Crisis, Liturgy, and Communal Identity: The Celebration of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite in Toledo, Spain as a Case Study
2. Crisis Points in the History of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite
2.1. The Need to Forge a Single “Visigothic” Rite
2.2. The Arab Invasions
2.3. The Attempted Suppression of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite and the Reconquista
2.4. The Reforms of Cardinal Cisneros and Their Legacy
Cisneros’s patronage had far broader implications than the survival of the rite in Toledo. Over the course of the early modern period, the memory of the medieval rite was gradually transformed, through revision, publication, practice, and historical discourse, from the local observance of a medieval community into an early modern symbol of the Spanish nation…In this way the celebration of the neo-Mozarabic rite fostered an imagined community in which the Mozarabs represented the preeminence of Christianity in Iberia.30
[b]y establishing his cathedral as the effective center of the Mozarabic rite, Cisneros effectively reversed the exclusion of the rite from Toledo’s principal church that had occurred so many centuries earlier with the introduction of the Roman rite in 1086. Over the course of the sixteenth century, however, the Mozarabs’ standing changed, as the requirement of purity of blood (limpieza de sangre) and increasing suspicion of converts brought the ancestry of Spanish Christians under closer scrutiny. In the context of heightened anxiety about religious identity, the Mozarabs of Toledo were perceived as tainted by assimilation of Arab customs that had given the community its common name.
Ironically, then, even as contemporary Toledean Mozarabs were resented for their tax exemptions and viewed as potentially suspect because of their earlier cohabitation with Muslims, the Mozarabic liturgy…was extolled as an authentic relic of the earliest peninsular Christianity…By the eighteenth century the Mozarabic liturgy was hardly practiced at all but seems to have been considered something of a national treasure.
Cisneros had created an enduring myth of ritual coherence and antiquity by reaffirming Toledan Mozarabic identity through a reinvention of a medieval liturgy. By the eighteenth century the neo-Mozarabic rite had acquired a symbolic association with the Spanish nation; commentaries on the rite published in this period refer to the luminaries who had attended mass in Toledo’s Mozarabic Chapel.
3. Modern Celebration: An Ethnographic Perspective
3.1. Shut Doors and the Prioritization of the Roman Rite
3.2. The Mozarabic Chapel in the Cathedral of Toledo
3.3. Parish Church of Santa Eulalia y San Marcos
4. Analysis of the Modern Celebration
4.1. The Hispano-Mozarabic Rite Remains Central to the Mozarab Community’s Identity
4.2. The Different Functions of the Cathedral and Parish Celebrations: Political vs. Mozarab
Irish speakers may be a minority, but the fact that many of the indicators of a socio-political ‘centre’ confirm Irish-speaking as normative suggests that they are not ‘marginal’: the constitution of the nation is written in Irish (with an English translation), road signs are all in Irish (with an English translation), Irish is a non-negotiable required subject in school: every English-speaking Irish child has to learn how to speak, read and write it. However, native Irish speakers have been shown to be ‘not-central’ in a host of ways that those grand gestures may serve to mask.
[A]ll should hold in the greatest esteem the liturgical life of the diocese centered around the bishop, especially in his cathedral church. They must be convinced that the principal manifestation of the church consists in the full, active participation of all God’s holy people in the same liturgical celebrations, especially in the same Eucharist, in one prayer, at one altar, at which the bishop presides, surrounded by his college of priests and by his ministers.
4.3. The Hispano-Mozarabic Rite, the Roman Rite, and the Broader Catholic Church
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Conflicts of Interest
The term “Rite” should be distinguished from the term “rite.” The Church’s liturgies are made up of a number of “rites”: the sacraments, the funeral rites, rites of blessing, etc. The various ways in which these rites are celebrated form distinct liturgical traditions known as “Rites.” A “Rite” is a coherent and autonomous form of the Christian ritual system in which various “rites” are celebrated. For more, see (Chase 2021, pp. 28–30). With regard to the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite, the Rite has been given a number of names. Scholars studying the Visigothic or pre-Visigothic eras tend to prefer “Old Spanish” or “Old Hispanic.” Those studying the Rite from the 8th century onwards often call it the “Mozarabic,” and the current liturgical books use the term “Hispano-Mozarabic.” In the interests of rooting this liturgical tradition in a living tradition, I will use the term “Hispano-Mozarabic” precisely because this name spans both the Visigothic and Mozarabic periods, while at the same time pointing to the modern community who claims this tradition as their own. The Hispano-Mozarabic Rite is one of the last few ancient Western liturgical Rites in communion with the Catholic Church still preserved today. Before the Council of Trent in the 16th century, there were a number of regional liturgical traditions. However, after the council, almost every local church was required to adopt the Roman Rite. In only a few instances were older local liturgical traditions preserved. For more, see (Chase 2018).
Boynton notes that “the idea of the reconquista has been revised by historians of the Iberian peninsula, who distance themselves from uses of the term that cast what were in fact diverse and sporadic endeavors as a single, coherent movement lasting for centuries.” (Boynton 2015). My use of the term reconquista is not meant to denote a single coherent movement but rather the process of constructing a myth of reconquest from the 9th century onwards. For more, see (O’Callaghan 2013).
The Mozarab community is the successor to the community of Christians who lived in Spain during the Muslim rule of the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula. For more background on this community and the name, see (Gómez-Ruiz 2007, chp. 1).
For more information on the importance of the Ilustre Hermandad de Caballeros y Damas mozárabes and the way that it influences and determines Mozarab membership and meaning, see (Gómez-Ruiz 2007, pp. 3–7). It also has a role in the new Congregation for the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite, see (Sierra López 2020). See also the Hermandad’s website: http://www.mozarabesdetoledo.es/ (accessed on 21 Feburary 2022).
See note 34.
This is an ecclesial question about the various ecclesiologies at work in the Church. To use the helpful categories of Avery Dulles, this highlights the tension between “the Church as Institution” and “the Church as mystical communion,” see (Dulles 2002). Elsewhere, I have also tried to talk about “ecclesial succession” in concert with “episcopal succession,” see (Chase 2018).
The prolonged marginalization of the Western Non-Roman Rites—and even Eastern Rites—vis à vis the Roman Rite is a hallmark of liturgical history in the West, see (Chase 2021).
Here, I am following the work of (Phelan 2014).
Visigothic Spain was not the only place where baptism was used to bolster communal identity and kingdom-wide cohesion. Owen Phelan has shown the central role that baptism also played in the formation of the Carolingian Empire, see (Phelan 2014, pp. 49, 262).
Regional variations did still exist, see (Chase 2021, pp. 39, 47–51).
For a recent and helpful summary, see (Maloy 2020, pp. 15–18, 220–26).
For a helpful overview of the sources, see (Walker 1998, pp. 30–34).
“De Romano autem officio, quod tua iussione accepimus, sciatis nostrum terram admodum desolata esse” (Gambra 1997, vol. II, p. 93).
Slight variations on this story exist, with some stories recounting that the Roman book was the one that leapt from the flames, while the Hispano-Mozarabic book remained in the fire unharmed, see (Bosch 2010, p. 57).
This also seems confirmed by the manuscript evidence, see (Maloy 2020, pp. 220–26).
While it has historically been thought that Alfonso VI’s fuero informally allowed for the continuance of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite “by informal agreement in the six Mozarabic parishes later named by Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada (archbishop of Toledo from 1210 to 1249),” some scholars have recently argued “that the six Mozarabic parishes named by Jiménez de Rada are unlikely to have existed before 1085, proposing instead that they were built to accommodate an influx of Andalusi immigrants fleeing the Almohads in the 1140s” (Maloy 2020, p. 221). This may be borne out by the manuscript evidence; see (Maloy 2020, pp. 220–23, 225). Maloy does note, however, that some evidence may suggest that the Rite was still practiced in Toledo and/or its environs before the 1140s, see (Hornby and Maloy 2013, pp. 304–5; Maloy 2020, p. 225).
See (Ruiz 2004; Boynton 2015). The Hispano-Mozarabic Rite even made it to Mexico, where “the archbishop of Mexico (and future archbishop of Toledo) Francisco Antonio Lorenzana (1772–1804), published an edition of the Mozarabic Mass for Saint James (Santiago) in Puebla” (Boynton 2015, p. 7). The missal is discussed above, see (Lorenzana 1770).
For a history of the modern reform of the Rite, see (Chase 2021, pp. 47–50).
The publication of the new Missale Hispano-Mozarabicum, extended the celebration of the Rite throughout Spain, cf. Decree of the Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments No. 763/92 of 23 January 1994; Praenotandos of the Missale Hispano-Mozarabicum, nos. 159–160. For more on the recently established “Congregation for the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite,” see (Sierra López 2020). For more on the celebration of this Rite outside of Toledo, see (Fernández Serrano 1978; Sánchez Montealegre 1988, p. 3). In more recent history, and in regard to Madrid, see (Rouco Varela 2001; Ferrer Gresneche 2018). More information at http://www.mozarabia.es/ (accessed on 13 August 2021). I also know that the liturgy has been celebrated frequently for centuries in Salamanca. On a recent trip of mine to Spain in 2019, a woman at the diocesan bookstore in Granada enthusiastically told me that the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite is sometimes still celebrated there too.
The parishes in Toledo are: Parroquia Mozárabe de las Santas Justa y Rufina and La Iglesia Mozárabe de San Lucas http://www.santasjustayrufina.org (accessed on 21 Feburary 2022), as well as the Parroquia Mozárabe de Santa Eulalia https://www.facebook.com/Parroquia-Moz%C3%A1rabe-de-Santa-Eulalia-Toledo-1415030855486603/ (accessed on 21 Feburary 2022).
For a helpful introduction to the performative and ritual reality of the liturgy, see (Bradshaw and Melloh 2007).
In my first trip to Toledo on Sunday 23 November 2014 and Monday 24 November 2014 (last week of Tiempo de Cotidiano), I was only able to experience the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite at the Mozarabic Chapel. In my second trip on 16 and 23 October 2016 (XXVI and XXVII Domingos de Cotidiano), I decided to visit both the Mozarabic Chapel and the Mozarabic parish of Santa Eulalia y San Marcos. On my third trip on 11 June 2017 (IX Domingo de Cotidiano), I attended mass at the Mozarabic parish of Santas Justa y Rufina, and I tried to attend the liturgy at the Mozarabic church of San Lucas. Finally, on my last trip on 13 August 2017 (XVI Domingo de Cotidiano), I went to mass at the Mozarabic Chapel and the Mozarabic parish of Santa Eulalia y San Marcos. I also tried to attend mass at the parish church of Santas Justa y Rufina, because the schedule of masses posted at the cathedral seemed to imply that there would be mass that day, but mass was not offered.
For more on this church and a longer description of it, see (Gómez-Ruiz 2007, pp. 81–84).
The book is titled “Rito Hispano-Mozárabe: Libro dl Coro”.
I am not sure exactly what chant was used for the Antiphonam ad Pacem because I do not have access to the community’s newly published Latin/Spanish missalette (2015)—“Rito Hispano-Mozárabe: Libro dl Coro.” But upon returning from my trip, I looked through the worship booklet for the 900-year anniversary celebration of reconquest of Toledo, which includes a number of chants, see (Cabrera and Silveira 1985). See the chant on p. 40. I am not sure if this was the same chant, but it did seem similar.
This was also my experience at the Mozarabic Chapel and at Santas Justa y Rufina.
Gómez-Ruiz’s whole study is about this, but see in particular (Gómez-Ruiz 2007, pp. 3–4, 7–9).
See notes 47 and 48 below.
For the importance of the assembly in the post-Vatican II reforms, see (Janowiak 2011).
Gómez-Ruiz highlights this throughout his study.
Translation from (Gómez-Ruiz 2007, p. 33).
Constituciones de la Ilustre y Antiquísima Hermandad de Caballeros y Damas Mozárabes de Nuestra Señora de la Esperanza de la Imperial Ciudad de Toledo (Toledo 2009), http://www.mozarabesdetoledo.es/cmt_constituciones.htm (accessed on 23 February 2022).
These acclamations are especially pronounced in the Eucharistic prayer, where the faithful say “Amen” after the words over the bread, and then again after the words over the cup.
Discussions in liturgical studies on center and periphery have been shaped by the work of Stefano Parenti, Robert Taft, and Gabriele Winkler (Parenti 1991, 1997, 2010; 2014, pp. 289–304; 2020; Taft 2001, pp. 214–16; Winkler 1982). Parenti has argued that the center and periphery cannot be so easily identified with either innovation or preservation.
For a very helpful summary, see (Galadza 2018, pp. 2–3, 75).
Gómez-Ruiz also points to this in his study; see (Gómez-Ruiz 2007, p. 122).
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Chase, N.P. Crisis, Liturgy, and Communal Identity: The Celebration of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite in Toledo, Spain as a Case Study. Religions 2022, 13, 216. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13030216
Chase NP. Crisis, Liturgy, and Communal Identity: The Celebration of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite in Toledo, Spain as a Case Study. Religions. 2022; 13(3):216. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13030216Chicago/Turabian Style
Chase, Nathan P. 2022. "Crisis, Liturgy, and Communal Identity: The Celebration of the Hispano-Mozarabic Rite in Toledo, Spain as a Case Study" Religions 13, no. 3: 216. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13030216