1. Introduction
Although climate change (CC) is one of the greatest problems we face as a society (
IPCC 2021), current emission reduction and mitigation policies are far from meeting the goals indicated by the scientific community to avoid dangerous warming levels, particularly those included in the Paris Agreement (
Victor et al. 2017). Limiting human-induced global warming implies cutting down greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, not only at the institutional and organizational levels but also at societal and individual ones (
O’Neill et al. 2014;
Schultz and Kaiser 2012). Indeed, the literature reports that a large part of the total GHG emissions (between 60 and 70%) is related to personal consumption habits, so modifying emission trends requires a significant change in current lifestyles, particularly in Western societies (
Franzen and Mader 2018;
Ivanova and Büchs 2020;
Richardsen Moberg et al. 2019).
Therefore, a better understanding of factors affecting individual behaviour, which would encourage people to reduce their emissions, is crucial to promote more efficient mitigation policies. Religious beliefs are one such factor that have received increasing attention in the last few years, and such beliefs have been shown to be related to environmental motivations (
Chuvieco and Burgui 2016), sustainable consumption (
Minton et al. 2015), and CC perceptions and attitudes (
Jenkins et al. 2018). Considering the large global influence of religions, with a high level of affiliation (it is estimated that 84% of the world’s population identify themselves with a religious denomination (
Pew Research Centre 2017)), their influence in world education (
Palmer and Finaly 2002), their importance in the conservation of natural areas (
Mallarach et al. 2016), and their impact on personal worldviews and ethical guidance (
Sherkat and Ellison 2007), religious beliefs are indeed an important factor in understanding CC commitment, both at the societal (
Rolston III 2009;
Tatay-Nieto 2020) and individual levels (
Cohen and Rozin 2001;
Lakhan 2018).
Although religion has been foregrounded as an antecedent of different environmental outcomes (
Gifford and Nilsson 2014), the empirical evidence is mixed on whether religion at the individual level promotes or constrains CC mitigation. Considering religious denomination, the evidence seems to suggest that conservative Christians are less concerned about CC, because of an association with political conservatism (
Arbuckle 2017;
Smith and Leiserowitz 2013), although some researchers point out that this evidence is restricted to the North American context (
Morrison et al. 2015). In the case of Catholic believers, reporting positive (vs. negative) attitudes towards CC are associated with religious views of stewardship or human responsibility (vs. dominance) over nature (
Agliardo 2013;
Eom et al. 2021). In a broad sense, it seems that Catholics express higher levels of concern about CC than those belonging to other Christian churches, but believers, in general, are less concerned than people with no religious affiliation (atheists, agnostics) (
Pew Research Centre 2015). However, there is cross-national evidence supporting the contrary (
Kvaløy et al. 2012).
Several scholars point out that inconclusive findings may be related to a conceptualization problem, generally focused on the analysis of isolated antecedents, such as political orientation or a dominion’s views (
Clements et al. 2014;
Peifer et al. 2016). A step forward would be to consider religion as influencing environmental outcomes in complex ways and through interactions with other socio-psychological antecedents of behaviour (
Michaels et al. 2021). The types of models that consider two main groups of behavioural factors are as follows (
Gifford and Nilsson 2014;
Clayton and Myers 2015): the external or situational ones, related to the environment and socioeconomic conditions (
Corral-Verdugo et al. 2020), and the internal or intrinsic, related to individuals’ knowledge, motivations, and beliefs (
Schultz and Kaiser 2012;
Steg et al. 2015;
Steg et al. 2016). Based on these, we argue that religion at the individual level could be a sound basis for the adoption of low-carbon lifestyles by underlying or interacting with these sets of behavioural antecedents (
Orellano et al. 2020).
Therefore, we focus our research specifically on understanding the relationships between religious affiliation, external and internal antecedents of behaviour, and personal carbon footprint (CF), as an indicator of consumption-related emissions. Using this observed measure instead of self-reports should provide a more rigorous assessment of the personal impact on CC mitigation, as previous research has shown that self-assessments are not necessarily linked to actual behaviour (
Kormos and Gifford 2014;
Moser and Kleinhückelkotten 2018;
Steg and de Groot 2019).
Regarding external factors affecting the relationships previously mentioned, there are well-established links between socioeconomic indicators and CF; past research has shown the positive influence of income on CF (with higher incomes resulting in higher CF), the non-linearity of age (with lower CF for younger and older citizens), and the impact of the type of work (with lower CF for students and home workers), among others (
Chuvieco et al. 2021;
Büchs and Schnepf 2013;
Bhoyar et al. 2014;
Brand and Preston 2010).
Internal factors have been widely recognized as having a long-term effect on consumption habits, particularly those related to curtailing behaviours (
Gifford and Chen 2017). We have selected value orientation, motives to conserve nature, and nature-relatedness in our analysis, as they are relevant to environmental behaviour (
Pearson 2016;
Steg et al. 2015;
Whitburn et al. 2019), although their role in consumption-related emissions has not been previously researched. Value orientation was directly related to CC attitudes and self-report mitigation behaviour (
Bouman et al. 2018;
Steg 2018), while peoples’ motives for conserving nature, its appreciation, and sense of connectedness (i.e., nature-relatedness) are suggested in the literature as significant for understanding environmental views and beliefs that are antecedent of attitudes and behaviour (
Pearson 2016;
Mace 2014). Additionally, research has shown that CC knowledge, perceived intractability, and the level of commitment are relevant to understanding mitigation outcomes, as they undergird much of consumers’ decisions (
Pickering et al. 2021;
van Valkengoed and Steg 2019;
Poortinga et al. 2019;
Corner et al. 2014).
To summarize, we aim to better understand the role of religious affiliation in explaining personal CF, and more specifically, to (1) examine intergroup differences, i.e., whether religious affiliation implies differences in personal CF, (2) analyse intragroup differences and whether external and internal factors mediate these differences, and (3) test how these interactions affect personal CF values, particularly for food and transport, the most important sectors of personal emissions (
Büchs and Schnepf 2013;
Druckman and Jackson 2016).
4. Discussion
4.1. Main Findings
This study has shown the value in considering religious affiliation in order to better understand how consumption habits impact CC mitigation. We have shown the variability in GHG emissions for different religious groups, namely Catholic believers, other-believers, and non-believers. Even though past studies analysed the link between religious affiliation, consumption, and CC actions (
Leonard and Pepper 2015), they were based on self-perception measures rather than actual behaviour, and it is well known that self-perceived measures are not necessarily linked to actual commitment (
Gifford and Chen 2017;
Kormos and Gifford 2014). In addition, previous research mainly focused on the analysis of isolated antecedents related to religion at the individual level and mitigation outcomes, but given the influence of several factors affecting CC mitigation behaviour, we examined this link within a social-psychological model that considers behaviour to depend on external and internal determinants (
Clayton and Myers 2015;
Gifford and Nilsson 2014). Thus, preliminary findings are not intended to resolve the inconsistencies of previous research, but to provide insights from this perspective.
Consistent with previous findings (
Chuvieco et al. 2021), our results showed that several external factors were significantly associated with CF values, considering all religious affiliations together. In addition, we observed interesting inter- and intra-group differences in personal CF based on external and internal factors affecting consumers’ behaviour. Clearly, the CF for the food sector is the most closely related to the interactions between religious affiliation and those factors. Deepening these intergroup comparisons, non-believers were found to have a lower CF than Catholics. Additionally, these groups differ on external factors, as non-believing women, those belonging to the adult population (30–65), those working in administration, and domestic employees had a lower CF than Catholics of the same groups.
It is important to know what internally motivates individuals to support and effectively mitigate CC. Regarding the internal factors, our findings showed that the motivation to conserve nature is an important driver of CF. Human responsibility was more frequently selected among Catholic believers, while the intrinsic value of nature was more valued by non-believers, coincident with previous findings (
Chuvieco and Burgui 2016). Intergroup comparisons for internal factors showed that the lowest transport CF was estimated for those Catholics who selected human responsibility as the main motivation to conserve nature, as compared to non-believers. On the other side, those non-believers who had higher levels of resilience value orientation, CC knowledge, CC perceived commitment, and CC intractability were found to have a significantly lower CF than Catholics of the same cohorts.
In addition, intragroup differences revealed the importance of CC perceived commitment among Catholics, showing the lowest food CF values for those with high level of commitment. For non-believers, value orientation was found to be significantly associated with CF, showing that having higher levels of resilience values and lower levels of egoistic values led to lower CF.
Finally, the regression model showed that the main factors controlling food CF for Catholics were age group, and the main motivations to conserve nature and CC perceived commitment. The age group was also relevant for food CF of non-believers, joined by value orientation.
4.2. Implications
Although these findings should be considered as a first approximation to the implications of religious affiliation in personal consumption linked to the CF indicator, there are some potential implications that may derive from our findings. One is to deepen intragroup study, leaving aside the idea of homogeneous groups within each religious affiliation. Thus, to promote effective ways of CC engagement and action, efforts should focus on addressing the potentials and misperceptions of each group. For example, our findings support previous evidence that non-believers have higher agreements about the anthropogenic cause of CC (
Morrison et al. 2015;
Zaleha and Szasz 2015;
Uzarevic and Coleman 2021), in contrast to believers (
Barker and Bearce 2012;
Ecklund et al. 2016;
Zaleha and Szasz 2015), and this is useful for designing mitigation policies, but at the same time, they express difficulties in handling CC anxiety (
Hope and Jones 2014), which should also be considered. The same occurs in the case of believers. Even though they have the least CC knowledge and higher CF values, our findings suggest that these outcomes vary depending on the interaction with other factors, such as the main motivation for nature conservation and the level of CC commitment. This is coincident with the literature that considers religions’ influence as multifaceted and dependent on other determinants such as political ideology, fundamentalism, the level of education, and the geographical context (
Arbuckle 2017;
Kilburn 2014;
Lewis et al. 2018;
Morrison et al. 2015). However, in linking our results with previous studies, we should consider that they have mostly been conducted in the USA, and mainly focused on differences among Christian denominations. For instance, the relevance of literal versus non-literal interpretation of the Bible was found significantly related to environmental concern (
McCammack 2007;
Guth et al. 1995). However, in Spain this distinction is not relevant, as evangelical groups linked to a literal interpretation of the Bible have much less social influence than in the USA.
A second implication of our study relates to the attitude of believers towards CC. A more detailed study should focus on factors affecting some believers’ perception of CC that leads them to have opposing opinions on CC (
Dickinson et al. 2016), in spite of the general calls of religious authorities to support CC action. A theological framework adapted to different religious affiliations still needs to be developed in order to find solid grounds for general acceptance of religious principles that would directly link to environmental commitment, similarly to the generalized agreement on other issues, such as concerns for the poor (
Pew Research Centre 2015). It is suggested in the literature that religion at the individual level could both diminish concerns through stronger views of dominance and indifference towards nature, and promote it through values of sacredness, spirituality, and stewardship (
Preston and Baimel 2021). Religious denominations could provide resources from their traditions to approach issues such as CC, consumption habits, and lifestyles, because of their ability to construct frameworks that can guide those who follow them (
Tucker 2003). In this sense, it is important to emphasize the role of prominent religious leaders in promoting lifestyle changes and encouraging a more rigorous commitment to CC actions. Among many examples of these, we can emphasize the interfaith declarations addressed to the different UN Climate Summits (
https://interfaithclimate.org/the-statement; last accessed on 16 February 2022), the common declaration of Pope John Paul II and Patriarch Bartholomew on environmental responsibility (
Common Declaration on Environmental Ethics. Common Declaration of John Paul II and the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I 2002) or the encyclical letter
Laudato Si of
Pope Francis (
2015). The impact of these initiatives has been wide, but still requires further implementation at the local and individual level (
Tsimpo and Wodon 2016;
Hanchin and Hearlson 2020;
Savino 2019).
4.3. Limitations and Future Research Lines
Although the richness of this study is based on numerical estimations of personal CF based on detailed emission factors, which goes beyond self-perceptions of estimations, certain limitations should be considered. Quantitative estimations of CF require accurate inputs (energy bills, food amounts, transport distances), which are difficult to acquire. Even though all respondents were warned about this before starting the survey, we had to remove questionnaires for including very unlikely CF values, using visual and automatic classification methods. The final values included in our analysis seemed reasonable, but it is not possible to test their actual accuracy.
Limitations also include the generalizability of the results to another cultural or geographical contexts, considering that individuals with the same religious affiliation may behave differently based on other cultural factors. More research outside of North America and European countries is needed to expand our understanding about the relationship between religious beliefs and different measures of consumption, such as the personal FC indicator, to address the north-western bias in existing studies.
Finally, this study only includes the measure of religious affiliation, which leaves aside the possibility of analysing and interpreting, for example, differences based on the degree of individual religiosity, or the frequency of participation in religious services, or considering intrinsic or extrinsic measures of religiosity. There are a wide variety of religious commitments and practices, even within the same religious tradition and affiliation. Future research should focus on more precise measurements of religiosity, which should provide further nuances in the links established in our study. In this regard, our analysis may serve as a starting point for better understanding the role of religious beliefs in CC mitigation.
5. Conclusions
Climate change mitigation at the individual level requires understanding and promoting behavioural change by analysing its underlying factors. Previous studies on the relationship between religion and CC mitigation outcomes present inconclusive findings. Therefore, we examine an explanation that considers individual-level religion as interacting in complex ways with other socio-psychological antecedents of behaviour. Examining these relationships within this framework allows more robust conclusions to be drawn than the study of isolated factors.
Thus, this study shows that religious affiliation is associated with consumption-related emissions, measuring by the personal carbon footprint indicator, and relevant external and internal antecedents of behaviour. Intergroup differences in the personal carbon footprint were found, especially based on sex, age group, and type of work among external factors, and value orientation, the main motivation for conserving nature, and CC perceived commitment within the internals. Intragroup differences for food carbon footprint were also observed, as follows: the main motivation to conserve nature and the level of CC commitment implied differences among Catholic believers, whereas value orientation and also the level of CC commitment implied differences among non-believers. These preliminary conclusions are not intended to resolve inconclusive findings, but to provide insights for considering the relationship between religion and CC mitigation outcomes in complex ways. From this perspective, we aim to go beyond the debate that focuses only on differences between religious groups, toward an understanding of these complex interactions, so that addressing the misperceptions and potentials of each group will foster better behavioural responses to climate change.