo-ji 金剛寺.11 This version does not have an introductory part describing the setting of the sermon, but it starts with Buddha enumerating eight spirits who can cause trouble for residents, followed by recommending rituals that can ensure the safety of the residents. Subsequently, the Buddha addresses a group of spirits, a passage quite similar to those found in the canonical and Dūnhuáng versions, including the threat that their heads would crushed in the event that they acted against the commands of the Buddha. In the subsequent section, Buddha again warns against the performance of improper blood sacrifices and emphasizes that correct ānzhái practices must be carried out according to Buddhist ritual and ethical frameworks. Again, he commands the spirits not to cause mischief, with the threat of severe consequences. Alternatively, a successful pacification will entail all kinds of fortunes for the residence and its inhabitants, who ultimately “will practice like a Bodhisattva and attain the way just like the Buddha” (行如菩薩，得道如佛). The scripture just mentions spells (神咒願經安宅咒願) but does so without elaborating on them.

In the main part of the paper, we will focus on the extant canonical version of the scripture, as it is included in the current CBETA version of the Taishō canon, with an emphasis on translating the text, and we will analyze the content and terminology in the notes.

Although the AZSZJ was compiled in China, it features the typical structure of a sūtra, providing initial information on the location of the assembly (the Jetavana Anāthapiṇḍada-ārāma, a park near Śrāvastī), the manifold participants,12 and the occasion of the sermon; here, concretely, the 50 sons of the Licchavi13 clan elders initiate the sermon when they approach the Buddha in deep despair and raise a question concerning the safety of their homes and families.

[Occasion and initiation of the sermon]

At that time, the World-Honored One knew [the minds of the Licchavi sons] and therefore asked, “All of you sons of the elders! Why do you have this troubled appearance, [you seem to be] miserable and unhappy, and there is despair in your expressions?”

At that time, the sons of the elders14 univocally addressed the Buddha: “World-Honored One! We wonder when people reside in the world, are there frequently auspicious and inauspicious events concerning the homes of their families?” The Buddha answered: “All these matters are created based on the mental activities and dream-like thoughts (i.e., illusions) of the sentient beings; but it is not the case that [these phenomena] do not exist at all.”

爾時世尊知而故問：“諸長者子！以何因緣而有惱色，憂愁不樂，失於常容？”時諸長者子同聲俱白佛言：“世尊，未審人居世間，頗有家宅吉凶以不？”佛即答言：“如是諸事，皆由眾生心行夢想所造，不得都無。”15

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911b2–6)

[After the Buddha had emphasized the delusional nature of worldly things, he acknowledged that the auspiciousness of one’s home can indeed be a matter of concern for people. After the Licchavi offspring again complained about the deep suffering that they are exposed to in this world, they specifically bring up the problems related to dwelling safely in one’s home:]

The Licchavi16 addressed the Buddha: “World-Honored One! [Because your] disciples (i.e., we) received (i.e., accumulated) the most minute (lit. ‘tip of a hair’) merits in our former lives, we are [now] able to see the Tathāgata who in his mercy transforms (i.e., teaches) everybody without remainder,17 opens the gate of sweet dew,18 and moistens us with the rain of the Dharma. But what kind of crime have we committed, that we are born into this utmost evil world [stained with] the five defilements?19 [We have to] embrace worries and suffering,20 are terrified in innumerable ways, not [being able to] get rid [of all the troubles] for a single moment. The reason why we speak like this is that the disciples’ (i.e., our) virtue is shallow and our merits meek. [Therefore,] the frequency of disasters and irregularities related to the residences we live in is increasing. Day and night, evil demons vie with each other to intrude [our homes], [leading to that] sitting and lying down (i.e., the daily activities) are not safe, [and it feels] like embracing hot fire.21 Lately, we have lost our good hearts (i.e., wholesome thoughts) and have nothing to rely on. We just wish that you, the World-Honored One, accept our request and personally descend to our homes, and help us pacify our residences. [We ask you to] issue an order to all the home-guarding spirits and the tabooed ones22 during the four seasons to permanently protect us, causing us to be safe and auspicious day and night, and the disasters to disappear.”

諸離車等白佛言：“世尊！弟子等蒙宿緣一毫之福，得覩如來，慈化無遺，開甘露門，潤以法雨。復有何罪生此五濁極惡之世，懷憂抱苦，怖懼萬端，不捨須臾。所以言者，自惟弟子德淺福薄。所居舍宅，災怪頻疊。惡魔日夜競共侵陵，坐臥不安，如懷湯火。自頃已來，失去善心，無所恃怙。唯願世尊受弟子請，臨降所居，賜為安宅。勅諸守宅諸神及四時禁忌，常來榮衛，使日夜安吉，災禍消滅。”

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911b6–15)

[After accepting this call for help, the Buddha guides the audience to the dwellings of the Licchavi, expounds a sermon for them, and arouses a feeling of great delight in them. Subsequently, he summons all the protective spirits of the dwellings and issues a warning to them:]

The Buddha said, “Splendid, splendid! I will do what you ask for, and I know myself at what time”.23 In the morning of the next day, the World-Honored One gave an order to his disciples that each of them should straighten their garment and enter the village. Each [of the disciples] carried an alms’ bowl24 and went to the residences of the elders. After (jìbì 既畢) having eaten their meal, they arranged a wheel-turning seat, and [the Buddha] proclaimed the profound Dharma for the elders, causing them to get rid of their fears and making their body and mind delighted.25 At that time, the Licchavi all felt joyful, just like a monk entering the third dhyāna heaven.26

At that time, the World-Honored One then called all the spirits protecting the residences. When they arrived at the place of the Buddha, he told them the following: “From now onward, all these spirits and demons should not arbitrarily terrorize [the inhabitants]. If you [spirits and demons] should make somebody unsafe and constantly feel worried, I shall send spiritual beings of great powers to exterminate you, causing you to turn into dust!”

佛言：“善哉！善哉！當如汝說，吾自知時。”爾時世尊明旦勅諸弟子：“可各整衣服，當入聚落。各持應器，往至長者子舍。”飯食既畢，敷轉輪座，為諸長者說微妙法，令離怖畏身心悅樂。時諸離車各生歡喜，猶如比丘入第三禪。爾時世尊即呼守宅諸神，來到佛所，而告之言：“自今已後，是諸神鬼，不得妄作恐動，令某等不安，恒懷憂怖。吾當使大力鬼神，碎滅汝身，令如微塵。”

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911b15–24)

At that time, the World-Honored One furthermore addressed the assembly: Men of good families, women of good families: Five hundred years after my nirvāṇa, [because of] the sentient beings’ impurities, their perverted views will become increasingly intense27 and [the inhabitants of] Māra’s realm will vie with each other to rise, and the demons will be acting wildly. They will peak into the gates of people[’s residences] and wait for the right opportunity (sì biàn 伺便) [to intrude upon them]. They will search for people’s strong points and shortcomings (lit. “long and short”), and [if the right occasion arises] create problems and all kinds of difficulties for them. At that time, you, the disciples, should single-mindedly recollect the Buddha, recollect the Dharma, recollect the Sangha. [According to] purification rituals, maintain the three refuges and five precepts, the ten kinds of wholesome behavior, and the eight precepts of the one-day vow holder. During the six periods of day and night, venerate, do repentance, and persevere with a diligent mind. Invite a monk of pure conduct to arrange a ritual for pacifying the residence; burn plenty of high-grade incense and lit a continuously bright lantern;28 [in addition,] outside in the center court read this scripture.

爾時世尊復告大眾：諸善男子善女人等，吾涅槃後五百歲中，眾生垢重，邪見轉熾，魔道競興，妖魅妄作，闚人門戶各伺人便，覓人長短，為作不祥種種留難。當爾之時，是諸弟子，應當一心念佛、念法、念比丘僧，齋戒清淨奉持三歸五戒十善八關齋戒，日夕六時禮拜懺悔勤心精進，請清淨僧設安宅齋29，燒眾名香然燈續明，露出中庭讀是經典30。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911b25–c3)

[In the main part of the “sutra,” the Buddha enumerates the causes of the unsecure conditions of one’s home, mainly consisting of untimely construction work performed in a residence, thereby violating the spirits. The spirits involved are identified by their names, and all of them are drawn from the Indigenous Chinese pantheon:]

Ever since [the time] when people started building houses in order to dwell safely, [they] have constructed the southern covered hallway and the northern main hall, the eastern and western side mansions, the mansion for pounding rice, the storage room, the well, the stove, the gates and the walls, the garden groves and the ponds, as well as the enclosures for the six domestic animals. Sometimes, they move the earth when altering the building and drill holes at inappropriate times; sometimes they infringe on the Concealed Dragon,31 the Soaring Snake,32 the Azure Dragon, the White Tiger, the Vermilion Bird, the Black Tortoise,33 or offend the taboo of the liùjiǎ days,34 or the taboo of spirits of the twelve time periods of the day,35 the spirits of the gate, the courtyard, the windows, small alleys, the well, the stove, in the halls, the doors, and the toilet.

某等安居立宅已來，建立南庌北堂，東西之廂，碓磨倉庫，井竈門牆，園林池沼，六畜之欄。或復移房動土，穿鑿非時；或犯觸伏龍、騰蛇、青龍、白虎、朱雀、玄武、六甲禁忌、十二時神、門庭戶陌井竈精靈，堂上戶中溷邊之神。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911c3–c8)

This passage makes clear that the right timing during the construction of a residence is of paramount importance to not offending the various spirits.36 The specific use of the names of the spirits is an indication that the text is deeply rooted in traditional Chinese culture. The AZSZJ integrates these traditional Chinese imaginations concerning the spirits and their movements and concedes that an untimely encounter with the spirits of one’s home indeed can engender great danger. In addition to the Crouching Dragon and the Soaring Snake, the scripture mentions several other spirits of the Chinese cultural context, such as the “Spirit of the Day” (rìyóu 日遊),37 the “Month Killer” (yuèshā 月殺),38 the “Five Planets” (wǔxīng 五星),39 the “Twenty-Eight Constellations/Twenty-Eight (Lunar) Mansions” (èr shí bā xiù 二十八宿), and the “General of the Earth” (tǔfǔ jiāngjūn 土府將軍).

[After having elaborated on the reasons of inauspicious spirit activities, the Buddha evokes the power of the Buddhist teaching and “forbids” the demons to mingle with and cause trouble for his disciples:]

I now rely on the divine power (shénlì 神力) of all the buddhas and the dignified prajnaparamita-power40 of the bodhisattvas. I order now the protecting spirits, who dwell in front of the residence, behind the residence, to the left of the residence, to the right of the residence, in the middle of the residence; sons of spirits, mothers of spirits, the Concealed Dragon, the Soaring Snake, the tabooed ones (i.e., spirits) of the liùjiǎ days, the spirits of the twelve [two-hour] periods, evil spirits such as the Flying Corpse,41 demons such as the wǎngliǎng,42 who by seizing their shape take possession [of the residents].

From now on, you should not falsely mingle with my disciples. Sons of the spirits, mothers of the spirits, all the spirits in the residence, the witchcraft of evil demons,43 the wǎngliǎng spirits, and Māra the Evil One, each [should] exist there peacefully, and should not arbitrarily intrude on [the residents], causing trouble for them, and letting them be startled and terrified. You should conform to my teaching, and if you do not follow my teaching, I will cause your heads to be crushed into seven pieces, like the twigs of a palm tree!44

我今持諸佛神力，菩薩威光般若波羅蜜力。勅，宅前、宅後、宅左、宅右、宅中守宅神，神子、神母、伏龍、騰蛇、六甲禁忌、十二時神、飛屍邪忤，魍魎鬼神，因託形聲，寄名附著：自今已後，不得妄嬈我弟子等。神子、神母、宅中諸神、邪魅蠱道、魍魎弊魔，各安所在，不得妄相侵陵，為作衰惱，令某甲等，驚動怖畏。當如我教，若不順我語，令汝等頭破作七分，如多羅樹枝。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911c9–c16)

[Having proclaimed this warning against unrestrained spirits, the Buddha then recites the following spell:]

At that time, the World-Honored One proclaimed the following spell:

Hail (Skt. namu) to the buddhas of the four directions;45

Hail to the Dharma of the four directions;

Hail to the Sangha of the four directions.

Today, for the sake of disciple so-and-so (mǒujiǎ 某甲), I rely on the mighty power of the Buddha and expound the following supernatural (powerful) spell:

One-legged beings—don’t bother us!

Two-legged beings—don’t bother us!

Three-legged beings—don’t bother us!

Four-legged beings—don’t bother us!46

I have great kindness and compassion, taking pity on all sentient beings.

All of you evil demons, go back where you belong!

You must not deliberately disturb and harass my disciples!47

爾時世尊而說呪曰：

南無佛陀四野

南無達摩四野

南無僧伽四野

今為弟子某甲承佛威力而說神呪：

一足眾生莫惱我 二足眾生莫惱我

三足眾生莫惱我 四足眾生莫惱我

我有一切大慈大悲愍念一切眾生，汝等惡魔，各還所屬，不得橫忓，擾亂我弟子等。(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911c17–24)

[The second spell invokes four Dharma-protecting nāga kings and a “zone” magical spell. The names of these nāgas are quite unusual, and there is only one match in the canon for two of them.48]

The White-and-Black Dragon King

The Good Son Dragon King

The Blue Lotus Dragon King

Dragon King of the Dispassionate Lake

白黑龍王 善子龍王 漚鉢羅龍王 阿耨大龍王

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911c26–27)

The “zone” magical spell:49

The Bhagavat has arrived, the Bhagavat has arrived; svāha50! [??]

The great powerful Dragon King of the East—a zone of seven miles—adamantine residence51

The great powerful Dragon King of the South—a zone of seven miles—adamantine residence

The great powerful Dragon King of the West—a zone of seven miles—adamantine residence

The great powerful Dragon King of the North—a zone of seven miles—adamantine residence

Expound it three times like this.

結界呪文

伽婆致 伽婆致 悉波呵

東方大神龍王 七里結界 金剛宅

南方大神龍王 七里結界 金剛宅

西方大神龍王 七里結界 金剛宅

北方大神龍王 七里結界 金剛宅

如是三說

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911c28–912a4)

Deep mountains of the pójiū52 of the eastern direction—śālaka53—restrain your hundred spirits and attach a cangue to their necks!54

Deep mountains of the pójiū of the southern direction—śālaka—restrain your hundred spirits and attach a cangue to their necks!

Deep mountains of the pójiū of the western direction—śālaka—restrain your hundred spirits and attach a cangue to their necks!

Deep mountains of the pójiū of the northern direction—śālaka—restrain your hundred spirits and attach a cangue to their necks!

Repeat this three times.

[All of you spirits who] bring about [that residents] are sick, have headache, and that people’s residences are not secure: You should restrain all poisons (i.e., malicious deeds), and you should not vex my disciples. If you do not obey my spell, your heads shall be crushed into seven pieces!

東方婆鳩深山娑羅伽扠(=収)汝百鬼頸著枷

南方婆鳩深山娑羅伽扠(=収)汝百鬼頸著枷

西方婆鳩深山娑羅伽扠(=収)汝百鬼頸著枷

北方婆鳩深山娑羅伽扠(=収)汝百鬼頸著枷

如是三說

主疾病者，主頭痛者，主人舍宅門戶者，當歛諸毒，不得擾我諸弟子。若不順我呪，頭破作七分。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 912a5–12)

[Following the spells is a stanza of eight lines with 10 characters (two × five) each, with the MC rhymes -iajŋ/ian:55]

At that time, the World-Honored One spoke the following ghāta:

Building a residence and setting up the rooms—raising the sentient beings in peace;

The garden and the pond—the gate, walls, and56 the privy;

Planning (lit. “give rise to a thought”) to build the rooms of the residence—all [building] activities should be in correspondence with the sagely spirits;

Bowing to the ground and taking refuge in the Buddha—then the multitude of demons will not be able to [cause the buildings to] collapse;

The bright torch57 will be shining forever—and the Five Eyes58 will appear on the basis of this;

The power of the great spell of the Dharma-king—totally removes (lit. “move and destroy”) the infinite number of demons;

The compassion of the Tathāgata universally bestows happiness [to the sentient beings]—and his awe-inspiring light penetrates everywhere;

Don’t wait, all of you take refuge—and the multitude of evil [spirits] will by themselves move [away].

爾時世尊而說偈言：

造宅立堂宇 安育諸群生 /ʂiajŋ/

園林并池沼 門牆及與圊 /ts^hiajŋ/

起心興舍室 動靜應聖靈 /liajŋ/

稽首歸命佛 衆魔莫能傾 /k^hjwaijŋ/

明燈照無極 五眼因之生 /ʂiajŋ/

法王大呪力 動破魔億千 /ts^hian/

如來慈普潤 威光徹無邊 /pjian/

莫等咸歸命 衆邪各自遷 /ts^hian/

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 912a13–21)

[After the rhyming stanza, the Buddha again addresses all types of spirit beings and demons, followed by a passage somewhat repetitive of T. 21, No. 1394, p. 911c9–c16 (see above), and subsequently, another warning is issued to the spirits. In case spirits would still interfere, he advises the residents to burn incense and create a “safe perimeter” around the house that is impenetrable for malicious spiritual beings. Afterward, the Buddha enumerates all the positive outcomes resulting from a successful “Buddhist exorcism”.]

The Buddha told [the spirits of] the sun, the moon, the five planets, and twenty-eight constellations, the heavenly beings, spirits, nāgas and demons: You should not take control (qiánquè 前卻) of the home of so-and-so (i.e., somebody’s home)! [When the inhabitants] construct the eastern corridor, western corridor, southern veranda, and northern hall, I command you, the Spirit of the Day, the Month Killer, the General of the Earth, the White Dragon, the Azure Dragon, the White Tiger, the Vermilion Bird, the Black Tortoise, the murderous spirits of the year and month [?],59 the taboo of the liùjiǎ days, the Crouching Dragon of the Earth, do not create havoc anywhere (lit. “east and west”)!

佛告日月五星、二十八宿、天神龍鬼皆來受教明聽。佛告言：不得前却某甲之家。或作東廂西廂南 （庌）北堂，勅日遊月殺土府將軍、青龍白虎朱雀玄武、歲月劫殺六甲禁忌、土府伏龍莫妄東西。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 912a21–25)

If there is [still] any activity (dòngjìng 動靜) by the spirits, burn incense, and instruct [the spirits in the following way]:

The residence of so-and-so is the ground of the vajra of the Buddha,60 extending [in each direction] for 200 steps. The Buddha has made a pledge, that all disease-bringing demons and spirits should not be disobedient; the heads of those who are not obedient will be crushed into seven pieces,61 your bodies will not remain whole, and you will not get hold of broth (i.e., you will not have any basis for living and cannot survive), and you will have to leave your original mansion.62

若有動靜燒香啟聞：某甲宅舍，是佛金剛之地，面二百步。佛有約言，諸疫鬼神，不得妄忤，忤者頭破作七分，身不得全，不得水漿，去離本宮。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 912a21–28)

After [the construction of] one’s home has been completed, one will achieve good fortune and honors and auspicious promotions [in office], and the fields will greatly yield harvest according to one’s wishes. Honor and glory will pertain to military matters, to the service as official, and to one’s family, which will be prosperous and splendid. Among the countless descendants, the fathers will be merciful and the children filial. Sons and daughters will be loyal and dependable, the older brothers good-hearted and the younger brothers obedient. Honors, righteousness, benevolence, and virtuousness, everything will be according to one’s wishes. [The buddhas of] the ten directions will be witnesses (i.e., confirm that one will gain Buddhahood in the future), and practicing like the bodhisattvas, one will attain the way just as the Buddha did.

宅舍已成，富貴吉遷，田作大得，所願光榮，行來在軍，仕宦宜官，門戶昌熾，百子千孫，父慈子孝，男女忠貞，兄良弟順，崇義仁賢，所願如意。十方證明，行如菩薩，得道如佛。

(T. 21, No. 1394, p. 912a28–b3)

[Concluding part: Buddha recommends concrete procedures for pacifying one’s home/Buddha references two alternative titles of the scriptures/the audience praises the Buddha.]

Buddha told Ānan[da], “If you wish to pacify your residence, outside in the center courtyard, lit forty-nine torches, sweep [the ground] and burn incense; single-mindedly repent, and show reverence to all the buddhas of the ten directions.” Furthermore, Ānan[da] addressed the Buddha: “How shall we call this sūtra?” The Buddha told Ānan[da], “This sūtra is called the ‘The Inconceivable Divine Power of the Great Compassion of the Tathāgata.’ It is also called ‘The Divine Spell of Taking Pity on the Sentient Beings, Securing the Home, and Destroying Māra.’”

After the Buddha had finished expounding the sūtra, the great assembly rejoiced, venerated him, and made offerings.

The Sūtra Spoken by the Buddha of the Divine Spell for Securing the Residence.

佛告阿難，若欲安宅，露出中庭，然四十九燈，掃灑燒香，一心懺悔，禮十方諸佛。阿難又白佛言：當何名斯經？佛語阿難：此經名如來大悲不可思議神力。

亦名，愍念眾生安宅破魔神呪。佛說經竟，大眾歡喜，作禮奉行。

佛說安宅神呪經 (T. 21, No. 1394, p. 912b3–9)

5. The AZSZJ and the Introduction of Buddhist Practices for Pacifying One’s Home

5.1. Notes on Traditional Chinese Ideas Concerning Ānzhái

In traditional China, the notion of protecting one’s home was of great significance. Most importantly, in order to secure one’s home, the location for building or extending the mansion, as well as the right timing, are paramount.63

Among the Dūnhuáng manuscripts, there are several that provide important information on these traditional beliefs in medieval China. One example is P.3865 (the manuscript is dated to the 9th or 10th century) where the term zhái fǎ 宅法 (“the method of residences”) is discussed:

“The method of residences” is truly a secret technique. People certainly inhabit residences, there are just differences concerning the size, and concerning the nature of Yīn and Yáng [of the building]. Additionally, even if a guest dwells in a room [of one’s home], there will be still good and bad [influences on him]. If there is a major [influence on the inhabitants], then we talk about major [measures to be taken]. If there is a minor [influence on the inhabitants], then we talk about minor [measures to be taken]. If [the inhabitant] has offended against the prohibitions [concerning the residential spirits], then there will be disaster. If [these offenses] are warded off (zhèn 鎮), then the calamities can be stopped. It is just like the effect of a medicine for curing a disease. Therefore, the residence is the “origin” (or: foundation) of a person. A person makes a residence their home, and if the dwelling is peaceful, then the [subsequent] generations of the family will be prosperous. If [the residence] is not peaceful, then the clan will decline. The same holds true for graves in terms of their situation at riverbanks and mountains. As for the upper level [of society], such as the army and the state, subsequently [the intermediate level of society], such as the prefectures, counties, districts and cities, and those on the lower level [of society], such as the villages [when constructing] lanes, local offices, fences, and buildings on mountains, all are indeed examples of this (i.e., all of them have to obey the “method of residences”).

宅法，是真秘術。凡人所居，無不在宅。唯只大小不等，陰陽有殊。縱然客居一室之中，猶［有］善惡。大者大說，小者小論。犯者有災，鎮而禍止，亦猶藥病之效也。故宅者，人之本。人者以宅為家，居若安，即家代昌盛；若不吉，即門族衰微。墳墓川岡，並同茲説。上之軍國，次及州郡縣邑，下之村坊署柵乃至山居，但人所處皆其例焉。64

The above passage is an example of how much concern was devoted to securing one’s home and warding off negative influences; indeed, the future of one’s family depended on it. The text also indicates that specific measures are necessary to defend against concrete threats to one’s home (just like a medicine is effective against certain diseases). The materials on traditional methods related to home protection are highly diverse and complex, and naturally, they can be only superficially treated here. Below is one example of specific measures as proposed in P.4522V:

If the families of people have exhausted (lit. “emptied”) their resources, money and property have been lost, the members of the families are sick, or are not promoted in office. […] [As a remedy] use five liǎng of red orpiment, five liǎng of cinnabar, five liǎng of copper [?],65 five liǎng of white quartz, five liǎng of purple quartz (amethyst?), and insert these items above (lit. “to the right”) into a rock which you place in the center courtyard, and subsequently bury them three inches deep [together] with multicolored silk; [these measures] will cause the families of the people’s residences to be auspicious.

凡人家虛耗，錢財失，家口不徤，官職不遷……用雄黃五兩，朱砂五兩，砂青五兩，白石英五兩，紫石英五兩，右件等物，石函盛之，置中庭，以五色綵隨埋之，深三尺，令人宅家（吉）。66

According to the above descriptions, crystal-based substances, which are also used in traditional Chinese medicine, are “applied” to one’s residence to guarantee auspiciousness. This reminds us of methods that are usually associated with Daoism.

There is evidence that already in ancient China, people made use of talismans/amulets to protect their homes, such as in the Wǔyuè zhèn zhái fú 五岳鎮宅符 (Zhōuhuī Yáo 2004, p. 87) and the Zhèn zhái shíèr nián tǔ fǔ shén shā fú 鎮宅十二年土府神殺符 (Zhōuhuī Yáo 2004, p. 88). In the Dūnhuáng corpus, we also find information on fú (talismans) for the protection of homes, e.g., in P.3358. The Hù zhái shén lì juàn 護宅神曆卷 (see Figure 1) mentioned there is said to protect the inhabitations of a residence: “[As for] diseases, the talismans of the four corners [of the building] expel the hundred kinds of demons, and all evils will be eradicated” (病患，此神符鎮四角，除去百鬼，萬惡逍（消）除).67

5.2. A Short Discussion of the Indian Background

In the course of the introduction of Buddhism into Chinese society and the local religious landscape, many Buddhist concepts had to be adapted in order to be able to successfully compete with practices and ideas deeply rooted in Chinese traditional culture. The emergence of the apocryphal AZSZJ is a good example of the strategies that were used in order to adapt to the Chinese environment, promote Buddhist interpretations of Indigenous practices, and successfully participate in the religious market associated with these practices. In the case of the ānzhái practices, a radical reinterpretation was necessary because traditionally Buddhist scriptures were highly critical of magical practices and worldly concerns, such as the protection of one’s home and family. The abandonment of one’s home and all aspects related to owning a residence and to having a family are essential for becoming a monastic. Below, we cite a small selection of examples from the Buddhist canon illustrating this point:

Śramaṇa Gautama rejected drinking wine, did not get attached to fragrant flowers; did not watch [the performance of] songs and dances; did not sit on elevated seats; did not eat at inappropriate times; did not possess gold and silver; did not amass a wife or offspring, male servants, or maid servants; did not possess elephants and horses, pigs and goats, chickens and dogs, and birds and beasts; did not amass elephant riders, cavalry, charioteers, and infantry; and did not possess fields and residences, growing the five types of grains. […] These are the minor preconditions for observing the prohibitions.

沙門瞿曇捨離飲酒，不著香華，不觀歌舞，不坐高床，非時不食，不執金銀，不畜妻息、僮僕、婢使，不畜象馬、猪羊、鷄犬及諸鳥獸，不畜象兵、馬兵、車兵、步兵，不畜田宅種殖五穀……此是持戒小小因緣。

(Cháng āhán jīng 長阿含經; T. 1, No. 1, p. 89a5–14)

Thus, owning a home was regarded as an obstacle for the followers of the Buddha. The Fǎjù pìyù jīng 法句譬喻經 makes a clear statement concerning this matter:

You originally entered this mountain because of two matters (i.e., reasons). What are those two? First, you regard your wife and home as your prison and, second, your sons and relatives as your shackles. Thus, you came here to seek the way to disrupt the suffering from the cycle of life and death. But now you wish to return home, again becoming attached to the shackles and enter the prison; this [being immersed in] loving affection and caring feelings [for your family] will direct [you] toward hell.

卿本以二事故來入此山中。何等為二？一以妻婦舍宅為牢獄故，二以兒子眷屬為桎梏故。卿以是故來索求道，斷生死苦。方欲歸家，還著桎梏入牢獄中，恩愛戀慕徑趣地獄。

(T. 4, No. 211, p. 601a21–25)

Given this negative attitude concerning one’s home and family matters, from the perspective of “leaving home” (chūjiā 出家) and becoming a monastic without possessions and bonds to the family, the practices and rituals related to securing one’s home likewise face criticism, as in the following passage in the Dīrgha Āgama:

Non-Buddhist śrāmaṇera and brahmins eat the alms food of those of other faiths, [although] they practice a teaching which blocks the right way,68 and they do not earn their livelihood properly; some recite spells concerning water and fire, some make demonic incantations, some chant spells of the kśatriyas, some recite “elephant spells,” some spells concerning body parts, some talismanic spells concerning the pacification of one’s home […]. Śrāmaṇa Gautama does not involve in this kind of things (i.e., activities).

如餘沙門、婆羅門食他信施，行遮道法，邪命自活。或呪水火，或為鬼呪，或誦剎利呪，或誦象呪，或支節呪，或安宅符呪，…沙門瞿曇無如此事。

(Cháng āhán jīng 長阿含經, T. 1, No. 1, p. 89c5–10)

This passage emphasizes that incantations and talismanic practices concerning the protection of one’s home are “heretical” and regarded as something that should not be performed by Buddhist practitioners. This is also confirmed in the Dharmagupta-vinaya, where Buddha is asked whether it is proper to “recite spells from talismanic scriptures by non-Buddhists securing the auspiciousness and inauspiciousness of the home” (誦外道安置舍宅吉凶符書呪; Sìfēn lǜ 四分律; T. 22, No. 1428, p. 960c11–12), and Buddha answered with a firm “They should not do that!” (不應爾).

With the development of Buddhism, also other voices appeared in the canonical scriptures. Possibly, this reflects internal developments when Buddhism started to spread on a larger scale and when the groups of itinerant monastics who often had resided only temporarily at specific locations started to gather in monastery-like structures.69 Therefore, matters of choosing the proper location of a monastery or temple, as well as those securing the stability of it (including activities guaranteeing the economical survival of the community), received more attention. Although monastics were not expected to labor in the fields (because they incidentally could harm insects when toiling the ground), they still had to consider the following:

When bhikṣus involved in the construction are about to determine the foundation [of the structure], they should obtain an auspicious time according to the star [deities]; if there are no lay people around, they themselves should insert a peg into the land (lit. “with a peg nail the earth”) in order to demarcate the territory that they want to build on; if it is [only] four fingers deep, there is no offense [against the monastic rules].

若營作苾芻欲定基時，得好星候吉辰，無有淨人，應自以橛釘地欲記疆界，深四指者無犯

(Gēnběn shuō yīqiè yǒubù Pínàiyè 根本說一切有部毘奈耶, T. 23, No. 1442, p. 854b13–15)

In principle, the monastics should therefore not labor in the fields themselves, but on auspicious days with fitting astral constellations and with no acolytes available, the monastics could engage in building activities. Determining the appropriate days and securing an auspicious location thus became a focal concern.

Practices concerning ānzhái seem to be especially important in esoteric Buddhist scriptures, such as in the Bùkōng juànsuǒ shénbiàn zhēnyán jīng 不空羂索神變眞言經,70 which gives the following recommendation for securing one’s home:

If one protects one’s home, one should smear 1.800 stalks of lotus flowers with black sesame oil and recite the mantra of the “Mother dhāraṇī,” the secret mantra of the [true] mind, and the mantra of the fierce kings (mahārājas) and perform fire rituals;71 then, one will eradicate all disaster in one’s home.

若護宅者，當以蓮花一千八莖，塗黑芥子油，誦持母陀羅尼真言、祕密心真言、奮怒王真言，加持護摩，即除宅中一切災疾。

(T. 20, No. 1092, p. 267c10–13)

On the basis of a very preliminary survey of translated Buddhist texts, we observe a gradual shift in the attitude toward practices related to securing a private residence or a monastery, developments that seem to have been taken place in the Indian Buddhist context. In earlier translations, ānzhái practices are related to unorthodox and magical practices that ultimately are in conflict with the Vinaya rules. In addition, monastics “renounce home” and literally leave their residences behind (and all the persons and things attached to them). However, correlated with the spread and increased significance of Buddhism, key concerns of the lay community had to be taken into account (in addition to their faith in “magic” practices), among them the deep wish for the security of one’s family. In addition, originally itinerant monks started settling in permanent communities and building monastic structures whose auspiciousness needed to be secured by various practices. These rituals seem to have become especially important in the context of esoteric Buddhism. Despite certain changes reflected in translated Buddhist literature, the full adaptation to the Chinese religious environment necessitated the compilation of an Indigenous “sūtra” that specifically addressed the expectations of the targeted audience, integrating strategies that enabled a Buddhist ritual specifically for fully penetrating the Chinese religious market.

5.3. Concrete Strategies of the AZSZJ

Promoting a Buddhist version of ānzhái was a good method to expand Buddhist practices to an important ritual field and to potentially also recruit more followers of the Buddhist faith. On the other side, traditional ānzhái practices could be modified in order to conform to the ethical framework of Buddhism. According to the extant versions of the AZSZJ, the concrete strategies were as follows: a conceptual framework that was familiar to a Chinese audience was used, and the integration of the idea that the safety of one’s dwelling and one’s family was intimately tied to various factors represented by a group of calendric/astral spirits and demons. In the setting of the sermon, the concern about the safety of one’s residence is projected to a group of members of wealthy households in India during Buddha’s lifetime. The Buddha acknowledges the concern even though it is of a “worldly” nature, and this diverts from the predominant negative Buddhist attitude toward magical practices, such as those expressed in the popular Prajñāpāramitā sūtra: “These Bodhisattva Māhasattvas know that the intrinsic characteristics of all constituents of existence are empty/insubstantial; in the emptiness of all intrinsic characteristics one does not see anything having characteristics, and since one does not see any characteristics, one distances oneself from all kinds of improper livelihood, magical practices, medicine and prognostication” (是菩薩摩訶薩知一切法自相皆空，自相空中不見有相，不見相故，遠離種種邪命、呪術、醫藥、占相…; T. 6, No. 220, p. 674b25-27). However, in our apocryphal scripture, Buddha not only acknowledges the existence of forces that influence one’s safety at home but also concretely identifies the spirits and demons involved. Interestingly, no malignant demons are drawn from the rich Buddhist pantheon; instead, the specific spirits involved are exclusively integrated from the traditional Chinese background related to astral/calendric practices. These spirits were probably related to the safety of dwellings and graves during the Hàn dynasty, possibly at an even earlier date. An early mention of some of these spirits can be found in the Lùnhéng 論衡 (p. 1043): “The principal deities of a residence are twelve, the Azure Dragon and the White Tiger occupying the 12th position” (宅中主神有十二焉，青龍、白虎列十二位。). The “pantheon” of the protective spirits of residents was continuously expanded after the Hàn dynasty, and especially in Daoist scriptures, we find a multitude of spirits, e.g., in the Chì Sōngzǐ zhānglì 赤松子章曆 (pp. 199–200: 六甲、五土神王、中庭令長、夾門大夫、門丞戸尉、井竈精靈、青龍、白虎、朱雀、玄武、螣蛇、伏龍、太歲、太陰、太陽、司命、十二時辰將吏。). The spirit names found in the AZSZJ are clearly drawn from these traditions.

Promoting exclusively “Chinese” supernatural beings was certainly a conscious strategy in the compilation of the text: it enhances the attractiveness of using the scripture in a Chinese context and demonstrates the power of Buddhism to conquer and control Indigenous spirits. In this approach, the spirits are actually not exorcised but rather forcibly convinced to not infringe on households containing Buddhist followers and to peacefully coexist with them. Simultaneously, the efficacy is guaranteed only if the inhabitants accept certain calendric taboos related to building and renovation projects and follow the rituals prescribed in the AZSZJ. Therefore, success is promised only to those of Buddhist faith. In the scripture, the emphasis is on the power of the Buddha and the bodhisattvas (as well as a number of Buddhist protective deities featuring in the last part of the text), described as clearly exceeding the power of the “Chinese” spiritual beings; thus, the Buddha can issue authoritative “orders” (chìlìng 敕令), reminiscent of the orders issued by the emperor himself. Although an exact dating of the scripture is only hypothetical at this point, these main concerns give witness to the penetration of Buddhism into Chinese society reminiscent of developments during the Northern and Southern dynasties, when Buddhism absorbed and adapted to core concerns in Chinese society. This strategy was of course multifaceted and pertained to various fields, as evidenced by the large number of apocryphal texts produced and eventually circulating in China. In the scripture discussed here, both the inhabitants and the protective spirits are “converted” and accept the power of Buddhist rituals.72

While heavily adapting to the Indigenous Chinese conceptual (i.e., the world of Chinese demons and spirits) and material culture framework (i.e., the structure of Chinese residences), the original structure of a sūtra is adhered to, as well as a standard Buddhist ritual framework. In addition, the spells reflect Sanskrit sounds and names and must have sounded “exotic” to a Chinese audience. Thus, foreign and Indigenous elements are skillfully mixed. In this respect, we can observe a significant contrast to other versions of extant ānzhái scriptures, such as the Dūnhuáng and Japanese manuscript versions. Although some of the content overlaps, the versions seem to represent different lines of transmission. Their structure, for example, does not coherently follow the buildup of a Buddhist sūtra. In addition, the short Dūnhuáng version devotes considerable space to criticizing the stupidity of worldly concerns and the practices performed by heterodox teachers, especially the use of “blood sacrifices.” Mention of such a practice involving the sacrifice of animals, for example, can be found in another Dūnhuáng manuscript, P.2682, the Bái zé jīngguài tú 白澤精怪圖:

If the family is afraid without any obvious reason, then this is caused by the strange behavior of demon spirits. […] [As a remedy,] cut off the head of a chicken and place it above the door, pour the blood of a goose into a vessel, mix it with the husk of millet, and smear it on the gates, doors, wells, stove, and privy. Then there will be no harm.

人家無故恐者，皆是諸鬼精變恠使然……断鷄頭置門上，醘鵝血和黍糠以塗門户井竈溷，無咎矣。

Similarly, in the Tiān Lǎo shén guāng jīng 天老神光經, the Daoist adherent must pray to specific star deities for the safety of the residence and provide sacrificial items such as “five pieces of mutton, five cups of wine, five sheets of ceremonial paper, one bill of paper money, one candle, and one stick of incense” (羊肉炙五串，酒五盞，狀紙五張，紙錢一貼，燈一盞，香一炷。 p. 669).

These practices are for example criticized by Fǎlín 法琳 in his Biàn zhèng lùn 辯正論. He emphasizes that the offering of steamed fish (蒸魚), dried deer meat (鹿脯), and similar items are secular practices and should not be performed by those who have renounced home, because they will entail bad retribution (與俗並同，既非出家，具造邪業; T. 52, No. 2110, p. 500a5–6).

The canonical version of the AZSZJ does not directly criticize “heterodox” ānzhái practices. However, in the Dūnhuáng version of the text, this topic figures prominently and appears already at the beginning of the text. “Fake teachers” are accused of leading common people astray, and by performing rituals involving the sacrifice of animals, those participating involve themselves in sinful acts.

At that time, the Buddha addressed the great assembly: “People of the world are deluded by ignorance, those having faith in the Buddha are few, and those believing in mistaken [teachings] are many. Fake masters are deceitful and cause the people of the world to have nothing to rely on, and those foolish people of shallow knowledge are just like cows following their owner. Later, when they encounter inauspicious and adverse circumstances, they ask a master to pacify their home, and he performs a blood sacrifice. These are all deluded commoners, and the sins they accumulate are numerous. Today, I have compassion with them, and will concisely teach the method of pacifying one’s residence.”

爾時佛吿一切大眾：“世人愚惑，信佛者少，信邪者多。邪師欺誑，致使世人無所歸趣，淺識愚迷，如牛隨主。後不吉利，諸不諧偶，請師安宅，煞生禱祀。此皆誑惑凡人，獲罪不少。吾今愍之，略教安宅之法。”73

The Dūnhuáng version of the text provides us with the information that the Buddhist versions of ānzhái are direct reactions against folk religious and/or Daoist practices.74 Instead of involving various substances or even sacrifices in the rituals, the Buddhist scripture recommends a set of standard Buddhist rituals. Therefore, a Buddhist alternative for dealing with the important concern of the security of one’s family is offered on the Chinese religious market. One could argue that the “Buddhist method” proposed in the canonical version, consisting of instructions to maintain a pure lifestyle, keep the precepts designed for laypersons, perform repentance rituals, provide incense and flowers, engage in other devotional activities, and invite a monk to one’s residence, seems to involve a considerable investment of time and effort. Unfortunately, we do not have concrete information on whether the ritual program described in the text could successfully compete with other contemporary forms of methods for pacifying one’s residence. By contrast to the AZSZJ, rituals rooted in folk religion/Daoism seem to be somewhat simpler to perform; in addition, a great variety of rituals specialized on various aspects of home protection are known. Thus, the consumers of these services had a larger range of ritual products to choose from. However, contemporary Buddhist critics of these practices occasionally pointed out that the materials and substances necessary for some of these rituals could necessitate significant expenditures.75 The procedures recommended in the canonical AZSZJ are rather complex but did not necessarily involve high costs. However, the appearance of certain types of ānzhái scriptures, as evidenced by those in Dūnhuáng and the Japanese monastery libraries, was possibly motivated by the intention to further simplify and popularize the Buddhist methods of pacifying one’s residence.

6. Final Thoughts

On the basis of our study of the catalogues, we believe that there originally were (at least) two lines of transmission of sūtras concerned with the protection of one’s home. The Qīfó ānzhái shénzhòu (jīng) and the Ānzhái zhòu (fǎ) belong to the first group, representing scriptures that were translated from Indic sources and, as such, reflected a transmission from India or Central Asia concerning concepts and practices related to securing the safety of one’s residence and family. Unfortunately, these translated scriptures are not extant. The second group consists of the (Fó shuō) Ānzhái shénzhòu (jīng) and the Ānzhái jīng, which evidently show features that integrate traditional Chinese ideas concerning ānzhái practices into a Buddhist framework. They belong to the group of dubious or “fake” sūtras (wěi jīng) and were also labeled as such in Chinese catalogues of Buddhist scripture. However, how did the text(s) belonging to the second group eventually “enter the canon”? This is one of the main questions we have addressed in this paper. After examining the references to these scriptures in the various catalogues, we have come to the conclusion that this transformation happened on the basis of Míng Quán’s redefinition of the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng as a “true sūtra” (zhēn jīng) and equating it with the authentic, although not extant, Ānzhái zhòu. Simultaneously, the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng was now believed to be a product of Hàn dynasty translation activities. This conflation of the two texts was repeated in successive catalogues and subsequently facilitated the gradual acceptance of the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng into the canon as an authentic scripture.

Concerning the date of the composition of the extant version of the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng, only conjectures can be made at this point. However, the text is certainly not a product of the Hàn dynasty but was first mentioned at the end of the 6th century in the Zhòng jīng mùlù. Interestingly, the Lìdài sānbǎo jì, although compiled only 3 years later, does not mention the text. This is an indication that the text possibly was newly compiled at this point and had not yet been broadly circulated. On the basis of these observations, we tentatively date the compilation of the text to the end of the Liáng or beginning of the Suí period.

Whereas the formation of ideas on the protection of one’s residence can be traced back to ancient China, their origins as expressed in the extant versions of the Buddhist ānzhái scriptures are more difficult to determine with certainty. Translated Buddhist literature usually emphasizes the monastic ideal of renouncing one’s home/family (rather than protecting it), although we can occasionally find other voices, especially in “esoteric” texts, where the necessity of the security one’s residence is acknowledged not only for lay persons but also in the context of constructing monasteries. In China, these ideas became far more significant because there was already a vivid tradition of ānzhái practices, traceable to as early as the Hàn dynasty (and probably originating long before that). The Ānzhái shén zhòu jīng is thus a good example how Buddhism used ideas traceable to the Indian tradition and mixed them with Indigenous Chinese concepts and practices, adapted them to Buddhist ethical norms, and eventually competed with local traditions in terms of gaining full access to the contemporary “religious market” related to it. In this way, Buddhism did not leave these important concerns about the safety and well-being of one’s family to other agents in society but instead successfully appropriated and participated in this segment of religious practices mainly aimed at the laity.

Although the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng imitates the structure of a translated sūtra (as many so-called apocryphal texts do), it shows clear indications of “sinization” processes and an adaptation to the traditional Chinese concepts of protecting one’s home and family. In the text, we do not find any complex Buddhist doctrinal elaborations, and Buddha is not featured as an enlightened teacher. Rather, the “sūtra” emphasizes Buddha’s supernatural powers and describes him as an entity that can successfully control the activities of Indigenous Chinese malignant spirits and demons. Śākyamuni elaborates on appropriate practices to avoid the negative influences of coinhabiting spiritual beings (concretely, asking inhabitants to respect the taboo periods of the various spirits), as well as directly issuing severe warnings to disobedient demons. In this section of the text, Buddha is addressing the demons and exorcises them with the help of magical spells. The sage is depicted as the ultimate protector of residences and their inhabitants. The Chinese elements on the compilation of the text is also concretely evidenced by the integration of the names of important “local” spirits.

The scripture is also explicit about the method of protection. It suggests that faith in the Buddha and the Buddhist teachings is the precondition for protection against threats posed by intruding and disobedient spirits. In addition, specific rituals have to be performed, such as repentance, the recollection of the Three Jewels, and observing the precepts and regulations designed for the lay community. There are also clear instructions concerning rituals that have to be performed in the residences, ideally with the help of a member of the monastic community. The individual spirits are identified, and inauspicious days for construction work related to the activities of the respective demons are specified. Against this background, the Buddha introduces the magical spells that establish a protective zone around the residence. In this zone, spirits and demons cannot negatively impact the residents.

According to our preliminary investigation, the compilation process of the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng illustrates how traditional Chinese ideas concerning the protection of one’s family (especially against diseases, economical misfortune of the family members, and problems during childbirth) were absorbed and integrated into the “Buddhist” literary structure of texts and how they enriched the ritual framework (e.g., veneration, repentance rituals, the recitation of scriptures, the use of magical spells, etc.). By merging the ideas rooted in Chinese popular beliefs with an advanced ritual repertoire, Buddhists could thus successfully deal with deep-rooted concerns concerning the security of one’s home and one’s family and prove the flexibility of Buddhism in adjusting to the needs of Chinese lay believers. Although we do not have any concrete information on whether this approach was successful, the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng certainly aimed at attracting people to the Buddhist faith and gaining access to a profitable segment of the religious market. The significance of the ideas expressed in the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng is further confirmed by the versions discovered among the Dūnhuáng texts (e.g., S.2110 and P.3915), in addition to manuscript fragments discovered in Japanese temple libraries.76 These texts constitute simplified Buddhist approaches to the concept and practices of the pacification of residences.

In this paper of limited scope, we aimed at introducing a Buddhist approach to home protection in medieval China, represented by the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng. Addressing a lacuna in research of this important concept, especially in Western scholarship, we focused on the dating of the initial compilation of this apocryphon and on making this difficult text accessible by means of an annotated translation. In this initial study, other aspects could be only superficially touched upon and will necessitate more thorough research in the future, on the Indic background of ideas related to the security of one’s family, the traditional Chinese background, and especially the relationship between the Ānzhái shénzhòu jīng and similar folk religious/Daoist practices. In addition, the ānzhái materials preserved among the Dūnhuáng manuscripts and in Japanese monastery libraries will necessitate additional thorough research. Despite some preliminary attempts in Chinese and Japanese scholarship to research these aspects, these issues need far more attention.