Who Can Revive Buddhist Ordinations? Explaining the Eminence of Guxin Ruxin in Late Ming China

Abstract

Guxin Ruxin 古心如馨 (1541–1616) is credited with the revival of monastic ordinations, which ranks among the major breakthroughs of the late Ming Buddhist renewal. Despite the long-standing ban on ordination ceremonies, he managed to win the trust of fellow monastics, attract local patrons, and eventually gain imperial approval. This paper aims to unravel the reasons that this Vinaya master was recognized as legitimate by contemporaries and descendants, focusing on two key episodes in his hagiographies. In the first of them, Guxin Ruxin had a vision of Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī transmitting monastic precepts to him, whereas in the second one his identity as a reincarnation of Upāli was revealed through a miracle he performed during the restoration of Porcelain Pagoda in Nanjing. The research has shown that the second account was a later interpolation designed on the basis of the hagiography of another prominent monk, Xuelang Hong’en 雪浪洪恩 (1545–1607). By contrast, the first of the narratives, although heavily laden with the elements of local lore, could be a reflection of real experience. The inspiration Guxin Ruxin drew from it might explain his commitment to the cause of Vinaya revival and the ensuing charisma.

1. Introduction

The later decades of the Ming dynasty saw a surge of enthusiasm about Chinese Buddhism1, which led to the emergence of prominent masters and reintroduction of neglected traditions2. One such tradition was Vinaya, the study of disciplinary regulations and the mastery of formal action in the saṃgha. This revival of Vinaya3 was important not only because it reestablished the significance of discipline as a basic prerequisite of proper monastic life but also because it reinstated the practice of holding ordination ceremonies, a crucial element of securing succession in the Buddhist monastic order. The former of these achievements can be attributed to the collective effort of quite a number of monks4, whereas the architect of the new ordination system was Guxin Ruxin 古心如馨 (1541–1616)5. Although he had not received a proper ordination himself, he was recognized as a legitimate Vinaya master in his own lifetime, and the innovative ordination procedure6 he introduced became a nationwide standard. Moreover, his activities brought about a change in the Buddhist policy of Ming emperors. Ordering Guxin Ruxin to hold an official ordination ceremony, the Wanli emperor7 canceled the long-standing ban on ordinations imposed by the Jiajing emperor8. This paper explores the factors that led to this imperial recognition, focusing on key episodes in Guxin Ruxin’s life reflected in his hagiographies. What made Guxin Ruxin popular in his own day? How was his rise to prominence interpreted by later generations of hagiographers? Answering these questions will not only improve scholarly understanding of the late Ming Buddhist revival but also serve as a reference for the ongoing debate on the reintroduction of female ordination in a number of Buddhist traditions9.

In the Anglophone literature, Jiang Wu introduced a brief biography of Guxin Ruxin, mainly comprised of four events. Firstly, at an early age, Guxin Ruxin became a novice under Su’an Zhenjie 素庵真節 (1519–1593), abbot of Qixia Monastery 棲霞寺 in Nanjing. Secondly, the young monk traveled to Wutai Mountain 五臺山10, where he had a vision of Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī11 bestowing full precepts on him. Thirdly, in 1584, he came to reside in a small chapel called Gulin12 古林庵 in Nanjing, which he transformed into a monastery. Finally, in 1613, the Wanli emperor recognized his achievements and put him in charge of the official ordination ceremony on Wutai Mountain (Wu 2008, p. 30). As for the scholarship in Chinese and Japanese, Zhan Tianling introduced to his readers one more episode: through a miracle performed during the restoration of Porcelain Pagoda13 of Bao’en Monastery 報恩寺 in Nanjing, Guxin Ruxin was recognized as a reincarnation of Upāli, the disciple of Buddha Śākyamuni who was most erudite in the matters of Vinaya (Zhan 2007). The Chinese scholar also briefly discusses Guxin Ruxin’s only extant piece of writing, Jing Lü jiexiang busa guiyi 經律戒相布薩軌儀 (Poṣadha Ritual in Accord with the Characteristics of Precepts in Sūtra and Vinaya). The same pattern of exposition is followed by scholar monks Shengyan and Guodeng (Shengyan 1996, pp. 143–44, 149; Guodeng 2004, pp. 89–102). By contrast, Japanese scholar Hasebe Yūkei does not analyze the teaching of Guxin Ruxin, but rather focuses on meticulous calculation of various chronological points in his life (Hasebe 1992, pp. 195–96).

Except for the aforementioned ritual text, the lion’s share of information on Guxin Ruxin is available from sources in the form of hagiographies. The scholars have utilized or at least mentioned four such sources: Nanshan zongtong 南山宗統 (Genealogy of Nanshan School, pp. 19–20; henceforth NSZT), Lüzong dengpu 律宗燈譜 (Genealogy of the Lamp of the Vinaya School, B22, No. 118, pp. 710b–12a; henceforth LZDP; see Supplementary A3), Lümen zuting huizhi 律門祖庭匯志 (Collected Gazetteer of the Patriarchal Yard of the Vinaya School, pp. 23–26; henceforth LZH; see Supplementary A4), and Xinxu gaosengzhuan 新續高僧傳 (Newly Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks, B27, No. 151, pp. 232a–b). Taking these as a starting point, the present research adds two more sources and also draws the attention to the timing and circumstances of these compilations. The earliest source on Guxin Ruxin is probably his hagiography in the Qingliangshan zhi 清涼山志 (Gazetteer of Qingliang Mountain; henceforth QLSZ, pp. 146–47; see Supplementary A1). In a preface dated autumn 1596, Kongyin Zhencheng14, 空印鎮澄 (1547–1617) stated that he compiled the gazetteer at the request of Yuanguang 圓廣, abbot of Dabao Tayuan Monastery 大寶塔院寺 (QLSZ, pp. 8–9). The next version of the gazetteer was commissioned by the Kangxi emperor15, who provided a preface dated 1701 (QLSZ, p. 7). The hagiography of Guxin Ruxin in the QLSZ contains information on the ordination endorsed by the Wanli emperor, which was held in 1615. This means that the text of the hagiography in its present state could not have been included in Kongyin Zhencheng’s edition, and should have appeared only in the Kangxi edition. The important feature of this text, however, is that it differs from all the other hagiographies in its account of the details of Guxin Ruxin’s vision on Wutai Mountain. Thus, it should be considered an early version, which could probably have been composed on Wutai Mountain by Guxin Ruxin’s disciple Chengfang Yuanqing16 澄芳遠清 (d.u.).

The next early source is the Fanwangjing pusajie chujin 梵網經菩薩戒初津 (Initial Approach to Bodhisattva Precepts of Brahmā’s Net Sūtra X39, No. 700, pp. 159a–b; henceforth FPC; see Supplementary A2) written by Yijie Shuyu17, 宜潔書玉 (1645–1722), heir of Baohua18, 寶華 lineage and abbot of Zhaoqing Monastery 昭慶寺 in Hangzhou 杭州. This source includes three hagiographies of Vinaya school masters, i.e., Guxin Ruxin, his disciple Sanmei Jiguang 三昧寂光 (1580–1645), and the latter’s disciple Jianyue Duti 見月讀體 (1601–1679), who succeeded Sanmei Jiguang as the abbot of Baohua Mountain and was the master of Yijie Shuyu19. Chronologically, the following two sources are the aforementioned eighteenth-century genealogies of the Vinaya school. The first one, the NSZT, was compiled by yet another Baohua abbot Wenhai Fuju in the 1730–1740s. The second one, the LZDP, to a large extent drew on its material, being a compilation of Hengshi Yuanliang 恒實源諒 (1699–1765), abbot of Tanzhe Monastery20 潭柘寺 in Beijing, who represented a rival lineage of the Vinaya school. His preface to the genealogy is dated 1765. The hagiographies of Guxin Ruxin in these two sources generally coincide, with only slight differences that could be attributed to stylistic fashioning21.

Two more hagiographies of Guxin Ruxin appeared early in the twentieth century. The first source here is the LZH, written by Furen Renyou22 輔仁仁友 (1862–1929), abbot of Gulin Monastery, with a preface by the author dated 1905. As shown by the scholarship, the main purpose of Furen Renyu in composing this text was to foster the fame of Guxin Ruxin as the original revival of the Vinaya school and reestablish the status of Gulin Monastery as its ancestral seat (H. Ma 2014, p. 90). Although the LZH should be considered a late source compared to the late-seventeenth-century FPC and eighteenth-century genealogies NSZT and LZDP, its differing content represents a new turn in the understanding of Guxin Ruxin by his successors. By contrast, Xinxu gaosengzhuan, the second source of the early twentieth century, closely follows the text of the LZDP hagiography and thus does not add new value to the research.

This paper reveals that Guxin Ruxin’s hagiographies mainly focus on two miraculous episodes: on Wutai Mountain and at the restoration site of Porcelain Pagoda. The first one must have been based on a genuine experience of epiphany, which was utilized by later hagiographers to address the concern about the authenticity of Guxin Ruxin’s bhikṣu precepts. The second one was a later interpolation aimed at explaining the success of Guxin Ruxin among the monastics and lay patrons of the Jiangnan 江南 region. The introduction of this miracle entailed a shift in the time frame of the events of his life, as the hagiographers perhaps sought to move his arrival to Nanjing closer to the actual restoration of Porcelain Pagoda. Finally, it is possible to suggest that, rather than a single miraculous event, the true source of Guxin Ruxin’s success as a Vinaya patriarch was his long-lasting effort to propagate the importance of monastic precepts, probably inspired by a vision of Mañjuśrī on Wutai Mountain.

2. Vision of Mañjuśrī on Wutai Mountain

The sources unanimously state that after a certain period of study with his tonsure master, Guxin Ruxin undertook a three-year pilgrimage to Wutai Mountain where he met Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī. Nevertheless, the accounts of this encounter differ, especially between the QLSZ and the rest of the sources. This section traces the evolution of this episode in the hagiographies to highlight the methods and meaning of subsequent alterations. The hagiography in the QLSZ presents the experience of Guxin Ruxin on Wutai Mountain as follows:

As twilight encompassed the scenery, [he] lingered near Jingang Grotto23, gazing around. All of a sudden, [he] saw an old woman, her body withered and her hair white, wearing a tattered hat and dressed in rags, who came out of a grove holding a monk’s robe24. She called out to [Guxin Ru]xin saying: “Greatly virtuous one, [you] are doing homage in a sincere and diligent way, without fearing the hardship of labour. This Dharma robe of mine was previously received by my son, who died unexpectedly afterwards. Now it should be granted to you. It is difficult to see Mañjuśrī, and the hard toil might be wasted in vain. Even if you see the Bodhisattva without recognizing, what will be the benefit?” As [Guxin Ru]xin kept silence in hesitation, the old woman moved somewhat away and called out: “Greatly virtuous one, I am Mañjuśrī.” He rushed to catch up with her, but already lost sight of her, with only the robe left to him. Thereupon, he set off on the way back, shedding tears and bowing along the way.

Right at that time a monastery monk saw in a dream a spirit, who came with an admonition: “Reverent Upāli is coming. You and the others should hurry to welcome him and pay respects.” Through this [combination] of causes and conditions, the monks and disciples were all aware [of the arrival of Guxin Ruxin]. Along the road, countless men and women were making offerings with incense and flowers.

Therefore, [Guxin Ruxin] took up residence in Miaode Chapel25. Then [his presence] stimulated the emission of light from the five peaks [of Wutai Mountain], and [Guxin Ruxin] saw amid the precious light how the Mahasattva stretched out a hand and rubbed the crown of his head, which burst open [for him] the Dharma gate of the mind-grounds26.

The miraculous narrative about the events on Wutai Mountain clearly breaks down into three parts. In the first part, Guxin Ruxin encountered an old woman who handed over to him a monk’s robe, which used to belong to her late son. Then she cautioned Guxin Ruxin that Mañjuśrī is hard to see and even more difficult to recognize, and eventually proclaimed herself to be Mańjuśrī, disappearing immediately after that. In the second part, an unidentified monk of Miaode Chapel on Wutai Mountain received a warning from a spirit in a dream that Upāli was coming, and consequently everyone welcomed the approaching Guxin Ruxin as a reincarnation of Upāli. The third part described how, during Guxin Ruxin’s stay at the chapel, the peaks of Wutai Mountain shone with light, amid which Mañjuśrī appeared again and bestowed on him a deep understanding of the Bodhisattva precepts.

The hagiography in the FPC demonstrates significant changes compared to the above narrative. Specifying that Guxin Ruxin bowed every three steps during his three-year pilgrimage, it describes the events at the destination of his journey in the following way:

As he bowed to the middle of the mountain, he saw an old woman, who came out of a grove holding a monk’s robe. She asked: “Greatly virtuous one, [you] are doing homage in a sincere and diligent way. What are you seeking?” He replied: “I seek to see Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī personally bestowing great precepts [on me].” The old woman said: “If it is so, I now give you this Dharma robe. It is only that I am afraid that it is difficult to see the Bodhisattva, and even in case of seeing [you] might not recognize [him].” As patriarch [Guxin Ruxin] accepted the robe with his hands, the old woman pointed [at something] with her finger saying: “You want to see Mañjuśrī. Is that not him?” Just as the patriarch looked back, the old woman disappeared. The five peaks emitted light, which turned into a cloud canopy. The Bodhisattva cast down a hand from amid the light and rubbed the crown of the patriarch’s head saying: “Bhikṣu Guxin, Mañjuśrī has already bestowed the precepts on you.” At this uttering, the patriarch was suddenly awakened to the Dharma gate of the mind-grounds and the essential principle of the Vinaya.

This narrative visibly coincides with certain portions of the QLSZ text, and also presents the same plots of an old woman and a vision of Mañjuśrī in the sky. This testifies that it was either that the FPC utilized the text of the QLSZ, or both hagiographies originated from a common source. In spite of evident similarities, the FPC version shows major differences. Firstly, the events from the first and the third parts of the QLSZ version are merged into a single dramatic episode of a robe-granting old woman being immediately substituted by a celestial image of Mañjuśrī. This increases the emotional intensity of the scene, and provides additional proof that the old woman actually was Mañjuśrī. Secondly, the place names that appear in the QLSZ, such as Jingang Grotto and Miaode Chapel, are omitted in the FPC, which makes the scene less mundane and more fraught with symbolic meaning. Thirdly, the FPC utilizes Chan rhetoric to underscore the significance of Guxin Ruxin’s achievement. Such expressions as “at this uttering”27, “suddenly awakened,” and “essential principle” are obvious borrowings from the terminology typical of Chan descriptions of awakening.

Thirdly, the FPC changes the very meaning of the miracle. When explaining Guxin Ruxin’s motivation to undertake a pilgrimage to Wutai Mountain, the QLSZ stresses his desire to uphold Vinaya in the milieu dominated by doctrinal study: “At that time there were many who discussed sutras, but few who promoted Vinaya. [Guxin Ru]xin said with a sigh: ‘It is due to perseverance in Vinaya that Buddhadharma abides in the world. Why should [one] not specialize in Vinaya studies in order to repay the kindness of the Buddha?’” Conversely, the FPC puts this argument into the mouth of Guxin Ruxin’s tonsure master Su’an Zhenjie, depicting Guxin Ruxin’s reaction as resolutely making “a wish to see Mañjuśrī in order to receive personal transmission and obtain precepts.” Accordingly, within the miraculous encounter episode, the FPC introduces an utterance by Mañjuśrī explicitly proclaiming to have transmitted precepts to Guxin Ruxin. Thus, the whole episode starts to function as a testimony of the legitimacy for all of the ordinations that would be held by Guxin Ruxin later on. This point would be eagerly endorsed by later hagiographies in the LZDP and the LZH. Not only would they follow the dramatic single-episode strategy but also they would add more details, specifying that “at this uttering, the master was suddenly awakened to the Dharma gate of the mind-grounds of five types [of offenses]28 and three groups [of precepts]29 and witnessed the Vinaya of Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna suddenly flowing out of his chest. His heart was filled with great joy, which is beyond any comparison. In this way, master [Guxin Ru]xin obtained precepts from Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī!” Evidently, the later accounts employed more Vinaya terms in characterizing Guxin Ruxin’s insight and underscored the fact of the direct transmission of precepts from Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.

In the course of the above comparison between the QLSZ and the FPC narratives, the former appeared to reflect a more detailed, less glossed version of the story. However, such a proposition should also be treated with caution, as both place-names in the QLSZ hagiography, i.e., Miaode Chapel and Jingang Grotto, were at the time well-known sites with huge symbolic meaning, especially due to their connection with thaumaturges of earlier epochs and great monks of the late Ming. The QLSZ preserves three hagiographies of Tang monks30, in which the miracles happen exactly at Jingang Grotto, among which the story of Buddhapālita31 佛陀波利 (QLSZ, pp. 186–87) features some striking similarities to that of Guxin Ruxin. Hearing that there is an abode of Mañjuśrī in China, Buddhapālita, a North Indian monk, traveled to Wutai Mountain. “Having arrived to the southern part of [Wu]tai Mountain, he walked slowly along the Huyang ridge. While gazing up and down, [he saw that] the trees were reaching up into the clouds, and the land was covered with flowers… He suddenly saw an old man who came out of a gorge and spoke to [Buddha]pālita in the language of Brahmins.” The old man inquired whether he had brought a certain scripture, which the pilgrim had not. Then the old man reprimanded him saying: “Since you have not brought the scripture you have come in vain! What benefit could there be? Even if you were to see Manjuśrī, how would you recognize him?” Further in the story, Buddhapālita brought over the sutra and translated it32.” As the translation was completed, [Buddha]pālita went with his Sanskrit book to Wutai Mountain, where he entered Jingang Grotto and surprisingly did not come out33. The same hagiography reports an alternative version stating that when Buddhapālita entered the grotto, he saw a magnificent net of light. As he turned back to call out to his companions, the sagely scene disappeared. Then, Buddhapālita died in a sitting posture on the side of the rock.

Several points in this account have parallels in the hagiography of Guxin Ruxin. Firstly, Buddhapālita traveled to Wutai Mountain for the reason that it was the seat of Mañjuśrī. The QLSZ ascribes a similar motivation to Guxin Ruxin: “Having read the Avatamsaka [Sutra] up to the Dwelling Places of Bodhisattvas Chapter34, [he] came to know that Mahasattva Manjuśrī permanently abided on Qingliang [Mountain].” Although the FPC does not include this episode, it is preserved in all of the other hagiographies of Guxin Ruxin. Secondly, both pilgrims encounter elderly interlocutors who voice the same concern of seeing but not recognizing the Bodhisattva. Finally, Jingang Grotto features in both stories as a place where divine light was witnessed. On the one hand, it can be suggested that Guxin Ruxin was familiar with these legendary tropes, which could have influenced his experience on Wutai Mountain35. On the other hand, a considerable portion of the narrative might have been supplemented by the author of the hagiography in the QLSZ, the gazetteer of Wutai Mountain. Still, even if the latter be the case, there is no compelling evidence against the basic fact that Guxin Ruxin did go to Wutai Mountain and experience some kind of epiphany there.

The two remaining episodes of Guxin Ruxin’s stay at Wutai Mountain according to the QLSZ hagiography are dominated by supernatural events, which also turn out to be based on widespread tropes. The head-rubbing gesture is well known from sutras36, whereas prophetic dreams of a spirit (shen 神) are widespread in Buddhist hagiographies. More specifically, the hagiographies of two of Guxin Ruxin’s disciples feature such episodes. In the case of the aforementioned Chengfang Yuanqing, a spirit came to Guxin Ruxin in a dream to tell him that an emanation of Manjuśrī (i.e., Chengfang Yuanqing) was coming from Wutai Mountain, and instructed the Vinaya master to transmit ordination to him in an expedient way (QLSZ, p. 147; LZDP, p. 0715a). On the eve of the arrival at the capital of Dahui Yonghai 大會永海 (d. 1628/9), another disciple of Guxin Ruxin, Empress Dowager Cisheng37 慈聖 (1545–1614) dreamed about Chan master Niaochao38 鳥窠 coming from Wutai Mountain and subsequently installed the newly arrived monk as abbot of Minzhong Monastery39 愍忠寺 (LZDP, p. 0713a). Thus, the introduction of a prophetic dream was at that time used as a means to explain events that would otherwise seem a departure from the regular order of things. Notably, the FPC and the later hagiographies of Guxin Ruxin move the prophetic dream episode to another place and time, adding new characters and content. The next section examines the roots of and reasons for this change in the narrative.

3. Reconstruction of Porcelain Pagoda

Dewei Zhang began his monograph on the late Ming Buddhist revival with an illustration of the desperate condition of Jiangnan monasteries in the middle of the sixteenth century. He used as an example the plight of Bao’en Monastery, which, despite being a state-sponsored Buddhist site, was bogged down in debt after paying for the funeral of its abbot in 1565 and suffered further misfortune as a lightening-caused conflagration destroyed the main body of the monastery. At this point, Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清 (1546–1623) and Xuelang Hong’en 雪浪洪恩 (1545–1607), two young Bao’en monks, made a vow to rebuild the monastery (D. Zhang 2020, pp. xiii–xiv, 157–71). Whereas the former sought assistance at the imperial court, the latter chose to stay in the south (D. Zhang 2014, p. 276). Without considering the life of Xuelang Hong’en as a whole, this paper focuses on his effort to restore Porcelain Pagoda of Bao’en Monastery. This event is described in all of Guxin Ruxin’s hagiographies, except for the QLSZ version. As the FPC narrates:

At that time, Dharma master Xuelang [Hong’en] was fulfilling the decree to restore Changgan Precious Pagoda40. The construction was drawing to a close, with [only] the roof of the pagoda being hard to lift. [Xuelang Hong’en] spent day and night in dismay, hoping for compassionate response from buddhas. In a dream, he saw [Bodhisattva] Skanda41, who consoled him saying: “When reverent Upāli comes here, it will start to be possible to fulfill your wish.” Next morning, Vinaya patriarch [Guxin Ruxin], wearing a robe, holding a bowl and leaning on a walking stick, circumambulated the pagoda. Immediately, its roof got up. Immensely relieved, Dharma master [Xuelang Hong’en], along with monks and laypeople, burned incense in veneration now that they believed that [Guxin Ruxin] was a reincarnation of Upāli.

The LZDP version adds more details to the story. Firstly, it specifies that Xuelang Hong’en was supervising the construction works, but the actual person in charge was a Sichuan monk called Juchuan42 巨川. Secondly, Guxin Ruxin’s appearance is described in greater detail, as he entered the scene of events “with his head uncovered and his feet bare, leaning on a walking stick and holding a bowl, with a shoulder exposed.” These characteristics point to strict observance of Vinaya rules and thus explain why Xuelang Hong’en could have taken Guxin Ruxin for a reincarnation of Upāli. Thirdly, rather than acting on his own initiative, Guxin Ruxin is asked to assist by Xuelang Hong’en and leads the monks of the monastery to perform the circumambulation. Furthermore, the ascent of the roof is depicted more vividly, happening “in a soaring manner, like a bird hurrying to the nest.” Finally, Xuelang Hong’en is reported to have announced the content of his dream, testifying to the assembly that Guxin Ruxin was a reincarnation of Upāli.

On top of that, the LZDP developed the pagoda plotline by means of inserting a new episode elsewhere in the hagiography. Whereas the other versions were terse when recounting Guxin Ruxin’s studies as a novice under Su’an Zhenjie, the LZDP named him the seventh out of his master’s ten most prominent disciples, and relayed one occasion during their studies:

“At that time, master Su [’an Zhenjie] was lecturing on the Lotus [Sutra]. When he reached the Precious Pagoda chapter43, a precious pagoda was seen in the air. Monks and laypeople stared up and called it a rare [miracle], assuming it to be an unusual auspicious [sign that appeared as] a response to master [Su’an Zhenjie’s virtuous deed of expounding on the sutra].”

This very chapter of the sutra claims that a precious pagoda will appear wherever the Lotus Sutra is preached. In fact, the same episode is recorded in the hagiography of Su’an Zhenjie44 in Bu xu gaoseng zhuan 補續高僧傳 (Supplement to the Continuation of Biographies of Eminent Monks, X77, No. 1524, fascicle 5, p. 399a14–15). After exposing the sequence of main events in his life and providing the key dates, the hagiography lists four miracles performed by Su’an Zhenjie, three of which are connected with expounding on sutras, including the following:

One day as he was expounding on the Lotus [Sutra] up to the Precious Pagoda Chapter, a shining image was seen [hovering] in the air in a majestic way. Minister Wang Daokun45 made an inscription about it. The venerable minister organized non-discriminating assemblies twice at Jiaoshan of Xin’an. The people who saw [the miracle] numbered dozens of groups. They prostrated in front of the master to express gratitude for liberating them from suffering. The minister saw it in person.

As Bu xu gaoseng zhuan was compiled by Minghe 明河 (1588–1641) towards the end of the Ming dynasty46, it is most possible that the eighteenth-century author of Guxin Ruxin’s hagiography in the LZDP was able to draw on this material. Originally, this event was utilized among other miraculous episodes to underscore the spiritual achievements of Su’an Zhenjie. The most probable reason for its introduction into the hagiography of Guxin Ruxin should have been to hint at the later miracle at Porcelain Pagoda.

Evidently, the accounts of events in the QLSZ and the FPC contradict each other, with the former placing Guxin Ruxin’s recognition as Upāli at Wutai Mountain and the latter (followed by the LZDP and the LZH) claiming it to have happened in Nanjing. Fortunately, there are other sources describing the restoration of Porcelain Pagoda, which can be consulted to determine if Guxin Ruxin’s participation indeed took place. The aforementioned Hanshan Deqing recollected the story of Bao’en Monastery and its reconstruction in Xuelang Hong’en’s hagiography included in Hanshan laoren mengyouji 憨山老人夢遊集 (Dream Travels Collection of the Venerable Hanshan, fascicle 30, X73, No. 1456, pp. 676–79; henceforth MYJ; see Supplementary B1), a collection of Hanshan Deqing’s materials recorded and edited47 by his disciples and published posthumously48. Starting with the fire in the later years of the Jiajing period, the MYJ moves on to describe how Hanshan Deqing met Xuelang Hong’en on the route to the destination of his southern exile in the winter of 159549 and mourned the failure of his efforts to gain help at court. Finally, the successful restoration of Porcelain Pagoda is described as follows:

Three years after I crossed the mountain ridge, in wuxu year50, seeing that the top of the pagoda of our monastery got tilted, venerable [Xuelang Hong’en] rose with determination to restore it. In a short while, help came from the authorities, as censor venerable Zhu took up the initiative, and venerable [Xuelang Hong’en] personally went to see hundreds of people, one by one begging throughout the capital city [i.e., Nanjing, the southern capital]. In a short while, the hearts of people were aroused with enthusiasm, and the accumulated capital swiftly amounted to hundreds and thousands. Thereupon, the great construction commenced. The pagoda was twenty five zhang high, and the core beam required for fitting the roof was about seven zhang long. Since the scaffolds were only half of the height, it fell down like a mustard seed summoned by an [electrified] amber and a needle attracted by a magnet. The situation was difficult indeed! Getting greatly perplexed, venerable [Xuelang Hong’en] suddenly vomited several litres of blood, whereupon the core beam entered [the right position]. No one of those people who were on the scaffolds was even slightly wounded, being like birds settled on young branches. Was it not caused by the power of the mind [of Xuelang Hong’en]?!

Similar to the content analyzed above, this narrative also described a major hindrance Xuelang Hong’en encountered at the restoration of Porcelain Pagoda. It was impossible to lift the main beam to fix the roof of the pagoda, as the scaffolds were too low. The predicament was also resolved by a miracle. Another similarity between the two narratives is the comparison with birds. According to the LZDP, the roof of the pagoda went up “in a soaring manner, like a bird hurrying to the nest,” whereas the MYJ described the people on scaffolds, who safely survived the ascent of the beam, as “being like birds settled on young branches.” However, in the MYJ version, the beam miraculously fits in the place after desperate Xuelang Hong’en vomits blood, and the whole accomplishment is attributed to the power of his vow to restore the monastery, whereas Guxin Ruxin’s participation is not mentioned at all. Apparently, Hanshan Deqing did not witness the restoration in person, as he stayed in exile in the south51, so it might be suggested that he did not know the actual course of events and based his interpretation on the desire to laud his lifelong friend, Xuelang Hong’en.

Fortunately, in addition to the sources that might be corrupted by the personal connection between their authors and protagonists of the narratives, there is yet another early source that preserved the account of the restoration of Porcelain Pagoda. It is Kezuo zhuiyu 客座贅語 (Collected Talks with Sitting Guests; henceforth KZZY) by Gu Qiyuan52 顧起元 (1565–1628), whose preface is dated 1617. The events under our scrutiny appear in two consequent entries named Bao’en si ta 報恩寺塔 (Pagoda of the Bao’en Monastery) and Yi seng 異僧 (Unusual Monk) (KZZY, fascicle 7, pp. 55–57, see Supplementary B3). Gu Qiyuan starts his account by enumerating the dimensions, structures, and materials of the pagoda. Then he mentions the relic (śarīra, sheli 舍利) hidden within, referring to the practice of circumambulation of the pagoda and miraculous apparitions the relic was believed to produce. After that, he describes an interesting event that took place during a recent restoration:

In the gengshen year53 of Jiajing period, the monastery caught fire, which destroyed the protective railing around the pagoda. However, the pagoda stayed intact. In the middle of gengzi year54 of Wanli period, the roof-support beam of the pagoda got rotten by half, and the golden roof had tilted. Xuelang Hong’en enthusiastically set upon rectifying it, personally collecting donations that amounted to thousands of taels. Scaffolds were built to change the wooden roof-support beam, while the remaining funds were used to construct the railing of the pagoda, which regained its prior appearance. Earlier, I wrote a text to commemorate this.

Evidently, unlike Hanshan Deqing, Gu Qiyuan does not directly link the reconstruction of Porcelain Pagoda and the destruction of Bao’en Monastery by fire. For Hanshan Deqing, the calamity of the monastery and the vow to restore it was a logical prelude to the later repair of the pagoda. By contrast, according to Gu Qiyuan, the main structure of the pagoda did not suffer from the fire. Rather, the problem with the roof was a separate event, caused by a rotten support beam that required substitution. In the next entry, Gu Qiyuan discusses the participation of an unusual monk in the construction. Again, the troublesome beam is impossible to lift, and a helping hand appears.

When Xuelang [Hong’en] was repairing the pagoda, the erected scaffolds reached the same level as the roof of the pagoda. A monk from some region, who was residing under the guidance of Xuelang [Hong’en], was good at climbing high. At that time, it had just rained, and this monk put on shoes with nails, ascended to the ninth level of the pagoda, went out of the door, turned around and grabbed with his hands the eaves of the roof, pulled himself upwards, and got to the dew-receiver55 of the pagoda. People looking from beneath were shaking [with fear], but this monk moved back and forth and all around with the dexterity of a macaque, so easily as if he were on smooth ground, and everyone thought that he must have been a spirit. My younger brother Yuwang witnessed it with his own eyes. [When I learned this story from him,] I said that either this unusual monk should have had wings made of flesh on his sides or he should have been a man of exceptional courage56, or he should have been able to [miraculously] surmount walls. In short, there are many able and stalwart men in the school of Dharma.

The second part of the entry narrates a story about a Tang monk who lent assistance during construction in a monastery by aptly ascending the roof of a building57. Notably, Gu Qiyuan’s account follows the structure of this Tang story that first provided background information about the construction project, then described the clothing of the unusual monk, went on to narrate his movements, comparing his dexterity with that of monkeys, birds, spirits, and demons, and finally drew a conclusion. Unlike the hagiographies, this Tang story as well as Gu Qiyuan’s account refer to an unidentified monk and lack any traces of thaumaturgy, with no rituals performed and actions of the protagonist presented in a detailed and sober way. Moreover, Gu Qiyuan claimed that the scene was witnessed personally by his own brother, which may be quite true, as the KZZY, according to the preface, mainly consists of his discussions with visitors who came to see him while he stayed ill at home, and his brother could well have been among such guests. At this point, it may be suggested that the KZZY, finalized in 1617, was the earliest source to describe unusual events at Porcelain Pagoda, whereas all of the later hagiographical accounts borrowed its content to develop miraculous episodes. The same applies to one more source that features Guxin Ruxin at the site of Porcelain Pagoda. It is Jietan fu 戒壇賦 (Ordination Platform Poem) by Wang Gai58 (BHSZ, pp. 409–22, see Supplementary B4). The poem is preceded by an introduction, which delves directly into the Bao’en story:

In the past, when restoring the pagoda of Great Bao’en Monastery, great master Sanhuai59 was distressed by the failure to lift the roof. It coincided with Guxin [Ruxin]’s arrival from San Mountain, and as [Guxin Ruxin] made three bows, the roof was elevated. Thus he came to be famed as Upāli. As for Upāli, he was the origin of Vinaya. Prior to Guxin’s arrival, an entry into the dream was stimulated. At that time, in the depository of the pagoda an iron chest was found with the Baozhi shuojie tu inside, depicting the construction of a three-level ordination platform, with [Bao]zhi60 occupying the place of the presiding master and Vinaya master [Seng]you61 settled as an honoured witness…. Upon careful examination, Guxin [Ruxin] realized that the way he preached the precepts on San Mountain was merely a provisional [version] and wished to imitate the [depicted] system.”

The introduction goes on to narrate that Guxin Ruxin’s disciple Sanmei Jiguang replicated the ordination platform in wood on Baohua Mountain, whereas the next Baohua abbot Jianyue Duti built it in stone. Wang Gai described the structure of the platform and noted its popularity under Jianyue Duti and his successor Ding’an Deji 定菴德基 (1634–1700). Finally, Wang Gai made some observations on the origins of ordination platforms:

According to my research, ordination platforms started from Nanshan62, who lived by Linde period63. People believed that this is ancient, lacking the knowledge that [Bao]hua Mountain was opened [as a Buddhist site] since Baozhi, and the ordination platform follows the track of Baozhi. Should Tianjian64 period of Liang be compared with Linde period of Tang, will it not be more ancient? In the second month of spring of gengwu year65, I was passing by [Baohua Mountain] with my [travelling] umbrella and sandals. Taking a tour around [the mountain] and sighing with admiration, I stayed over for two consecutive nights. Venerable Ding [’an Deji] bade me to praise it in a poem.

At this point, the introduction ends, followed by the poem itself. Notably, the narrative of Guxin Ruxin is briefly outlined at the very start of the introduction, with the major nodes of the plot mentioned only in passing and in confused order (the dream is placed after the references to the elevation of the roof and recognition as Upāli). At the same time, a striking new detail is added. It turns out that while Guxin Ruxin was at the site, an important finding was made in the depository of the pagoda66, called Baozhi shuojie tu 寶誌說戒圖 (Illustration of Professing Precepts by Baozhi), which provided Guxin Ruxin with an authoritative source of establishing ordination platforms67. Even more importantly, the platforms that follow this design were constructed on Baohua Mountain, which meant that the roots of its ordination system stretch back in history to the times of Baozhi. This was an earlier time compared to the seventh-century life of Daoxuan, who was usually credited with establishing the Chinese style of ordination platforms. It can be observed how the Precious Pagoda miracle of Guxin Ruxin was borrowed in yet another narrative to serve an absolutely new purpose, now arguing for the ancient origin of ordinations at Baohua Mountain.

4. The Two Miracles and the Overall Timing

This section aims at understanding the place of the two miraculous episodes discussed above in the course of Guxin Ruxin’s life. Although the major episodes are mostly the same, the hagiographies suggest two versions with regard to the timing of the events. The QLSZ states that Guxin Ruxin took tonsure during the Jiajing reign, which could not be later than 1566, the last year of the Jiajing period. This was followed by three years of study under the tonsure master and three more years of pilgrimage to Wutai Mountain. Thus, the vision of Manjuśrī there could not have happened later than 1572. The consequent events are reported briefly as follows:

He travelled extensively, visiting many regions and [attracting] companions on the [Buddhist] path, who came to rely on him and trust him. He arrived in Jixiangli in Jinling, where he established a monastery named Gulin. Numerous disciples came, and many Dharma assemblies were held.

After this, the narrative directly moves on to dwell on the episode of imperial order to hold an official ordination on Wutai Mountain, for which a reference date is also left unspecified. The short account of the events between the vision of Manjuśrī and imperial patronage mainly includes three parts. Firstly, Guxin Ruxin traveled around the country attracting disciples. Secondly, he came to reside at Gulin Monastery in Nanjing (mentioned in the text with its old name Jinling). Thirdly, as he stayed there, a huge congregation gathered around him. Quite unexpectedly, the FPC hagiography departs from the timing suggested by the QLSZ by almost twenty years. It supplements Guxin Ruxin’s birth date, the 10th day of the 6th month of xinchou year of the Jiaxing period (3 July 1541), and explains his decision to renounce secular life:

His father died at an early [stage of his life], and he was raised by his mother. In renwu year68, his mother passed away too. Seeing the false and illusionary [nature] of secular connections, he sought to leave home [under the guidance of] Dharma master Su’an.

This passage indicates that Guxin Ruxin became a monk in 1582, which means that he was forty-one years old at the time. Moreover, when listing the life span and the length of other periods of his life, the hagiography states that the period when he was a tonsured monastic (randao 染道69) was 34 years. As his death year is reported to be yimao70 (approximately 1615), the 34 years since tonsure would start in 1581, which roughly coincides with 1582. The same timing is accepted by the LZDP hagiography, which omits the family background, but retains the “forty years of age” as the time of renunciation and 34 years as the period of being a tonsured person. Accordingly, this later time of tonsure shifts the time of receiving full precepts from Manjuśrī. The FPC and the LZDP state that Guxin Ruxin’s “period as an ordained monk”71 was 27 years, which points to its start in 1588, sixteen years after the latest date suggested by the QLSZ. Finally, yet another period in Guxin Ruxin’s life is the time of propagating precepts (hongjie 弘戒 or hongjie 宏戒). The FPC and the LZDP consider it to be 22 years and 25 years, respectively, which would mean the start of such activities in 1593 or 1590.

Surprisingly, the LZH, being a much later source, is in line with the QLSZ version as far as chronology is concerned. It borrowed the formula of “strongly believing in the Three Jewels while living at home” and deciding to renounce secular life from the LZDP, but substituted the age of forty with the age of twenty. Consistently, it switched the numbers in the periods of life. All in all, it denoted six periods: “monastic age” of 55 years (starting from 1560), “age with precepts” of 49 years (starting from 1566), “tonsure age” of 49 years again, “Dharma age” of 44 (starting in 1571), period of “proliferating precepts” of 43 (starting in 1573), and period of being an abbot of 32 years (starting in 1583). It also provided a date when Guxin Ruxin was invited to head Gulin Monastery, which happened in jiashen, the 11th year of Wanli period72, roughly corresponding to 1584. Thus, according to this list, Guxin Ruxin was tonsured in 1560 (which is in line with the QLSZ) and received full precepts from Manjuśrī in 1566 (six years later than 1560, which is also in accord with the QLSZ). Six years after his vision, Guxin Ruxin started to promote precepts (in 1573), which he continued for ten years until arriving at Nanjing to become the abbot of Gulin Monastery (in 1583). This is in sharp contrast to the claim of the FPC and the LZDP that Guxin Ruxin received tonsure in 1581/2 and started propagating precepts as late as 1590/3.

Among these two versions, the earlier one seems more plausible for two main reasons. Firstly, the death of the mother does not seem to be a viable explanation for a forty-year-old person to take tonsure. One might expect more remarks on his marital status and career vicissitudes. By contrast, a twenty-year-old orphan who loses his last kin is more likely to opt for monastic life. Secondly, 1584 is stated as the date when Guxin Ruxin became abbot in the LZH, the source compiled by a Gulin abbot, who was most probably well informed about the history of his temple. Unlike all the previous accounts of Guxin Ruxin’s life, the LZH specifies that he was invited by a monk called Jueming Xiang 覺明香 to head Gulin Chapel, which was a tiny establishment and probably a hereditary temple. The installment of an outstanding monk played a pivotal role in its transformation into a large monastery that attracted numerous disciples73.

At this point, one might ask about the reason that the events in Guxin Ruxin’s life were moved to a later stage by the author of the FPC hagiography. A tentative explanation might be connected with the episode of the Porcelain Pagoda restoration that he inserted into the narrative. Unlike the QLSZ, the FPC does not make any reference to Guxin Ruxin’s promoting Vinaya in various regions after the vision of Manjuśrī74. Instead, it makes do with a simple statement: “After that, [Guxin Ruxin] gradually returned to Jinling.” What is directly hooked to it is the whole Porcelain Pagoda episode, after which it is stated that “thereupon, [Guxin Ruxin] was invited to open an ordination [platform] at Gulin [Chapel]. Later on, he resided in more than thirty monasteries in the north and south.” This account implies that Guxin Ruxin almost immediately returned from Wutai Mountain to Nanjing, where he was swiftly recognized as a reincarnation of Upāli and embarked on a career as a Vinaya master. However, the actual restoration of Porcelain Pagoda was a rather late event. It may be out of desire to bring Guxin Ruxin’s arrival at Nanjing closer to it that the author of the FPC hagiography decided to shift the overall timing. This pattern stayed intact for the following two centuries, until the author of the LZH returned to the time frame of the QLSZ. Preserving the Porcelain Pagoda episode was not problematic, for now it was preceded by the invitation of Guxin Ruxin to Gulin Chapel. In this way, the Gulin abbot who wrote the LZH underscored the importance of Gulin as the starting point of Guxin Ruxin’s career in Jiangnan.

Should later interpolations be removed, what can be said about Guxin Ruxin’s life path? There is not much reason to doubt that Guxin Ruxin indeed had an unusual vision at Wutai Mountain, for many such visions had been recorded and a three-year pilgrimage is fairly likely to yield such an experience. Undoubtedly, the content of the vision should have been informed by his religious beliefs, and determining the proportion of legend filled in by later hagiographers is not of major importance. What does matter, however, is the confidence the vision must have inspired in Guxin Ruxin. Traveling around the country, he started to gain trust from other monks as a capable Vinaya master, and the installation as abbot in Nanjing gave a new boost to his career of promoting precepts in Jiangnan. Thus, it is self-confidence and genuine commitment to the cause of Vinaya that should be credited as the key factors of his success.

5. Conclusions

Guxin Ruxin is one of the key figures in the late Ming Buddhist revival, due to his contribution to the restoration of ordination ceremonies after a long-standing ban. Understanding the way the interrupted ordination lineage was restored is highly relevant today with regard to the debates of reviving bhikṣuṇī ordinations in several Buddhist traditions. However, the available sources, which are mostly hagiographies, are far from giving a direct answer to this question. Rather, they bear witness to several attempts at developing the narrative, thus not only (or even not so much) showing what happened during Guxin Ruxin’s life but also reflecting the vision of later hagiographers of what made him a trustworthy reviver of Vinaya. Concentrating on two crucial episodes in his life, as well as the overall layout of the texts, this research traces the alterations of the narrative and identifies possible reasons for such changes.

The authors of at least three out of the four hagiographies of Guxin Ruxin analyzed here were monks belonging to various lineages that originated from him. As the research has shown, these authors attached great importance to positioning the founding father of the revived Vinaya school as a person directly blessed by Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and recognized as a reincarnation of Buddha’s disciple Upāli. Using the classifications of monastic ideals suggested in scholarship75, it can be said that thaumaturgy was the top-ranking feature of this Vinaya patriarch in the eyes of his successors. One might expect a great master of Vinaya to excel in observing disciplinary rules or distinguish himself as an ingenuous commentator. Remarkably, asceticism and scholarship are allocated a much humbler place in the hagiographies of Guxin Ruxin, mostly mentioned in passing in the course of narrating the two key miracles.

This observation serves as a valid illustration of the saint-making mechanism described by Vincent Goossaert, David Ownby, and Ji Zhe. One of the factors at work here is charisma, defined as “the expectation of the extraordinary,” with a stress on the voluntary wish of the followers to subdue to the leader and recognize this figure as an extraordinary one (Ownby et al. 2016, pp. 16–17). The case of Guxin Ruxin shows how charisma works over time, when posthumous hagiographers are willing to add more and more details to depict him as a supernatural being. At the same time, they could not avoid mentioning that in the interim between the miraculous deeds, Guxin Ruxin traveled around the country attracting followers and promoted monastic precepts in several dozen monasteries. This tireless perseverance and personal commitment may have been the source of Guxin Ruxin’s charisma intravitam, making him a strong leader whose legacy would be consistently accepted and reinforced by the generations to come.