“The Light That Shineth in the Darkness”: Anglo-American Rural Missionaries and the Cuban Revolution
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Revolutionary Foundations of Protestantism in Cuba
3. Entangled with Corporate Sponsorship
4. Suffering in the Cuban Countryside
5. Women Missionaries’ Empathy for Suffering Cuban
Single women missionaries had a profound impact on the development of Cuban leaders. They founded community centers, schools, clinics, and chapels. They worked mostly in rural areas. They were multi-taskers, able to administer in a variety of ministries, serving as nurses, chaplains, teachers, and mechanics. Their influence among young men and women was profound…50
As long as capitalism can rape the forests and soils and waters of the world, the indigenous peoples will forever be obliged to toil to serve their money-making interests without sufficient compensation to the people of the land. Their experience is of being oppressed with little or no opportunity to share in the wealth that capitalism creates. This feeling of being suppressed makes for revolution.57
6. Rural Missionaries and the 1959 Cuban Revolution
…[Surely] you realise there are people who expect to be tortured and others who would be outraged by the idea. One never tortures except by a kind of mutual agreement…. The poor in my own country, in any Latin American country. The poor of central Europe and the Orient. Of course in your welfare states you have no poor, so you are untorturable. In Cuba the police can deal as harshly as they like with émigrés from Latin America and the Baltic States, but not with visitors from your country or Scandinavia. It is an instinctive matter on both sides…One reason why the West hates the great Communist states is that they do not recognise class-distinctions. Sometimes they torture the wrong people…Captain Segura to Mr. Wormhold (Greene 1958, pp. 164–65)
7. A Revolution Rooted in Protestant Values
8. Aftermath
I’ve been struggling with decisions concerning our future relations to work here…. [A]side from present nationalism, I doubt that the Cuban church needs what we can offer it. I feel that a missionary, in order to warrant his presence in another country, must be able to contribute something that possibly no other national might contribute at that particular time. He should be an expert in some line or pioneer in some field. Unless he can do that, he is competing with national pastors with the cards stacked against them for their salary is much lower and he often does not have access to funds from the states.78
9. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
1 | Eulalia Cook to Miss Marion Derby, ‘Missionary’s Annual Report—1958’, United Methodist Archive and Historical Society (hereafter UMAHS), Drew University, Madison, NJ, Board of Missions—New York City, 1189-2-1.29. |
2 | US corporations hoped to secure substantial investments in the Cuban economy by sponsoring foreign-managed schools, churches and clinics. These cultural institutions provided Cuba’s Anglo-American executives the social and religious comforts they expected as privileged outsiders. Further, they prepared a Cuban workforce for US companies by training Cuban and Caribbean students in Anglo-American ways of thinking, communicating and working. Finally, they created opportunities for socio-economic partnerships between Anglo-American and Cuban professionals who would become fluent in English and comfortable with Anglo-American norms. Cubans educated by US nationals, and to a lesser degree by Brits and Canadians, became personally invested in cultivating the authority of Anglo-American knowledge and culture as their own elevated position in Cuban society depended on the persistence of foreign influence, which they were trained to accommodate. Thus, many Cubans became eager to participate in the “development” of their nation by acquiring foreign skills-sets that would enhance their financial and social prospects. Cubans from a range of socioeconomic backgrounds enthusiastically enrolled themselves (or their children) in institutions managed by Anglo-Americans. Most of these influential cultural institutions were affiliated with a diverse assortment of US Protestant traditions. Missionaries thereby played a crucial role in attempts to reproduce and normalize US imperialism. (Crahan 1978; Vega-Suñol 2004; Yaremko 2000); Samuel Finesurrey, Cuba’s Anglo-American Colony in Times of Revolution (1952–1961), Unpublished Dissertation, University of North Carolina, (Chapel Hill, NC: Carolina Digital Repository, 2018). |
3 | The term Anglo-American will be used throughout this article because English speaking Caucasians from the US, UK, and Canada considered themselves a cohesive community on the island. The North American and British administrators of mostly US corporations in Cuba, along with their families made up a vast the majority of the Anglo-American population on the island. The 1953 Census indicates that in the province of Oriente, around which this article focused, only 39 Canadians established residence. British subjects in the region totaled 7047, including low-paid black labor from the British Caribbean. At this time, there were 1624 US nationals in the region of Oriente—close to a quarter of the total US residential community on the island (6503). On the entire island, there were 272 Canadians and 14,421 documented British subjects in total (Oficina Nacional de los Censos Demográfico y Electoral 1953). |
4 | There is a significant divide in the ecumenical and evangelical missionary traditions. The ecumenical denominations, which are the focus of this article, worked to address the social needs of those they served, while the evangelical communities centered their attention on conversion to save the souls. |
5 | Hollinger is certainly not alone in showing the influence of missionaries and Protestantism more generally over the foreign policy of the United States. Andrew Preston’s significant work, The Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith exposes that Protestant influence over US foreign policy remained consistent throughout US history. (Preston 2012). |
6 | A shared hatred for the Catholic Church between Protestants and Free Masons led to an “unofficial alliance” between the two groups with many early Cuban pastors being active Masons. The tensions between Catholics and Protestants would last until the overwhelmingly Spanish clergy began being replaced by French Canadians. Far more comfortable with Protestants, especially those from the United States and Canada, relations between the two groups improved after the arrival of the North American clergy. (Ramos 1989, pp. 37, 45). |
7 | While before 1898 Cubans became pastors and leaders in Protestant institutions, Spanish priests still filled the ranks of the conservative Catholic Church in Cuba. (Pérez 1999, p. 255). |
8 | Louis A. Pérez explains, “The Protestant call for religious freedom complemented the Cuban demand for national independence, and increasingly one became the extension of the other: Cuban anti-Spanish politics generalized easily to anti-church sentiments, and Protestant anti-church sentiments expanded naturally to anti-Spanish views”. (Pérez 1995, p. 58). |
9 | Provided by Rafael Manuel Rábade Guntin. |
10 | By the 1950s, most foreign corporations supporting Anglo-American missionaries—just as most, though not all of the missionaries themselves—came from the United States. In 1939 Canadian enterprises held ten sugar mills in Cuba and English entities held four. Meanwhile, US capital held sixty-six. By 1959, the increase in Cuban control of sugar production meant no sugar mills were held by countries of the British Commonwealth, and only 39 belonged to US capital. (Nelson 1972, pp. 61–62). |
11 | United States Bureau of Foreign Commerce, American Republics Division, ‘Investment in Cuba: Basic Information for United States Businessmen’ (Washington: US Department of Commerce, Bureau of Foreign Commerce, 1956), 9–10, 35, Cuban Heritage Collection (CHC), University of Miami. |
12 | ‘US Investment Tops 800 Million’, Times of Havana, 17 April 1958, 4. |
13 | Eulalia Cook González, ‘El trabajo rural de la iglesia Metodista en Cuba, 1940–1960’, 28 November 1998, 1, provided by (Yaremko 2000, pp. 11–12). |
14 | Eulalia Cook to Elizabeth Lee, 17 June 1942, UMAHS, Drew University, Madison, NJ, Missionary Files, 1189-2-1.26; Cook González, ‘El trabajo rural de la iglesia Metodista en Cuba, 1940–1960’, 28 November 1998, 13; Betty Campbell Whitehurst, interview by author, 1 September 2016, Telephone. |
15 | Eulalia Cook Gonzaléz, ‘Reasons for Growth in Báguanos, Cuba, 1952’, in Eulalia Cook González, ‘El trabajo rural de la iglesia Metodista en Cuba, 1940–1960’, 30, provided by Edgar Nesman; Eulalia Cook to Elizabeth Lee, 22 September 1948, UMAHS, Missionary Files, 1189-2-1.26. |
16 | Eulalia Cook to Emmeline Crane, 3 May 1950, UMAHS, Missionary Files, 1189-2-1.26; Eulalia Cook to Elizabeth Lee, 12 December 1944, UMAHS, Missionary Bio Files, 1470-3-1.45. |
17 | Richard Milk to Dr. A.W. Wasson, 7 November 1946, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341. |
18 | Robert Milk, the son of former school director Richard Milk, remembers the lease to be around a dollar per annum. Robert Milk, interview by author, 8 September 2016, Telephone; ‘Escuela agrícola e industrial, Cuba’s Only Private Vocational School for Rural Youth: Progress Report for the First Ten Years’, provided by Carroll English; Richard Milk to Dr. A.W. Wasson, 7 November 1946, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341; Fundraising Pamphlet, ‘Agricultural and Industrial School’, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341. |
19 | Seen note 17 above. |
20 | Provided by Robert Milk. |
21 | Fundraising Pamphlet, ‘Agricultural and Industrial School’, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341. |
22 | Richard Milk, ‘An Evaluation of the Education Offered at The Escuela Agrícola e Industrial of Preston’, March 1959, provided by Carroll English. |
23 | Darryl Rutz, interview by author, 17 October 2016, Miami, FL; Edgar Nesman, ‘Memoir’, 32, provided by Edger Nesman. |
24 | A town settled by US Methodists at the start of the twentieth century, Omaja served as a center for rural work under the guidance of Mexican-American missionary Sara Fernández. UMAHS, Missionary Files: 1912–1949, Microfilm Roll 338; (Leuenberger 2013). |
25 | Richard Milk, ‘Cuba Testimony’, 32, provided by Carroll English. |
26 | Emily Towe, ‘Expansion in Cuba’, World Outlook 37, no. 2 (February 1947), 5. |
27 | ‘Escuela agrícola e industrial, Cuba’s Only Private Vocational School for Rural Youth: Progress Report for the First Ten Years’, provided by Carroll English. |
28 | Despite occasional setbacks, the school seems to have mostly gotten its way. Milk wrote, “In general, the board concerned itself almost entirely to broad policies and to financial matters. The development of specific educational, extra-curriculum, and religious plans they left to the faculty under my direction”. Richard Milk, ‘Cuba Testimony’, 21, provided by Carroll English. |
29 | Edgar Nesman to author, 14 September 2016, Email. |
30 | Robert Milk, interview by author, 8 September 2016, Telephone. |
31 | David A. Hollinger exposes that globally women represented around two-thirds of all Protestant missionaries from the United States. (Hollinger 2017, p. 7) |
32 | After reading Davis’ work the year it was published, Methodist missionary Maurice Daily reflected critically upon earlier Methodist evangelizing efforts, “We have tried to save individuals without interpreting adequately…what that salvation means in terms of their own community life…. They are in the community and incidentally in the Church; they should be in the church so as to live purposefully in the community”. Maurice Daily to Dr. A.W. Wasson, June 26, 1942, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 338; (Davis 1942, p. 8). |
33 | Missionary F.A. Flatt explained, “Now after reading Dr. Davis’ book I am more impressed with our need for a rural program”. FA Flatt to Dr. A.W. Wasson, 14 May 1942, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 338. |
34 | Both Candler College (Methodist, Havana) and La Progresiva (Presbyterian, Cárdenas) were ranked in the top ten high schools on the island serving children from middle class and wealthy Cuban families. (Ramos 1989, p. 36). |
35 | ‘Kathleen A. Rounds’, 9 September 1962, American Batista Home Mission Society (hereafter ABHMS), Mercer College, Atlanta Georgia, 340-1; ‘Kathleen A. Rounds’, 23 August 1963, ABHMS, 340-1; (Corse 2007, p. 4). |
36 | As with their access to foreign capital, access to volunteer labor from foreigners boosted the stability and prestige of Anglo-American mission projects. Peter I. R. Skanse, ‘The Rural Betterment Campaigns of the Eastern Cuban Baptist Convention’, Eastern Cuba Baptist News 2 (March 1955), 3. Hoping to gain recruits to work for the Methodist projects of eastern Cuba, Pastor John Stroud requested short-term Christian recruits, explaining, “Activities will include the teaching of classes in Bible, health, canning and food projects, and the manual work of road repair, improvements for the local school, building a church…”. ‘Four Work Camps Planned for Methodist Students’, World Outlook 37, no. 7 (July 1948), 46–47. |
37 | Conversation with United Methodist Archivist L. Dale Patterson, 25 August 2017, Telephone; (Ramos 1989, pp. 31, 34). |
38 | While American Baptists and Quakers arrived in rural eastern Cuba at the turn of the century, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South limited their rural service activities until they united with the northern Methodist Episcopal Church in 1939. At the turn of the century, Southern Methodists established influential religious and educational institutions in western Cuba. A dedication to the most impoverished elements of Cuban society, however, would not emerge until later. The Methodists split over the issue of slavery in the mid-1840s. Before reunification, the two Methodist traditions developed along divergent paths. Southern Methodists dedicated themselves to spreading the gospel through evangelism, and northern Methodists prioritized service projects in the realms of health, education, and agriculture. Following the War of 1898, they divided Spain’s former colonies between themselves. Cuba was allocated to the Methodist Episcopal Church, South while the northern Methodist Episcopal Church acquired Puerto Rico. The Methodist mission to Cuba seems to have been reinvigorated with unification in 1939. World War II and the post-war mentality that framed North Americans as “protectors of the free world” further catalyzed the new Methodist commitment to rural development projects. Of the estimated 225 foreign Protestant missionaries in the country, the 38 Methodists may have represented the largest foreign presence for a Protestant denomination on the island in the late 1950s and early 1960s. At this time the Methodists introduced themselves to a new, poorer and darker audience in eastern Cuba. Lawrence Rankin, the son of Methodist missionaries Victor and Kathleen Rankin based in Camagüey, explains unification led to “a more global theology toward missions”. His father Victor Rankin chronicled the theological evolution of the Methodist commitment to structural transformation; Methodists, according to Rankin, came to Cuba during the 1940s and 1950s “to train Cubans, while eliminating dependency, promoting financial independence, and self-sufficiency”. This new emphasis on rural service reinvigorated the foreign character of the Methodists, while other denominations were pursuing greater dependence on Cuban workers by the 1940s and 1950s. (Hart and Meuther 2007, p. 150); Conversation with United Methodist Archivist L. Dale Patterson, 25 August 2017, Telephone; ‘History of the Methodist Church in Cuba’, provided by Edgar Nesman; (Ramos 1989, pp. 27, 34, 71); Lawrence A. Rankin, ‘Early Methodism in Cuba–Towards a National Church, 1883–1958’, provided by Lawrence Rankin; ‘History of the Methodist Church in Cuba’, provided by Edgar Nesman; (Ramos 1989, p. 71); (Yaremko 2000, p. 3). |
39 | (Farber 2006, pp. 20–21); Agrupación Católica Universitaria, Encuesta de trabajadores rurales, 1956–57, reprinted in Economía y desarrollo (La Habana, Cuba: Instituto de Economía de la Universidad de la Habana, July–August 1972), 188–212; (Ibarra 1998, p. 162). |
40 | Seen note 20 above. |
41 | Betty Burleigh, ‘Half a Century in Cuba’, World Outlook 34, no 5 (May 1949), 9. |
42 | Emily Towe, ‘Expansion in Cuba’, World Outlook 37, no 2 (February 1947), 5–7. |
43 | Edgar Nesman, ‘Memoir’, 7–8, provided by Edger Nesman. |
44 | Though Mayarí stood near to the domain of the United Fruit and Sugar Company, the town of 70,000 in the late 1940s, was considered a “free town”, or not on UFSC land. The Methodist Churchwell clinic could refer the seriously ill to the nearby United Fruit and Sugar Company hospital in Preston where several clinic patients would be treated each year, free of charge. The Anglo-American-run Mayarí clinic served as a gatekeeper, and an advocate, for Cuban children in need of medical assistance at the UFSC hospital. Staff of Agricultural and Industrial School to Mr. and Mrs. W.D. Carhart, 22 September 1948, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341; ‘Facts about the Churchwell Dispensario Infantil 1949’, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341; Betty Burleigh, ‘Half a Century in Cuba’, World Outlook 34, no. 5 (May 1949), 9. |
45 | Eulalia Cook, ‘Some Aspects of Rural Work—Báguanos, Oriente, Cuba’, UMAHS, Missionary Files, 1189-2-1.26. |
46 | Elizabeth Lee to Eulalia Cook, 1 April 1943, UMAHS, Missionary Files, 1189-2-1.26. |
47 | Provided by Edgar Nesman. |
48 | Larry Rankin, interview by author, 27 August 2016, Lakeland, FL. |
49 | See notes 48 above. |
50 | Lawrence A. Rankin, ‘Early Methodism in Cuba–Towards a National Church, 1883–1958’, provided by Lawrence Rankin to author. |
51 | Juliet Milk to Friends, 1 November 1947, UMAHS, Microfilm Roll 341. |
52 | Conversation with United Methodist Archivist L. Dale Patterson, 25 August 2017, Telephone. |
53 | With few interruptions from the time of their development in the nineteenth century, the Woman’s Divisions of the Methodists maintained near complete sovereignty over their finances, property, and buildings. More than other denominations, Methodist women missionaries enjoyed an autonomy that enabled them to form stable and independent rural schools, clinics and churches. Conversation with United Methodist Archivist L. Dale Patterson, 25 August 2017, Telephone. |
54 | Cook was the first woman ordained by the South Carolina Methodist conference. Lawrence A. Rankin, ‘Early Methodism in Cuba–Towards a National Church, 1883–1958’, provided by Lawrence Rankin to author. |
55 | Carroll English to author, 24 July 2018, Email. |
56 | Carroll English to author, 21 August 2016, Email. |
57 | See notes 56 above. |
58 | Betty Campbell Whitehurst, interview by author, 1 September 2016, Telephone. |
59 | (Ramos 1989, pp. 36, 53–67, 139, 153–68); Vicente Cubillas, ‘El aporte de la iglesia evangélica a la causa redentora’, Bohemia, 1 (February 1959), 108. |
60 | ‘Kathleen A. Rounds’, 23 August 1963, ABHMS, 340–1. |
61 | ‘Kathleen A. Rounds’, 9 September 1962, ABHMS, 340–1; ‘Kathleen A. Rounds’, 23 August 1963, ABHMS, 340–1; José Luis Molina V., En la tierra esmeralda, 1949, ABHMS, 98–4; ‘Kathleen Rounds’, 23 August 1963, ABHMS, 340–1; Wilbur Larson to James A. Christison, 22 November 1961, ABHMS, 340–1; Kathleen Rounds to Milow E. Wenger, 12 October 1949, Mercer University, Atlanta, GA, Woman’s American Baptist Home Mission Society (WABHMS), 61–16; ‘Kathleen A. Rounds’, 9 September 1962, ABHMS, 340–1. |
62 | Ira Sherman to Pastor McCoy, 1 April 1958, UMAHS, 1195-4-(3.11-3.15). |
63 | The comportment of US naval personnel horrified the missionaries of Oriente. Sherman recounted: “In Caimanera and Guantánamo, nothing was ‘off limits’ and the Shore Patrol merely walked in and out of the houses [of prostitution], presumably to see to it that the sailors were not robbed or assaulted”. Sherman recalls an incident at a rail station when he felt it necessary to hide his young female Cuban Methodist parishioners from a collection of intoxicated US naval personnel. Anglo-American religious leaders and their Cuban parishioners witnessed not only what they perceived as the immorality of these US servicemen, but also the lack of accountability. Thus, both missionaries and their Cuban parishioners in the areas surrounding Guantánamo generally embraced the Revolution’s demand to dismantle these “amoral” structures. Ira E. Sherman to Louis A. Pérez, 3 December 1991, Wilson Library (WL), Louis A. Pérez Jr., Papers, Letters 1991–1992, Folder 1. |
64 | ‘The Youth of the Protestant Churches of Cuba’, ABHMS, July 1959, 215–7. |
65 | See notes 64 above. |
66 | “Cervantes, Ondina Maristany, “Cuba 1952–72”, WABHMS, 264–9. |
67 | Maristany attended the University of Southern California, the University of Havana and the Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, earning graduate degrees in Law, Social Work, and Religious Education. ‘Ondina María Maristany de Cervantes: Personal Record’, WABHMS, 264–9. |
68 | Wilbur Larson, ‘Notes on Conversation with Ondina María Maristany’, 20 September 1960, WABHMS, 264–9. |
69 | Herbert Caudill to Wilbur Larson, ‘Concerning Ondina Maristany’, 8 May 1959, WABHMS, 264–9. |
70 | Wilbur Larson, ‘Baptists in Cuba’, February 1959, ABHMS, 215–7. |
71 | See notes 70 above. |
72 | Edgar Nesman, ‘Concerning Cuba’, The Michigan State University Magazine, (October 1959), 13–15, 14. |
73 | Morrell Robinson to Friends, 10 January 1959, UMAHS, 1463-2-2:05. |
74 | John Edgar Stroud to Friends, 24 April 1960, UMAHS, 1195-6-3:40. |
75 | Richard Milk, ‘Cuba Testimony’, 8, provided by Carroll English. |
76 | Seen note 72 above. |
77 | Ira E. Sherman to Louis A. Pérez, 3 December 1991, 1, WL, Letters, Papers, Louis A. Pérez Jr. Papers, 1991–1992, Folder 1. |
78 | Morrell Robinson to James Ellis, 5 May 1960, UMAHS, 1195-3-1.18. |
79 | UMAHS, Missionary Bio Series, 1469-5-7.73. |
80 | Betty Campbell Whitehurst, interview by author, 1 September 2016, Telephone. |
81 | Whitehurst explains, “During the summer of 1959, I became engaged to Ceferino Pavón, who had graduated from the Colegio de la Amistad and had been the star pitcher on the school’s baseball team, of which I was the coach(!)…Ceferino was 19 and I was 25—about the same age difference as my parents, so I didn’t consider it a bad match. However, he joined the Cuban army after the Revolution, and by the time I went home to Texas he had been sent to Moscow to study under the Russian army. Our relationship did not last long after that”. Betty Campbell Whitehurst, interview by author, 1 September 2016, Telephone; (Whitehurst and Whitehurst 2010). |
82 | Lawrence A. Rankin, ‘Early Methodism in Cuba—Towards a National Church, 1883–1958’, provided by Lawrence Rankin. |
83 | Bishop Armando Rodríguez to author, translation by author, 9 October 2016, Email. |
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Finesurrey, S. “The Light That Shineth in the Darkness”: Anglo-American Rural Missionaries and the Cuban Revolution. Religions 2022, 13, 494. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13060494
Finesurrey S. “The Light That Shineth in the Darkness”: Anglo-American Rural Missionaries and the Cuban Revolution. Religions. 2022; 13(6):494. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13060494
Chicago/Turabian StyleFinesurrey, Samuel. 2022. "“The Light That Shineth in the Darkness”: Anglo-American Rural Missionaries and the Cuban Revolution" Religions 13, no. 6: 494. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13060494