The Ascetic Measure: A New Category for the Philosophical Analysis of Self-Inflicted Pain as an Expression of Love for God
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Pain: Measure for Measure
3. Blood: The Right Measure
4. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
References
- Aberth, John. 2018. Contesting the Middle Ages: Debates that Are Changing our Narrative of Medieval History. Abingdon: Routledge. [Google Scholar]
- Anidjar, Gil. 2014. Blood: A Critique of Christianity. New York: Columbia University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Aristotle. 2018. Rhetoric. Translated by C. D. C. Reeve. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. [Google Scholar]
- Biale, David. 2008. Blood and Belief: The Circulation of a Symbol between Jews and Christians. Oakland: University of California Press. [Google Scholar]
- Bildhauer, Bettina. 2010. Medieval Blood. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. [Google Scholar]
- Bildhauer, Bettina. 2013. Medieval European Conceptions of Blood: Truth and Human Integrity. In Blood Will Out: Essays on Liquid Transfers and Flows. Edited by Janet Carsten. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. [Google Scholar]
- Boileau, Jacques. 1700. Historia Flagellantium: De Recto et Perverso Usu Flagrorum Apud Christianos. Buffalo: Creative Media Partners, LLC. [Google Scholar]
- Bolland, Jean, Godfrey Henschen, and Daniel Papebroch. 1865. Acta Sanctorum. In March Part III. Parisiis et Romae: Jesuit Publications. [Google Scholar]
- Burton, Janet. 1994. Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain, 1000–1300. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Bynum Walker, Caroline. 2002. The Blood of Christ in the Later Middle Ages. Church History 71: 685–714. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Bynum Walker, Caroline. 2007. Wonderful Blood—Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. [Google Scholar]
- Camporesi, Piero. 1995. Juice of Life: The Symbolic and Magic Significance of Blood. Translated by Robert R. Barr. London: Continuum Press. [Google Scholar]
- Catherine St. of Siena. 1980. The Dialogue. Translated by Giuliana Cavallini. Mahwah: Paulist Press. [Google Scholar]
- Cervero, Fernando. 2012. Understanding Pain: Exploring the Perception of Pain. Cambridge: MIT Press. [Google Scholar]
- Cicero, Marcus, and Tullius. 2002. Tusculan Disputations. In Cicero on the Emotions. Edited by Margaret Graver. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. [Google Scholar]
- Cohen, Esther. 2009. The Modulated Scream: Pain in Late Medieval Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [Google Scholar]
- Colish, Marcía L. 1990. The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages—II: Stoicism in Christian Latin Thought through the Sixth Century. Leiden and Boston: Brill. [Google Scholar]
- Constable, G. 1982. Attitudes Towards Self-Inflicted Suffering in the Middle Ages. In The Ninth Stephen J. Brademas, Sr., Lecture. Brookline: Hellenic College Press. [Google Scholar]
- Constable, Giles. 1988. Monks, Hermits, and Crusaders in Medieval Europe. London: Variorum Reprints. [Google Scholar]
- Constable, Giles. 1998. Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought: The Interpretation of Mary and Martha, the Ideal of the Imitation of Christ, the Orders of Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Cooper, William. M. 1970. Flagellation & the Flagellants: A History of the Rod, Revised ed. London: William Reeves. [Google Scholar]
- Crislip, Andrew. 2012. Thorns in the Flesh: Illness and Sanctity in Late Ancient Christianity. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. [Google Scholar]
- Dalarun, Jacques. 2006. Gospel in Action: The Life of Clare of Rimini. In Franciscan Studies. Vita Evangelica: Essays in Honor of Margaret Carney, Franciscan Institute Publications. St Bonaventure: St. Bonaventure University, vol. 64. [Google Scholar]
- Damian, Peter. 1990. The Fathers of the Church: Mediaeval Continuation—Letters. Translated by Owen J. Blum. Edited by Thomas P. Halton. Washington: The Catholic University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Damiani, Petri. 1867. Vita Venerabilis Viri Dominici Loricati, Opera Omnia. In Patrologia Latina. Edited by J. P. Migne. Parisorum: J. P. Migne, vol. 144. [Google Scholar]
- Deleuze, Gilles. 2016. Desire and Pleasure. In Between Deleuze and Foucault. Edited by Nicolae Morar, Thomas Nail and Daniel W. Smit. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Deleuze, Gilles, and Leopold Von Sacher-Masoch. 1971. Masochism. Translated by Jean McNeil, and William Aude. New York: Zone Books. [Google Scholar]
- Dickson, Gary. 1989. The Flagellants of 1260 and the Crusades. Journal of Medieval History 15: 227–67. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Dougherty, Trent. 2017. Pain and the Divine. In The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Pain. Edited by Jennifer Corns. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 279–306. [Google Scholar]
- Douglas, Mary. 1996. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. Abingdon: Routledge. [Google Scholar]
- Easterling, Joshua S. 2015. Ascetic Blood: Ethics, Suffering and Community in Late Medieval Culture. In Wounds and Wound Repair in Medieval Culture. Edited by Larissa Tracy and Kelly DeVries. Leiden and Boston: Brill. [Google Scholar]
- Ebbesen, Sten. 2004. Where Were the Stoics in the Late Middle Ages? In Stoicism: Traditions and Transformations. Edited by Steven K. Strange and Jack Zupko. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Eckhart, Meister. 2001. Wandering Joy: Meister Eckhart’s Mystical Philosophy. Translated by Reiner Schurmann. New York: Steiner Books. [Google Scholar]
- Engelbert, Omer. 1951. The Lives of the Saints. Translated by Anne Fremantle, and Christopher Fremantle. London: Jarrold & Sons Limited. [Google Scholar]
- Even-Ezra, Ayelet. 2019. Ecstasy in the Classroom: Trance, Self, and the Academic Profession in Medieval Paris. New York: Fordham University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Farber, Klayman Sharon. 2002. When the Body Is the Target: Self-Harm, Pain, and Traumatic Attachments. Lanham: Jason Aronson Inc. [Google Scholar]
- Favazza, Armando R. 2011. Bodies under Siege: Self-Mutilation, Nonsuicidal Self-Injury and Body Modification in Culture and Psychology, Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
- Fichtenau, Heinrich. 1998. Heretics and Scholars in the High Middle Ages, 1000–1200. Translated by Denise A. Kaiser. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Foucault, Michel. 1985. The Use of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality. Translated by Robert Hurley. New York: Random House, vol. 2. [Google Scholar]
- Foucault, Michel. 1986. The Care of the Self: The History of Sexuality. Translated by Robert Hurley. New York: Random House, vol. 3. [Google Scholar]
- Freud, Sigmund. 2000. Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. Translated and Edited by James Strachey. New York: Basic Books. [Google Scholar]
- Gardner, Edmund. G. 1907. Saint Catherine of Siena: A Study in the Religion, Literature, and History of the Fourteenth Century in Italy. London: J. M. Dent & Company. [Google Scholar]
- Glucklich, Ariel. 2001. Sacred Pain: Hurting the Body for the Sake of the Soul. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Glucklich, Ariel. 2015. Pain and Ecstatic Religious Experience. Oxford Handbooks Online. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Glucklich, Ariel. 2017. Sacred Pain: The Use of Self-inflicted Pain in Religion. In The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Pain. Edited by Jennifer Corns. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 279–87. [Google Scholar]
- Goswin of Bossut. 2003. Send Me God: The Lives of Ida the Compassionate of Nivelles, Nun of La Ramee, Arnulf, Lay Brother of Villers, and Abundus, Monk of Villers. Translated by Martinus Cawley. Turnhout: Brepols. [Google Scholar]
- Graham, Mackenzie. 2018. Can they Feel? The Capacity for Pain and Pleasure in Patients with Cognitive Motor Dissociation. Neuroethics 12: 153–69. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [PubMed] [Green Version]
- Grahek, Nikola. 2011. Feeling Pain and Being in Pain. Cambridge: MIT Press. [Google Scholar]
- Hood, Jason B. 2013. Imitating God in Christ: Recapturing a Biblical Pattern. Westmont: InterVarsity Press. [Google Scholar]
- Howe, John. 2012. Voluntary Ascetic Flagellation: From Local to Learned Traditions. The Haskins Society Journal: Studies in Medieval History 24: 41–62. [Google Scholar]
- Hughes-Edwards, Mari. 2012. Reading Medieval Anchoritism: Ideology and Spiritual Practices. Wales: University of Wales Press. [Google Scholar]
- Johnson, Sherri Franks. 2014. Monastic Women and Religious Orders in Late Medieval Bologna. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Jones, Claire Taylor. 2018. Ruling the Spirit: Women, Liturgy, and Dominican Reform in Late Medieval Germany. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. [Google Scholar]
- Julian of Norwich. 1978. Showings. Translated by S. J. James. Mahwah: Paulist Press. [Google Scholar]
- Kay, Sara, and Miri Rubin. 1996. Framing Medieval Bodies. Manchester: Manchester University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Kroll, Jerome, and Bernard Bachrach. 2005. The Mystic Mind: The Psychology of Medieval Mystics and Ascetics. Abingdon: Routledge. [Google Scholar]
- Largier, Niklaus. 2007. In Praise of the Whip: A Cultural History of Arousal. Translated by Graham Harman. New York: Zone Books. [Google Scholar]
- Livingstone, Marilyn, and Morgen Witzel. 2018. The Black Prince and the Capture of a King: Poitiers 1356. Philadelphia: Casemate Publishers. [Google Scholar]
- Logan, F. Donald. 2012. A History of the Church in the Middle Ages. Abingdon: Routledge. [Google Scholar]
- Lyman, Steve. 2017. The Problem of Pain in the Philosophy of Religion. In The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Pain. Edited by Jennifer Corns. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 307–15. [Google Scholar]
- McGinn, Bernard. 2005. The Harvest of Mysticism in Medieval Germany. Spring Valley: Crossroad Publishing Company, vol. 4. [Google Scholar]
- Mechthild of Magdeburg. 1998. The Flowing Light of the Godhead. Translated by Frank Tobin. Mahwah: Paulist Press. [Google Scholar]
- Mellor, Philip, and Chris Shilling. 2010. Saved from Pain or Saved Through Pain? Modernity, Instrumentalization and the Religious Use of Pain as a Body Technique. European Journal of Social Theory 13: 521–37. [Google Scholar]
- Melzack, Ronald. 1973. The Puzzle of Pain. Ann Arbor: Basic Books, University of Michigan. [Google Scholar]
- Melzack, Ronald, and Patrick D. Wall. 1965. Pain Mechanisms: A New Theory. Science 150: 971–79. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [PubMed]
- Merback, Mitchell B. 2007. Living Image of Pity: Mimetic Violence, Peace-making and Salvific Spectacle in the Flagellant Processions of the Later Middle Age. In Images of Medieval Sanctity. Edited by Debra Higgs Strickland. Leiden and Boston: Brill. [Google Scholar]
- Mordeniz, Cengiz. 2016. Pain Perception Within Consciousness. NeuroQuantology 14: 439–46. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Green Version]
- Muessig, Carolyn. 2020. The Stigmata in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Murray, Andrew. 2001. The Blood of Christ. Ada: Baker Books. [Google Scholar]
- Olson, Trisha. 2006. The Medieval Blood Sanction and the Divine Beneficence of Pain. Journal of Law and Religion 22: 63–129. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef] [Green Version]
- Plante, Lori G. 2007. Bleeding to Ease the Pain: Cutting, Self-injury, and the Adolescent Search for Self. Boston: Greenwood Publishing Group. [Google Scholar]
- Plato. 2000. The Republic. Translated by Tom Griffith. Edited by G. R. F. Ferrari. Cambridge: Cambridge UP. [Google Scholar]
- Price, Donald D. 1988. Psychological and Neural Mechanisms of Pain. New York: Raven Press. [Google Scholar]
- Puccini, Vicenzo. 1970. The Life of Sour Maria Maddalena de Patsi, 1619. Edited by D. M. Rogers. Menston: The Scholar Press. [Google Scholar]
- Rev. Placido Fabrini. 1900. The Life and Works of St. Mary Magdalen De-Pazzi: Florentine Noble, Sacred Carmelite Virgin. Translated by Aantonio Isoleri. Philadelphia: The New St. Mary Magdalen De-Pazzi’s Italian Church. [Google Scholar]
- Rubin, Miri. 1991. Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Salim, Emil. 2020. Senseless Pain in the Phenomenology of Religious Experience. Open Theology 6: 510–19. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
- Sanders, Theresa. 2002. Celluloid Saints: Images of Sanctity in Film. Macon: Mercer University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Suso, Henry. 1989. The Exemplar with Two German Sermons. Translated and Edited by Frank Tobin. Mahwah: Paulist Press. [Google Scholar]
- Shea, Mary Lou. 2010. Medieval Women on Sin and Salvation: Hadewijch of Antwerp, Beatrice of Nazareth, Margaret Ebner, and Julian of Norwich. Pieterlen and Bern: Peter Lang. [Google Scholar]
- Sloyan, Gerard S. 1995. The Crucifixion of Jesus: History, Myth, Faith. Minneapolis: Fortress Press. [Google Scholar]
- Tauler, John. 1910. The Sermons and Conferences of John Tauler. Translated by Elliott Walter. Washington: Apostolic Mission House, Brookland Station. [Google Scholar]
- Taylor, William David, Antonia Van der Meer, and Reg Reimer, eds. 2012. Sorrow and Blood: Christian Mission in Contexts of Suffering, Persecution, and Martyrdom. Pasadena: William Carey Library. [Google Scholar]
- Thomas a Kempis. 2005. The Imitation of Christ. Translated by Rev. William Benham. Chicago: E-Publishing Enterprises, LLC. [Google Scholar]
- Thomas de Cantimpre. 2008. Thomas of Cantimpre: The Collected Saints’ Lives: Abbot John of Cantimpre, Christina the Astonishing, Margaret of Ypres, and Lutgard of Aywieres. Edited by Margot H. King and Barbara Newman. Turnhout: Brepols. [Google Scholar]
- Tinsley, David F. 2010. The Scourge and the Cross: Ascetic Mentalities of the Later Middle Ages. Leuven: Peeters Publishers. [Google Scholar]
- Valentine, Daniel. E. 1991. Charred Lullabies: Chapters in an Anthropology of Violence. Princeton: Princeton University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Wall, Patrick D. 1999. Pain: The Science of Suffering. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. [Google Scholar]
- Watkins, Dom Basil. 2002. Dominic Loricatus. In The Book of Saints: A Comprehensive Biographical Dictionary. Edited by Dom Basil Watkins. London: A&C Black. [Google Scholar]
- Wohlman, Avital. 2005. Loving God: Christian Love, Theology and Philosophy in Thomas Aquinas. Tel Aviv: Resling. [Google Scholar]
1 | “Middle Ages, the period in which we find the greatest number of flagellants” (Largier 2007, p. 47). “This sect first made its appearance in Italy in the year 1210, and the following account of it is given in the “Chronicon Ursitius Basiliensis” of the monk St. Justin of Padua: “When all Italy was sullied with crimes of every kind, a certain sudden superstition, hitherto unknown to the world, first seized the inhabitants of Padua, afterwards the Romans and then almost all the nations of Italy … nobles as well as ignoble persons, young and old, even children five years of age … Every one of them held in his hands a scourge, made of leather thongs, and with tears and groans they lashed themselves on their backs till the blood ran; all the while weeping” (Cooper 1970, p. 102). See also (Aberth 2018; Logan 2012, pp. 266–67). |
2 | “Perhaps the most striking feature of medieval monastic history is the proliferation of new religious groups and orders in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. These were the product of a search for the purest, indeed the perfect, form of monasticism, and are characterized by two main features: the desire to return to primitive monastic observances, either to the eremitism of the Desert Fathers or to a stricter interpretation of the text of the Rule of St. Benedict; and the appeal of apostolic poverty”, (Burton 1994, p. 63). |
3 | See int. al. (Anidjar 2014; Bynum 2007; Constable 1982; Dickson 1989; Howe 2012; Jones 2018; Kay and Rubin 1996; Rubin 1991; Merback 2007; Muessig 2020; Shea 2010; Tinsley 2010). |
4 | See, int. al., (Cohen 2009; Crislip 2012; Constable 1988; Cooper 1970; Dougherty 2017; Largier 2007; Lyman 2017; Hughes-Edwards 2012). |
5 | Glucklich applied contemporary medical knowledge in discussing the instrumental value of pain in the religious experience. He argues, by way of a physiological, neurochemical discussion, that pain facilitates the achievement of spiritual ecstasy: “After all, affect must surely emerge from the activation of specific brain regions (like the limbic system) and production of specific neurochemicals (dopamine, endorphins, etc.)”. (Glucklich 2015), p. 8. See also, int. al., (Cervero 2012; Graham 2018; Melzack and Wall 1965; Melzack 1973; Mordeniz 2016; Price 1988; Salim 2020; Wall 1999). |
6 | |
7 | |
8 | See, int. al. (Mellor and Shilling 2010). |
9 | |
10 | See, int. al., (Deleuze and Von Sacher-Masoch 1971; Deleuze 2016; Foucault 1985, 1986; Freud 2000; Largier 2007). |
11 | |
12 | Saint Franciscus Assisiensis, born Giovanni di Pietro di Bernardone, 1182–1226; Santa Clara of Assisi, born Chiara Offreduccio, 1194–1253. “[H]e made acquaintance of Miss Clara Seiffo [Saint Clare of Assisi, born Chiara Offreduccio, R.N.], who was possessed of a kindred spirit, that he did so … she was in consequence very early in life initiated into the mysteries of the birch; but flagellation only increased her mystic inspiration, and she was thus admirably fitted to be companion of Saint Francis. Their intercourse mostly consisted of praying together, scourging each other, and such like spiritual exercises” (Cooper 1970, pp. 70–71). |
13 | Isabelle of France, 1225–1269. “Isabella, daughter of Louis XIII. This young lady, in opposition to the wishes of her friends, had determined to pass her days in a convent. She preferred fasting and chastisement to courtly gaiety, and her palace was like a convent where little else but penance went on. She scourged herself, and received such scourging from others as to cause the blood to flow freely” (Cooper 1970, pp. 71–72). |
14 | “[T]hey began the most rapturous forms of worship … they abused their bodies in the most acute fashion with all manner of scourging instruments until their blood flowed” (Largier 2007, p. 36). |
15 | Dominic of Guzman, also known as Dominic of Osma, 1170–1221: “Dominic … the founder of the Dominican order … [practiced, R. N.] self-flagellation with iron chains three-times daily. The signs of the discipline ‘remained in his virginal flesh’ and his self-mortification was so severe that a piece of the metal chain became embedded in his body until it was removed and left a ‘singular’ scar” (Muessig 2020, p. 150); “Dominic used to take the discipline with a triple chain, particularly at night, either giving it to himself or getting someone else to give it to him, and there are many brethren who can assert this, who beat him at his request” (Tinsley 2010, p. 35); “[H]e used to take the discipline with an iron chain, saying, ‘Your discipline has set me straight towards my goal’” (Tinsley 2010, p. 36); “Saint Dominic, founder of the order that bears his name, submitted himself each night to long and bloody flagellations with a whip affixed with three iron chains” (Largier 2007, p. 45). |
16 | Margaret of Hungary, 1242–1270: “After whipping herself along with her fellow nuns, she would whip herself still further after they had left, including with rods and thorn-covered branches. She would strike herself until the blood flowed. These acts … which ran through the year, would intensify during the last three days of the Holy Week. At all hours of the day and night, she tormented her body with blows that led to great loss of blood” (Largier 2007, p. 45). |
17 | |
18 | Christina the Astonishing/Christina Mirabilis, 1150–1224: “On another occasion she rose up in the middle of the night and, provoking the dogs of the whole city of Sint-Truiden to bark, ran before them like a fleeing beast. The dogs pursued her and chased her through woods so thick with thorns that her whole body was covered in bloody wounds. Nevertheless, when she had washed off the blood, no trace of the wounds remained” (Thomas de Cantimpre 2008, p. 135); “[She, R. N.] used to torment herself ... with thorns and brambles so it seemed that her whole body was entirely covered in blood. The many people who had frequently seen this happen were astonished that there could be so much blood in a single body. In addition to this bloodletting, on many occasions she bled a great quantity of blood from one of her veins” (Thomas de Cantimpre 2008, pp. 135–36). |
19 | Margaret of Ypres, 1216-1237: “[She, R. N.] used to press nettles and the stinging barbs of flax seeds into the flesh of her bosom … at the age of ten, she ... scourged herself with yew branches and thorns even to the shedding of blood” (Thomas de Cantimpre 2008, p. 166). |
20 | Catherine of Siena, 1347–1380: see (Catherine St. of Siena 1980, pp. 29–30); (Gardner 1907, p. 13); (Glucklich 2001, p. 100). |
21 | (Rev. Placido Fabrini 1900, pp. 72–73, 191, 339–437). See also (Puccini 1970). |
22 | (Sanders 2002, p. 57); see also (Livingstone and Witzel 2018). |
23 | Int. al., Adelheid Langmann, Adelheid Zirger, Angelina of Korbain, Beli von Winthertur, Christina Ebner, Catherine of Siena, Charles Chatillon of Blois, Charles Borromaeus, Christina Ebner, Christina of Spoleto, Clare Seiffo of Assisi, Clare of Montefalco, Clare of Rimini, Dodo of Hascha, Elsbeth Stagel, Dominic Loricatus, Dominic of Osma, Elizabeth von Oye, Elsbeth Schefflin, Francis of Assisi, Francis Xavier, Hedwig of Silesia, Heinrich Seuse, Ignatius of Loyola, Margareta Ebner, Margaret of Hungary, Maria Laurentia Longa, Maria Vittoria Fornari, Mary Magdalen de’ Pazzi, Marie of Oignies, Mechthild von Stans, Peter the Hermit, Philip Berruyer, Rodolph of Gubbio, Stephen of Obazine, Teresa of Avila, etc. |
24 | Heinrich Seuse, 1295–1366. |
25 | (Suso 1989). |
26 | Meister Eckhart, 1260–1328: “[I]f you suffer for the love of God and for God alone, that suffering does not hurt and is not hard to bear, for it is God who carries the burden. In all truth! If there were a man who liked to suffer for God and purely for God alone, and if on this man fell in a single blow all the suffering that all men have never even suffered, and all the suffering the entire world bears. It would not hurt him and would not weigh him down, for it is God who would carry the burden” (Eckhart 2001, p. 39); “[W]e suffer for God and not for love of self. As we take a closer look, this remark is equally to be put in parallel with a remark on the intellect just as the science that is granted to detached man proceeds no longer through abstractions and representations, but through possession of ideas and essences, so he who suffers without being attached to his suffering has God bear his burden, making it light and gentle for him. To detach oneself from one’s pain means to consider it not as one’s own but as assumed by God himself” (Eckhart 2001, p. 40). |
27 | Dominic Loricatus, 995–1060: see (Damian 1990, pp. 231–32; Watkins 2002, p. 154; Constable 1982, p. 20; Fichtenau 1998, p. 118; Kroll and Bachrach 2005, p. 24; Largier 2007, p. 42; Muessig 2020, p. 38). |
28 | “Et hoc remissiori quidem tempore. Nam quadragesimalibus circulis, sive cum poenitentiam peragendam habet (crebro enim cantum annorum poenitentiam suscipit) tunc per dies singulos, dum se scoparum tunsionibus afficit, ut minus, tria psalteria meditando persolvit. Centum autem annorum poenitentia, sicut ipso auctore didicimus, sic expletur. Porro cum tria scoparum millia unum poenitentiae annum apud nos regulariter expleant, decem autem psalmorum modulation, ut saepe probatum est, mille scopas admittat, dum centum quinquaginta psalmis constare psalterium non ambigitur, quinque annorum poenitentia in unius psalterii disciplina recte supputantibus invenitur. Sed sive quinque vicies ducas, sive viginti quinquies, centum faciunt. Consequitur ergo, ut qui viginti pealteria cum disciplina decantat, centum annorum poenitentiam se peregisse confidant” (Damiani 1867, p. 1015 BC). See also (Largier 2007, pp. 42–43; Constable 1982, p. 15). |
29 | |
30 | |
31 | |
32 | |
33 | Imitating Christ and drawing close to God were not, according to Largier, the only reasons medieval ascetics inflicted pain on themselves. In his book he discussed various further reasons, including psychological, mental, physiological and medical factors, as well as some associated with erotic and sexual satisfaction. |
34 | |
35 | |
36 | |
37 | |
38 | |
39 | Among these examples were a monk who sought to drink drops of Christ’s blood to ensure his redemption after death; and Clement VI’s 1343 bull, according to which one drop of Christ’s blood can save the whole world (Bynum 2007, p. 176). |
40 | “[S]uffering was a means of progressing towards the vision of God” (Constable 1982, p. 20). |
41 | “Since love (caritas) controls the measure of abstraction, the greater it is, the better it unites the intellect with God and abstracts it from phantasms” (Even-Ezra 2019, p. 47); “[A]ccording to the principle ‘the more I love the more I see’ (quo magis amo tamto plus inspicio)” or “[T]he more I love the more I know” (Even-Ezra 2019, p. 158). See, int. al., (Constable 1998; Glucklich 2001; Hood 2013, esp. pp. 193–208; Jones 2018; Thomas a Kempis 2005). |
42 | |
43 | |
44 | |
45 | |
46 | “[T]he more severe the suffering, the nearer God comes to us” (Tinsley 2010, pp. 24, 29). |
47 | Socrates (Plato), peripatetic philosophers, starting with Aristotle, as well as the Stoics, thought emotions to be movements of the soul in relation to a particular object. According to the Stoics, impressions received in the soul stir it to a movement that leads to action. They argued that the soul’s movements are translations of emotional states. A movement reflecting a negative opinion about the present is a constriction and will cause an emotion of sadness; a movement reflecting a negative opinion concerning the future is a drawing away and will cause an emotion of fear. Movements reflecting a positive opinion about the present are directed upwards and will cause an emotion of pleasure or joy, while movements reflecting a positive opinion about the future are a drawing close or forward, and will cause an emotion of love or passion. An emotion of love for a particular object causes the soul to strive to move forward, closer to that object; an emotion of fear of a particular object causes the soul to strive to move away from that object (Plato 2000, 434a–445e, pp. 128–43; esp. 435d–442b, pp. 129–39; Aristotle 2018, book 2, Chs. 1–11, pp. 55–80; Cicero 2002). The above concept of emotions as movements of the soul provides an explanation for the desire to draw closer to God that is at the heart of this paper. At the foundation of this desire was a belief that the measure of one’s love for God was expressed in the measure of one’s desire to draw closer to Him. For ascetics, inflicting pain on themselves was the means for drawing close to God. On this view, the greater the measure of pain, the closer one became with God. The aforementioned stoic idea resembles these ideas of Christian asceticism, as well as similar themes in ancient ascetic philosophy. These resemblances date back to the days of the apostles and fathers of the church, who were influenced by Philo, who himself was influenced by Plato and the Stoics. Stoic thought thereby influenced the deep beliefs of a later period. For few of the numerous studies dealing with this subject see (Colish 1990, esp. pp. 221–39; Ebbesen 2004, pp. 108–31; Wohlman 2005, esp. pp. 50–66). |
48 | |
49 | See footnote 23. |
50 | |
51 | Mary Magdalen De-Pazzi/Maria Maddalena de Patsi, 1566–1607: see (Rev. Placido Fabrini 1900, p. 72; Puccini 1970). |
52 | Stephen of Obazine, 1085–1159. |
53 | |
54 | Dodo of Hascha, in Frisia, died in 1231: “Asperam vitam ducebat ibi in victu et vestitu et in lecto duro: carnem suam domabat jejunando vigilando, scopando, in genuflexionibus et tunsionibus, in fletu et planetu irremissibili, gemendo et orando pro se et universa sancta Ecclesia Dei. Singulis diebus uno contentus cibo, alternis in piscibus et cerevisia, alternis in pane et aqua … Vestitus ejus fait talis: primo cingebant carnem circuli septem ferrei circa latera sua, duo circa brachia, desuper erat cilicium, postmodum lorica ferrea induebatur, ad ultimum laneas duas habuit tunicas et desuper scapulare, et sic de die et nocte sine mutatoriis permanebat. Lectus durus fuit sine mollitie pulvinaris: nam videlicet mattam pro strato habuit, ad caput lignum concavum, et in illa concavitate, vestem suppositam capiti suo cum cussino, exemplo Domini nostri Jesu Christi, qui pannis involutus positus est in preasepio … Quinque centenas genuflexiones singulis diebus e noctibus et saepius plures faciebat” (Bolland et al. 1865, p. 848; Muessig 2020, p. 65; Constable 1982, p. 18). |
55 | |
56 | |
57 | |
58 | |
59 | “For a long time he wore a hairshirt and an iron chain until he bled like a fountain and had to give it up”, (Suso 1989, p. 87); “The blessed father wore an iron chain next to the skin” (Tinsley 2010, p. 36); “[B]lessed Dominicus Loricatus, known as “The Armored”. He took this name from the iron armor that he wore on his naked body for many years” (Largier 2007, p. 42). |
60 | “Alas, Lord, why did you suffer such distress? From that time when so much of your pure blood was shed from your pure heart…”. “No”, he said, “that did not satisfy my father … when my heart’s blood poured onto this earth … then was heaven opened” (Mechthild of Magdeburg 1998, p. 251). |
61 | Adelheid Langmann, 1306–1375: “Lord, what honor should I now bring you?” He then replied: In honor of my divine power, you should pray … you should punish yourself three times with a scourge studded with thorns so that it bleed, and you should weep with sweet tears” (Largier 2007, pp. 38–39). |
62 | “There they abused their bodies in the most acute fashion with all manner of scourging instruments until their blood flowed … For God takes pleasure in these exercises of humility and worship and does not fail to hear the groaning of those who are filled with penance” (Largier 2007, p. 36). |
63 | Goswin of Bossut, 1190–1230. |
64 | Arnulf of Aeuvan, abbey of Villers, 1200–1250, Brabant, Belgium. “[I]t was his own hands that did the striking, his own hands that heaped torment after torment upon him. Such merciless perforating of his body, such multiple jabbing, made each gash bleed enough to splash his entire hand and to coat it all blood-red” (Goswin of Bossut 2003, pp. 135–36). |
65 | |
66 | The term ‘blood’ includes the attribute ‘red’, as one of the most essential and prominent features of blood is its red color. |
67 | “Askesis for them was a process of training and exercise, not unlike that of the athlete, and led to a higher end” (Constable 1982, p. 12). |
68 | “[T]he ascetic regard[s] pain as the phenomenal face of a divine mechanism—retributive and just … their certainty produces a strange insensitivity to pain” (Glucklich 2001, p. 17). |
69 | There are significant differences between martyrs and ascetics, about which many studies have been written. This paper is focused on the infliction of pain rather than on its permanent termination in death. Accordingly, I focus on ascetics rather than martyrs. |
70 | “At a practical level, such limits were meant … against striking harder than is necessary to produce a flow of blood” (Merback 2007, p. 162). |
71 | |
72 | |
73 | |
74 | |
75 | |
76 | |
77 | “At that time, the access to Christ’s blood was a privilege reserved only to the priests. Lay people and especially women, who were felt to be impure because of menstrual blood, dreamed to be washed by the fresh, pure and saving blood of Jesus” (Dalarun 2006, p. 212). |
78 | Another point of view regarding the concept of divalent blood is found in the laws of purity in Leviticus: blood represents impurity, but also purity. “[…] A woman who becomes pregnant and gives birth to a son will be ceremonially unclean for seven days, just as she is unclean during her monthly period. On the eighth day the boy is to be circumcised. Then the woman must wait thirty-three days to be purified from her bleeding. She must not touch anything sacred or go to the sanctuary until the days of her purification are over. If she gives birth to a daughter, for two weeks the woman will be unclean, as during her period. Then she must wait sixty-six days to be purified from her bleeding. When the days of her purification for a son or daughter are over, she is to bring to the priest at the entrance to the tent of meeting a year-old lamb for a burnt offering and a young pigeon or a dove for a sin offering. He shall offer them before the Lord to make atonement for her, and then she will be ceremonially clean from her flow of blood” (Leviticus, 12:2–7). According to Leviticus, the blood of childbirth represents impurity, from which the mother must be purified. It is similar to the impure, contaminated blood of the Niddah: “If a woman has a discharge, her flesh discharging blood, she shall remain in her state of menstrual separation for seven days, and whoever touches her shall become unclean […] And if she becomes clean of her discharge, she shall count for herself seven days, and after this, she may be cleansed. And on the eighth day, she shall take for herself two turtle doves or two young doves, and bring them to the kohen, to the entrance of the Tent of Meeting. And the kohen shall make one into a sin offering and one into a burnt offering, and the kohen shall effect atonement for her, before the Lord, from the uncleanness of her discharge” (ibid, 15:19–30). “Birthing blood is blood joyous in pain: it torments and separates, yet enables life and survival. In medieval physiological theory, the human child is in some sense the mother’s blood, formed from the bloody stuff in her womb … Blood poured out is then a risk of death, but it is also future generations” (Bynum 2007, p. 189; Douglas 1996, p. 66). Menstrual blood is impure because it represents life unfulfilled. To cleanse impurity another sort of blood is needed, the pure blood of a sacrifice. In Leviticus, sacrificial blood manifests in a lamb or two young doves. In the New Testament the sacrifice is Christ: “[T]he origin of Christ’s perfect body entirely in the pure menstrual blood of Mary … surely disproves any simple equation of female or menstrual blood with impurity” (Bynum 2007, p. 18); “Christ came into the world de sanguine (i.e., from his mother’s womb) and left also in the blood of the cross. …The blood of the passion is the blood of birthing. Hence the fertile, separated blood from Christ’s side is female blood”, (ibid), p. 159. The pure blood of Christ was sacrificed to purify believers of an unclean blood. Marie Douglas, an anthropologist, is one of many scholars who wrote about rituals and symbols. She argued that symbols, including language, that make up rituals, have power to give meaning to everyday life experiences and integrate them into a framework. One of the functions of that framework is marking time, place and the boundaries of the community and thus giving its members a sense of control. Control is achieved through the approval of certain symbols and the prohibition of others. The symbols evoke emotions and passions. By approving or forbidding certain symbols within the framework of a ritual, it is possible to define which emotions, feelings and desires are permitted, and which remain outside the framework as prohibited, (Douglas 1996, pp. 35–73). The ritual of the blood sacrifice is necessary, in Leviticus as well as in the New Testament, for bringing those infected with unclean blood back into community territory. In the case of the ascetics, self-inflicted pain in the measure of blood served as an imitation of Christ also in this purifying sense. |
79 | Suso described a man who bathed in his own blood in order to purge his sins. The man inflicted pain on himself and, according to Suso’s description, acted like a laundress. He did not stop inflicting pain on himself until his blood was shed to an extent that allowed him to bathe in a bath of blood. In this way he sought to feel the blood of Christ flowing upon him, in order to be cleansed from his sins. In analyzing this description, it is impossible not to notice the divalence of blood: it represents the blood of Christ and purifies from sin, while also symbolizing sin. According to Suso, the man bathed in blood like a baby bathing in hot water. The infant represents continuity of life and a human who has not yet sinned; it also represents the infant Christ, son of God. The man in Suso’s description bathed in blood, which simultaneously represents life and the sacrifice thereof; it represents the sins from which the man sought to be cleansed, but also the purging itself; it represents violence and pain, but also the redemption of others; redemption for which the blood of Christ was sacrificed, as an expression of love. “Whenever out of human weakness he had committed some fault that required penance, he did what a good washerwoman does who, after wringing out her laundry and letting it soak, takes it to pure water and there, by washing it, gets everything clean and spotless that was previously dirty. Thus, he would not give up before he had received the innocent flowing blood of Christ, which had been poured out in indescribable love for all sinners, so that in a spiritual manner he might have this blood pouring over himself. In this warm blood, he would wash himself and remove spots. He bathed in the salutary bath of blood, just as one bathes a baby in warm water, and he did this with such heartfelt devotion and with such trusting Christian faith that it was supposed to and actually did wash away all his sins and cleanse him of all guilt with its almighty power” (Suso 1989, p. 160–61). |
80 | See also Bynum’s work, where she refers to theological sources from which we can learn that access to God is made possible through blood. Her examples turn to the sacrifice of lamb, repeated many times in the Old Testament; the lamb’s blood was shed, splashed on the altar and ascended to God (Bynum 2007, p. 189). |
Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. |
© 2021 by the author. Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Share and Cite
Naor Hofri, R. The Ascetic Measure: A New Category for the Philosophical Analysis of Self-Inflicted Pain as an Expression of Love for God. Religions 2021, 12, 120. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020120
Naor Hofri R. The Ascetic Measure: A New Category for the Philosophical Analysis of Self-Inflicted Pain as an Expression of Love for God. Religions. 2021; 12(2):120. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020120
Chicago/Turabian StyleNaor Hofri, Roni. 2021. "The Ascetic Measure: A New Category for the Philosophical Analysis of Self-Inflicted Pain as an Expression of Love for God" Religions 12, no. 2: 120. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020120
APA StyleNaor Hofri, R. (2021). The Ascetic Measure: A New Category for the Philosophical Analysis of Self-Inflicted Pain as an Expression of Love for God. Religions, 12(2), 120. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020120