1. Introduction
“A happy family is but an earlier heaven”
George Bernard Shaw
Parenthood enriches individuals with numerous positive and valuable experiences; however, the parental role places exceptionally high demands on parents, resulting in substantial psychological and emotional burden, while simultaneously placing extreme strain on parents’ adaptive capacities, self-regulation, and stress tolerance (
Mikolajczak and Roskam 2018;
Piotrowski et al. 2023). Parents are required to provide continuous attention and emotional availability toward their child(ren), often at the expense of their own needs (
Le Vigouroux and Scola 2018). Difficulties related to childrearing may be further intensified when parents’ psychosocial background is unfavorable (
Bogdán et al. 2025). Such adverse factors may include previously experienced or currently existing mental or physical health conditions in parents (e.g., depressive episodes, generalized anxiety, visual or hearing impairments), lack of social support, unfavorable financial or social circumstances, or the presence of mental or physical conditions in the child being raised (e.g., physical disability, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder—ADHD, Special Educational Needs—SEN) (
Kawamoto et al. 2018;
Hodozsó et al. 2013). These factors, both independently and cumulatively, have been shown to contribute to the development of parental burnout (
Roskam et al. 2017).
Parental burnout (PB) can be conceptualized as a response to prolonged mental, psychological, and emotional strain arising from the parental role (
Le Vigouroux et al. 2025). PB manifests across four clearly distinguishable dimensions: emotional exhaustion, which may be reflected in reduced emotional involvement toward the child; emotional distancing, characterized by emotional withdrawal and indifference; a sense of failure in the parental role, during which parents may question their own competence and adequacy in childrearing; and saturation with the parental role, whereby parents experience the demands of parenthood as overwhelming and burdensome (
Roskam et al. 2018).
Parental burnout has numerous negative effects on family well-being, as it may increase the frequency of intra-family conflicts, demonstrably contribute to the breakdown of the family system and the emergence of violent behavioral patterns, and adversely affect children’s psychological and mental development through the deterioration of emotional connectedness (
Woine et al. 2024). At the same time, parental burnout cannot be interpreted solely as an intrapsychic state; rather, it is accompanied by functional changes that affect the quality of parent–child interactions, including modes of conflict management.
During childrearing, parents are confronted with a wide range of demanding circumstances that may be understood as sources of conflict. In addressing such situations, consistent behavioral and conflict-management patterns—referred to as coping strategies—may be activated, encompassing the reactions and behavioral responses employed in problematic situations (
Van Doorn et al. 2011). The theoretical foundations of conflict management were established by Kenneth W. Thomas and Ralph H. Kilmann, whose classical model identifies five fundamental conflict-handling styles: competing, avoiding, accommodating, compromising, and collaborating (
Thomas and Kilmann 1974). These styles are shaped partly by innate characteristics (e.g., empathy, emotion regulation, impulsivity) and partly by learned and modifiable factors (e.g., familial and social experiences, therapeutic processes, self-development).
From the perspective of understanding responses to conflict situations and stress-laden circumstances, the concept of coping strategies provides a relevant theoretical framework, capturing the cognitive and behavioral response patterns activated in demanding situations. The prolonged emotional and mental exhaustion associated with parental burnout is expected to influence parents’ coping repertoires, particularly the balance between problem-focused and emotion-focused strategies. As a result of reduced emotion-regulation capacity and cognitive flexibility, burned-out parents may be more likely to rely on avoidant or less adaptive coping forms, while active and constructive solutions may become suppressed. Accordingly, coping strategies may serve as suitable indicators for identifying functional changes associated with parental burnout within the context of parent–child interactions (
Zubayr et al. 2025).
The management of conflicts arising within the parental role is strongly influenced by the availability of parents’ psychological resources. Prolonged stress negatively affects both cognitive flexibility and emotion-regulation capacities, thereby facilitating the emergence of automatic, non-conscious, and at times poorly controlled behavioral patterns in conflict situations (
Mikolajczak et al. 2018). Certain dimensions of parental burnout—such as emotional distancing or a perceived sense of failure in the parental role—may reinforce avoidant conflict-management patterns, whereas emotional exhaustion may suppress problem-focused conflict resolution while simultaneously strengthening competitive responses, thereby reducing consideration of the child’s needs and interests (
Kong et al. 2024). As a consequence, the adaptive conflict-management skills and capacities of burned-out parents may become substantially compromised, allowing the destructive impact of conflicts to come to the forefront, further intensifying psychological stress and exerting a detrimental effect on the parent–child relationship (
Piotrowski et al. 2023). In this sense, burnout may be understood as a self-perpetuating, vicious cycle, in which burnout undermines constructive conflict-resolution processes, while maladaptive conflict management, in turn, further exacerbates parental burnout. The relationship between parental burnout and conflict-management functioning should therefore not be interpreted as a linear causal association, but rather as a dynamic, mutually reinforcing process, in which the interactions among functional components may vary over time.
While several international studies have addressed the association between parental burnout and conflict management, this line of research remains relatively sparse. Moreover, to date, no empirical quantitative data are available from the Hungarian context (
Roskam et al. 2021). This empirical gap limits a more nuanced understanding of how parental burnout is linked to conflict-related capacities at the interpersonal level and constrains the development of context-sensitive prevention and intervention approaches. The present study aims to address this gap by providing empirical evidence from a Hungarian sample.
Beyond its gap-filling contribution, Hungary also represents a theoretically relevant research context, as its economic, social, and cultural characteristics are comparable to those of several other European countries. Due to its geographical location, Hungary is organically embedded in the European social and cultural space and therefore displays a number of features that are also typical of Western societies. One such feature is the presence of an individualistic value orientation, reflected in the emphasis on personal autonomy, independent decision-making, self-realization, and individual responsibility. These factors may play an important role in how the parental role is interpreted and how parental burden is experienced. At the same time, Hungary is strongly connected to the Central and Eastern European region, particularly to the Visegrád Group (V4) countries (Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia) and to other post-socialist societies. These countries are linked by shared historical experiences, partly overlapping religious and cultural traditions, similar economic structures, and the prominent importance of the family as a fundamental social value. Parallels can also be clearly observed at the demographic level. Low birth rates, the increasing postponement of childbearing, and population aging are all phenomena that characterize the region as a whole.
This duality—that is, cultural connectedness to Western societies alongside the simultaneous presence of Central and Eastern European characteristics—makes Hungary a particularly suitable research setting. It is precisely this combination that provides the theoretical added value through which the Hungarian sample can be interpreted not only in its own right, but also meaningfully embedded in broader regional contexts in the study of parental burnout and related conflict processes.
Aim of the Study
The aim of our study is to explore how the different dimensions of parental burnout, namely—emotional exhaustion, emotional distancing from one’s child, and feelings of parental failure and contrast—relate to the conflict-resolution strategies employed by parents. Specifically, we seek to determine whether parents with higher levels of burnout tend to use maladaptive strategies, such as avoidance, more frequently, whereas lower levels of burnout are associated with more constructive, collaborative approaches to problem solving. Beyond identifying the association between these phenomena, our goal is to gain a deeper understanding of how burnout influences parents’ emotional responses and behaviors in conflict situations.
H1. Higher levels of problem-focused conflict resolution are associated with lower levels of parental burnout.
H2. Higher levels of emotion-focused and support-seeking coping strategies are associated with higher levels of parental burnout.
H3. Mothers reporting postpartum depressive symptoms exhibit higher levels of parental burnout.
H4. The use of physical discipline toward the child is associated with higher levels of parental burnout.
3. Results
3.1. Reliability of the Measurement Instruments
In our study, the internal consistency and reliability of the applied measurement instruments were examined using Cronbach’s alpha and McDonald’s omega coefficients. Both indicators show the extent to which the subscales of the questionnaires consistently measure the underlying construct. These results are presented in
Table 2.
Based on the conducted tests, the four subscales of the “Parental Burnout Assessment” (PBA) demonstrated high internal reliability. In contrast, the seven subscales of the “Ways of Coping Questionnaire” (WCQ) showed varying levels of reliability. Following the authors’ instructions, the seven subscales were grouped into three higher-order factors of greater psychological relevance (problem-focused, emotion-focused, and support-seeking coping), resulting in the following internal consistency values:
Problem-focused:
Cronbach’s α = 0.671 (CI = 0.605–0.738); McDonald’s ω = 0.680 (CI = 0.618–0.741).
Emotion-focused:
Cronbach’s α = 0.406 (CI = 0.288–0.524); McDonald’s ω = 0.450 (CI = 0.346–0.553).
Support-seeking:
Cronbach’s α = 0.371 (CI = 0.226–0.515); McDonald’s ω = 0.385 (CI = 0.258–0.512).
Among the three aggregated factors, the problem-focused coping subscale showed the highest internal consistency (α = 0.671; ω = 0.680), which can be considered acceptable. The reliability indicators of the emotion-focused (α = 0.406; ω = 0.450) and support-seeking (α = 0.370; ω = 0.385) subscales were lower. This may be attributed to the brevity of the scales and the content heterogeneity of their items. Similar observations have been reported by other authors, noting that for short subscales measuring heterogeneous behavioral forms, Cronbach’s alpha often underestimates internal reliability (
Cortina 1993). Since the lower reliability indicators observed in our study are consistent with psychometric expectations for shorter subscales, these subscales were retained for subsequent analyses.
3.2. Test of Normality
The descriptive and distributional statistics of the examined variables are presented in
Table 3. The distributions of age, as well as the problem-focused and emotion-focused coping subscales, did not significantly deviate from normality (Shapiro–Wilk
p > 0.05). In contrast, the age of the youngest child, the subscales of the “Parental Burnout Assessment” (PBA), and the support-seeking coping subscale significantly deviated from the normal distribution (Shapiro–Wilk
p < 0.05). Based on these results, the use of nonparametric tests with bootstrap estimations was deemed appropriate in order to enhance the reliability of the conclusions drawn from the statistical analyses.
3.3. Examination of Associations
Associations were examined using statistical procedures appropriate to the level of measurement and distributional characteristics of the variables. Independent-samples t-tests were used for two-group comparisons, with Welch’s t-test applied when the assumption of homogeneity of variances was violated. Spearman’s rank-order correlation was used for ordinal variables and non-normally distributed data.
The majority of the sample were married (79.6%), while 15.4% were in a cohabiting relationship. The proportions of single (3.2%) and divorced (1.8%) participants were extremely low. Due to the small group sizes of these latter categories, the marital status variable was excluded from the association analyses, as comparisons between categories would not have been statistically interpretable.
Regarding educational attainment, only two participants (0.9%) had completed only primary school (eight years). Given the very small group size and the fact that this category could not be meaningfully merged with other education levels, these participants were excluded from the statistical analysis. The remaining categories were combined to create two independent groups: participants with secondary and higher education. Based on the results of independent-samples t-tests conducted with the subscales of the “PBA” and the “WOC”, no significant differences were found between the education groups (p > 0.05).
Spearman’s rank-order correlation was used to examine the relationships between age and the “PBA” subscales. Our results showed a weak, negative correlation between age and both emotional exhaustion (ρ = −0.15, p = 0.028) and saturation with the parental role (ρ = −0.20, p = 0.003). No significant correlations were found between age and contrast (ρ = −0.11, p = 0.10) or emotional distancing (ρ = 0.02, p = 0.80). Similarly, Spearman’s rank-order correlations between age and the subscales of the “WOC” revealed no significant associations (p > 0.05).
According to the results of the Spearman correlation analyses conducted between the number of children and the psychological variables, an increase in the number of children showed a weak, negative correlation with problem-focused conflict resolution (ρ = −0.18, p = 0.006). No significant associations were found between the number of children and the emotion-focused or support-seeking coping categories. Similarly, no significant correlations were observed between the “PBA” subscales and the number of children (p > 0.05).
The presence of children with Special Educational Needs (SEN) or Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) and the differences in psychological variables were analyzed using independent-samples t-tests. The results indicated no significant differences in either the “PBA” subscales or the “WOC” subscales between parents of children with “SEN” or “ADHD” and those raising typically developing (“healthy”) children (p > 0.05).
The potential effect of postpartum depressive symptoms experienced after the birth of the youngest child was examined by dividing the sample into two groups: mothers who reported such symptoms (N = 114) and those who did not (N = 102).
According to the results, mothers who reported experiencing postpartum depressive symptoms showed significantly higher levels of emotion-focused coping (M = 1.26, SD = 0.38) compared to those who did not report such symptoms (M = 1.04, SD = 0.36; t = 4.25, p < 0.001; Cohen’s d = 0.58).
Among the subscales of the “PBA”, mothers with postpartum depressive symptoms also scored higher:
Emotional exhaustion: M = 2.00, SD = 1.40 vs. M = 1.47, SD = 1.16; t = 3.03, p = 0.003; Cohen’s d = 0.41.
Contrast: M = 1.34, SD = 1.29 vs. M = 0.86, SD = 1.08; t = 2.96, p = 0.003; Cohen’s d = 0.401.
Saturation: M = 1.32, SD = 1.18 vs. M = 0.88, SD = 1.01; t = 2.93, p = 0.004; Cohen’s d = 0.40.
No significant differences were found between mothers with and without postpartum depressive symptoms in problem-focused or support-seeking coping strategies (p > 0.05).
The relationships between self-rated health and the psychological variables were examined using Spearman’s rank-order correlation. The results indicated that poorer self-rated health was significantly associated with higher levels of parental burnout, including emotional exhaustion (ρ = −0.30, p < 0.001), contrast (ρ = −0.32, p < 0.001), saturation (ρ = −0.21, p = 0.002), and emotional distancing (ρ = −0.20, p = 0.002). Additionally, a weak negative correlation was found with emotion-focused coping (ρ = −0.27, p < 0.001). No significant correlations were observed for problem-focused or support-seeking coping strategies (p > 0.05).
An independent samples t-test was conducted to compare parents with and without assistance in childcare. The results showed no significant differences between the two groups for any of the examined psychological variables (p > 0.05). At a trend level, higher scores were observed in support-seeking conflict resolution among parents who received external assistance; however, this difference did not reach statistical significance (p = 0.062).
The effects of physical violence toward the child were also examined using an independent-samples t-test. Parents who had used physical punishment against their child (n = 130) scored higher on several dimensions of parental burnout compared to those who had not (n = 86). On the contrast subscale, the mean score of the affected group was 1.28 (SD = 1.28), while that of the non-affected group was 0.77 (SD = 1.02), and this difference proved to be significant (t = 3.24; p = 0.001; Cohen’s d = 0.441). In the emotional distancing dimension, parents who had used physical punishment also showed higher scores (M = 0.96, SD = 1.26) compared to those who had not (M = 0.58, SD = 0.96; t = 2.54; p = 0.012; Cohen’s d = 0.345).
No significant differences were found between the two groups in the remaining parental burnout subscales (emotional exhaustion, saturation) or in the coping strategies (problem-focused, emotion-focused, support-seeking) (p > 0.05).
The relationship between mothers’ intentions for future childbearing and the psychological variables was examined using Spearman’s rank-order correlation. The results indicated a weak but positive association between the intention to have additional children and both emotion-focused (ρ = 0.14, p = 0.041) and support-seeking conflict resolution (ρ = 0.14, p = 0.032). No significant correlations were found between problem-focused coping or the “PBA” subscales and childbearing intentions (p > 0.05).
3.4. The Relationships Between Parental Burnout and Coping Strategies
Based on Spearman’s rank-order correlations, several significant associations were found between conflict resolution strategies and the factors of parental burnout. Emotion-focused coping showed a positive correlation with all subscales of parental burnout: emotional exhaustion (ρ = 0.25, p < 0.001), contrast (ρ = 0.37, p < 0.001), saturation (ρ = 0.21, p = 0.002), and emotional distancing (ρ = 0.20, p = 0.003). In contrast, support-seeking coping was negatively correlated with all dimensions of parental burnout, including emotional exhaustion (ρ = −0.24, p < 0.001), contrast (ρ = −0.17, p = 0.010), saturation (ρ = −0.26, p < 0.001), and emotional distancing (ρ = −0.22, p = 0.001). No significant correlations were found between problem-focused coping and any of the parental burnout dimensions (p > 0.05).
3.5. Predictors of Parental Burnout—Multiple Linear Regression Analysis
The aim of this article was to examine the extent to which conflict resolution strategies contribute to different dimensions of parental burnout. In the analyses, the four subscales of the Parental Burnout Assessment (PBA)—emotional exhaustion, emotional distancing, contrast, and saturation—were treated as dependent variables, and a separate linear regression model was fitted for each outcome.
The models included a total of seven main predictors. Four continuous covariates were entered into the analyses (age, coping ability related to the parental role, intention for future childbearing, and self-rated health status), along with three conflict resolution strategies (problem-oriented coping, emotion-oriented coping, and support-seeking coping). Nominal variables (e.g., educational attainment, availability of help in childrearing, presence of siblings, perceived postpartum depressive symptoms following the birth of the youngest child, use of physical punishment toward the child, and the child’s ADHD or special educational needs diagnosis) were entered into the regression models using dummy coding.
The PBA subscale scores, measured on a 0–5 Likert scale, were calculated as mean scores and treated as quasi-continuous variables. Therefore, linear regression analyses were applied. Although the distributions deviated from normality in several cases, regression assumptions were examined using residual diagnostic procedures. These analyses did not indicate severe violations of linearity or homoscedasticity, and influence diagnostics (e.g., Cook’s distance) did not suggest the presence of observations exerting undue influence on the models. Multicollinearity was assessed using tolerance values and the Variance Inflation Factor (VIF). All VIF values remained within acceptable limits.
1 To address deviations from normality and the presence of potential outliers, a bootstrap procedure with 5000 resamples was applied, providing more robust estimates of the regression coefficients and their confidence intervals.
Regression coefficients are reported as unstandardized “B” values, allowing for the interpretation of the magnitude and direction of the effects in the original measurement units. The 95% confidence intervals shown in parentheses were estimated using bootstrap methods. A positive “B” value indicates that higher values of the predictor are associated with higher scores on the given parental burnout dimension, whereas a negative “B” value indicates an association with lower scores.
Model fit was evaluated using the Adjusted R
2 statistic and the F-test. For all four PBA subscales, the regression models were statistically significant (
p < 0.001), indicating that the set of predictors contributed meaningfully to the explanation of variance in parental burnout dimensions. Adjusted R
2 values ranged from 0.19 to 0.35, reflecting an acceptable level of explained variance for psychological models. The results of the linear regression analyses are presented in
Table 4.
Note on table interpretation: Unstandardized “B” coefficients indicate the expected change in the dependent variable associated with a one-unit increase in the predictor, holding all other predictors constant. Bootstrap confidence intervals reflect the uncertainty of the estimates; intervals that do not include zero indicate statistically significant associations.
Willingness to have more children, presence of siblings, postpartum depressive symptoms, a child’s “ADHD” or “SEN” diagnosis, and availability of help in childcare showed no significant associations with the dimensions of parental burnout; therefore, these variables are not presented in the table. Although problem-focused coping was not significantly related to any “PB” dimensions either, it was retained in the model and displayed due to its theoretical importance as a key psychological construct.
The regression model for emotional exhaustion was significant (Adjusted R2 = 0.315, F(14, 192) = 7.779, p < 0.001). The results indicated that higher age (B = −0.181; CI [−0.070; −0.011], p < 0.01), better coping capacity (B = −0.351; CI [−0.350; −0.156], p < 0.001), and more favorable self-rated health (B = −0.164; CI [−0.505; −0.065], p < 0.05) emerged as significant protective factors. In addition, higher levels of support-seeking conflict resolution were associated with lower levels of emotional exhaustion (B = −0.184; CI [−0.623; −0.099], p < 0.01). The remaining predictors did not show significant associations.
The model for emotional distancing also demonstrated a significant fit (Adjusted R2 = 0.190, F(14, 192) = 4.45, p < 0.001). According to the analysis, higher levels of emotion-focused coping (B = 0.181; CI [0.098; 1.007], p < 0.05) were associated with increased emotional distancing. In contrast, support-seeking coping (B = −0.184; CI [−0.574; −0.068], p < 0.05) and better coping capacity with the parental role (B = −0.255; CI [−0.257; −0.070], p < 0.01) showed significant protective effects. Furthermore, higher educational attainment was associated with greater emotional distancing (B = 0.137; CI [0.006; 0.655], p < 0.05). The remaining variables were not significant.
The regression model for the contrast dimension showed a good fit (Adjusted R2 = 0.353, F(14, 192) = 9.04, p < 0.001). The results indicated that higher emotion-focused coping (B = 0.184; CI [0.160; 0.993], p < 0.01) was associated with a stronger experience of dissonance in parental functioning. In contrast, support-seeking coping (B = −0.151; CI [−0.502; −0.038], p < 0.05) and coping capacity with parental burdens (B = −0.402; CI [−0.349; −0.178], p < 0.001) emerged as significant protective factors. In addition, the use of physical punishment toward the child proved to be a risk factor and was associated with higher contrast values (B = 0.140; CI [0.045; 0.643], p < 0.05).
The model for saturation within the parental role was significant (Adjusted R2 = 0.268, F(14, 192) = 6.38, p < 0.001). The analysis showed that higher age (B = −0.205; CI [−0.066; −0.013], p < 0.01), support-seeking coping (B = −0.211; CI [−0.588; −0.123], p < 0.01), and better coping capacity with the parental role (B = −0.362; CI [−0.310; −0.138], p < 0.001) exerted significant protective effects on the level of saturation. No other included variables showed significant associations in this model.
4. Discussion
The present study aimed to explore how conflict resolution strategies and selected sociodemographic factors contribute to the development of various aspects of parental burnout. Our findings further support the notion that Parental Burnout (PB) is a multifactorial and complex phenomenon influenced by social support, conflict resolution patterns, and parents’ personal psychological resources (
Mikolajczak et al. 2019).
Despite our best efforts, it was not possible to recruit a statistically interpretable number of male participants. One possible explanation may be that fathers felt less addressed by the research invitation, suggesting that they are less likely to identify themselves as parents experiencing burnout—an observation that could be interpreted as reassuring. However, this tendency may also reflect men’s generally lower propensity for emotional self-disclosure and the influence of the masculine ideal upheld by society, in which emotionally charged expressions of vulnerability may be perceived as inconsistent with traditional expectations of masculinity (
Chaplin 2014). Nevertheless, this raises the possibility that fathers may in fact be affected by parental burnout, underscoring the need for future studies to make greater efforts to reach male participants so that specific aspects of PB can be examined within this group as well.
Sociodemographic variables showed no significant associations with either parental burnout or conflict resolution strategies. This finding suggests that parental burnout is primarily a psychological phenomenon, determined not by social status but rather by internal coping patterns and emotional resources (
Mikolajczak et al. 2018).
One of the most robust and novel findings of our study was the strong association between symptoms of postpartum depression (PPD) and parental burnout. Consistent with our hypothesis, mothers who reported experiencing postpartum depressive symptoms after the birth of their youngest child showed significantly higher levels of emotional exhaustion, contrast, and saturation within the parental role, as well as a greater tendency to use emotion-focused coping strategies. Our results suggest that “PPD” and parental burnout are closely intertwined and overlapping psychological constructs, which tend to co-occur, where the presence of one is associated with an increased risk of the other. Although it could be assumed that the symptoms of “PB” might be explained by the cumulative stress of raising multiple children—implying that the presence of older siblings amplifies parental strain—the number of children did not show a significant association with the occurrence of PB symptoms.
In the international literature, previous studies have already highlighted the link between symptoms of postpartum depression (PPD) and parental burnout; however, no empirical research has yet demonstrated this association in a Hungarian sample (
Huang et al. 2023). The present study therefore provides the first national evidence that the presence of postpartum depressive symptoms is associated with an increased risk of parental burnout. This relationship may be understood in light of their shared characteristics, since both conditions are marked by emotional exhaustion, decreased self-esteem, and disturbances in attachment. It is important to note, however, that in parental burnout the emphasis lies on prolonged, role-related chronic stress, whereas in postpartum depression biological, hormonal, and affective factors play a central role (
Stewart and Vigod 2019).
The overlap between the two is not only theoretical but also clinically significant. The development and persistence of “PPD”, particularly in its prolonged or untreated forms, may be related to higher levels of parental burnout symptoms. Based on the results, an important preventive implication can be drawn. Depressive symptoms experienced during the postpartum period are significant not only for early maternal mental health but also may be relevant for later parental functioning. Moreover, they may be associated with attachment patterns and parenting attitudes. The co-occurrence of parental burnout and “PPD” reflects a strong association between the two constructs, further emphasizing the importance of early detection through continuous screening programs. At the level of intervention, in more severe cases, the potential role of pharmacological treatment should also be highlighted (
Radoš et al. 2025).
When interpreting the results of the regression analyses it is important to note that the WCQ subscales used in the present study encompass multiple, partially heterogeneous coping components. As a result, these measures are more appropriately interpreted at a broader theoretical level and are less suitable for delineating narrowly defined, homogeneous constructs. Accordingly, greater interpretative emphasis is placed on the higher-order coping dimensions derived from the aggregation of these subscales—such as problem-focused, emotion-focused, and support-seeking coping—which provide a more psychometrically and theoretically robust framework for interpreting the observed associations.
At the same time, coping and conflict-management strategies should not be conceptualized as rigid or mutually exclusive modes of functioning. Rather, they represent complex psychological processes shaped by the dynamic interplay of multiple internal (e.g., emotion-regulation capacities, psychological resources) and external factors (e.g., social context, situational stressors). Consequently, different coping strategies may be activated in a context-dependent and overlapping manner, often in combination, which further supports the interpretation of coping processes at a broader, integrative conceptual level rather than at the level of isolated strategies.
Based on our results, it could be concluded that lower educational attainment, higher self-rated health, greater coping capacity with difficulties arising from the parental role, and support-seeking conflict resolution emerged as protective factors across several dimensions of parental burnout. These findings primarily highlight the role of subjectively and functionally accessible resources and are consistent with the psychological demands–resources model, according to which the level of resources that an individual can currently mobilize determines the extent and quality of their response to emerging demands (
Zhao et al. 2023). The use of support-seeking coping strategies may facilitate the sharing of burdens, thereby reducing the depletion of resources. Similarly, higher perceived coping competence on the part of the parent may contribute to psychological protection against stress through a positive feedback mechanism. This clearly suggests that greater parental resilience plays a key role, reflecting a higher level of parental self-efficacy. In line with this,
Aktu (
2024) found parental self-efficacy to be a negative predictor of burnout. Maternal age, although to a lesser extent, also functioned as a protective factor, which may be explained by the deeper experiential knowledge and emotional maturity gained through parenting experience.
In the literature, educational attainment is frequently used as an indicator of cognitive flexibility, problem-solving skills, and access to social resources (
Parkes et al. 2015). In contrast, the present findings indicate that educational attainment alone does not function as a readily deployable protective resource in the context of parental burnout. In the examined sample, higher levels of education were associated with increased, rather than reduced, burnout levels. This pattern suggests that the role of educational attainment is shaped by contextual conditions and may be linked to factors such as heightened expectations, competing role demands, or perfectionistic tendencies, which can offset its presumed resource-related benefits.
Support-seeking conflict resolution was associated with lower levels of parental burnout across all examined models, including the correlational analyses. Accordingly, our hypothesis was not empirically supported in this respect, as support-seeking coping emerged as a protective rather than a risk factor in our findings. Although this result was contrary to our initial hypothesis, it can be meaningfully interpreted within the framework of the stress-buffering model, which posits that the harmful effects of stress are substantially reduced in the presence of adequate social support, and that the sense of control over stress is also positively influenced. Accordingly, it is important to emphasize that our findings are consistent with those of several previous studies identifying social support as one of the most important protective factors against parental burnout (
Cohen and Wills 1985).
Contrary to our hypothesis, an interesting finding emerged regarding problem-focused coping, as this strategy did not show any association with any of the psychological dimensions of parental burnout (PB). This result is inconsistent with previous international studies, which have identified this coping strategy as a protective factor (
Lebert-Charron et al. 2018). We believe that one possible explanation for this finding is that in chronic and emotionally demanding situations, often characterized by limited controllability, such as the parenting role, the applicability of problem-focused coping may be restricted, as parenting-related stressors cannot be directly influenced or eliminated. Furthermore, when parents’ cognitive and emotional resources are depleted, their ability to engage in active problem solving may be compromised, leading to a greater reliance on emotion-focused or support-seeking coping mechanisms, as also supported by our results. It may be reasonable to assume that although problem-focused coping can be at a high level, the difficulties arising from the parental role represent continuously recurring stressors; therefore, despite a high level of adaptive coping ability, it does not substantially influence parental burnout.
Consistent with our hypothesis, maladaptive emotion-focused coping was associated with higher levels of parental burnout, and a similar pattern was also observed with respect to self-rated health. Certain elements of emotion-focused coping—such as intense emotional reactions, trivialization of the problem, or relinquishing control over events—may temporarily alleviate perceived stress, but in the long term, particularly within the parental role, they tend to exacerbate the negative effects of stress.
At the same time, poorer subjective health reflects a reduced availability of personal resources for coping with stressors (e.g., lower energy levels, presence of physical symptoms), which can further diminish the effectiveness of stress management and contribute to the higher prevalence of PB (
Rusu et al. 2025).
Given that the final analytic sample consisted exclusively of mothers, concepts of mental load and emotional labor, as well as normative expectations associated with motherhood, are particularly relevant for interpreting the findings. Organizational, anticipatory, and emotion-regulation tasks related to childrearing disproportionately fall on mothers, which may result in increased mental and emotional strain. Within the Hungarian—and more broadly Western—cultural context, the norm of the “ideal mother” is often associated with self-sacrifice, continuous emotional availability, and expectations of autonomous problem-solving. In light of these normative pressures, it is understandable that coping strategies oriented toward seeking social support may serve a protective function, whereas emotion-focused coping strategies relying primarily on internal emotional processing—particularly in the absence of adequate external support—may be associated with maladaptive functioning and heightened exhaustion. These factors may contribute to the distinct patterns observed in the associations between coping strategies and parental burnout among mothers.
Consistent with our hypothesis, a striking finding of our study concerns the use of physical abuse toward the child. Based on the results of the association analyses, physical abuse was related to both emotional distancing and the contrast dimension, whereas in the regression analysis a significant effect remained only for contrast. This suggests that child abuse is particularly salient with respect to the experience of contrast within the parental role, while the causal direction of this relationship cannot be clearly established. We assume that physical punishment is more likely to occur when the parent’s emotional detachment from the child reaches a high level—at which point the emotional bond that typically inhibits aggressive behavior becomes weakened or absent. It is also plausible that disengagement from the parental role emerges as a consequence of child maltreatment, as the parent may no longer recognize themselves in the parental role or may feel that, due to their actions, they have failed to embody the kind of caregiver they wish to be. This process is self-reinforcing, as it evokes guilt and self-blame in the parent while simultaneously increasing emotional detachment, not only on the part of the parent, but also from the child toward the parent (
Mikolajczak et al. 2018).
Another noteworthy finding of our study was that raising a child with special educational needs (SEN) or attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) showed no association with any dimension of parental burnout. However, this result contrasts with previous research indicating that the specific needs of children with special educational requirements increase parental strain (
Orsolya et al. 2012). It is plausible that the parents in our sample had developed protective mechanisms—such as effective coping strategies or strong social support networks—that buffered the effects of increased psychological demands (
Roskam and Mikolajczak 2023). We believe that further targeted studies are needed to identify and understand which factors influence this relationship, such as the severity of the child’s symptoms, the level of parental resources, or the amount of external support available. It should be noted that there was a substantial difference in group sizes between parents of children with and without ADHD/SEN; however, no difference was observed even at the level of statistical tendency. Moreover, the PBA scores of parents raising children with “ADHD” or “SEN” did not show elevated values, which is consistent with the generally low mean scores observed in the overall sample. While this finding reinforces the broader conclusions of our study, it should be interpreted with caution due to the small subsample size.
In light of our findings, it is crucial to emphasize the importance of continuous screening for parental burnout, which, in the Hungarian context, could be integrated into the primary healthcare system, particularly through the active involvement of public health nurses. It is necessary to promote the enhancement of the social environment and social resources, as well as to develop intervention programs that support adaptive emotion regulation techniques (
Enav et al. 2024). Psychologists play an indispensable role in implementing these programs by providing parental group sessions and mental health therapies focused on teaching methods that enhance adaptive coping.
Although it represents one of the greatest challenges, promoting a health-conscious lifestyle should also be highlighted, as our study demonstrated its beneficial effects on mental well-being (
Caramenti and Castiglioni 2022).
The present findings point to several directions for future research. Longitudinal designs may help clarify the causal links between parental burnout and conflict resolution strategies, while intervention-based studies could assess whether strengthening parental coping and conflict management skills leads to measurable reductions in burnout. Future work may also benefit from examining potential mediating and moderating factors, such as resilience, social support, or parenting attitudes, to better understand the observed patterns. In applied settings, the results highlight the potential relevance of early risk identification within health care and educational services. Taken together, the study offers empirical support for the development of prevention and intervention approaches that focus on parental coping and conflict-related competencies.
Evidence shows that mindfulness and cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) are among the most effective approaches for addressing parental burnout, as they directly contribute to improving coping strategies. Mindfulness-based interventions, such as Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) and the Mindful Parenting Program help develop emotional regulation and self-reflective skills that foster awareness and transformation of automatic negative responses to parental stress. As these techniques are mastered, emotional exhaustion decreases and the quality of the parent–child relationship improves (
Bögels et al. 2010). Several international studies have confirmed that mindfulness training directly contributes to the reduction in burnout by enhancing parental self-efficacy, resilience, and emotional flexibility (
Bayot et al. 2024).
Hungary is closely embedded in the Central and Eastern European region, particularly within the Visegrád Group (Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia), whose countries share similar economic and income conditions, comparable family structures, and common demographic trends. This makes it appropriate to interpret the Hungarian findings in a broader regional context. Based on the international literature, the financial situation of households and the level of existential security are theoretically relevant factors in relation to parental stress and parental burnout; therefore, a similar economic environment provides an important contextual framework for interpreting the results. In the present study, however, sociodemographic and financial indicators did not show a direct association with parental burnout, which may suggest that psychological factors and individual coping resources played a moderating role in the manifestation of these effects. Demographic data further support this comparability. In Hungary, the total fertility rate was 1.56 in 2020, which fits well with the patterns observed in the V4 countries and other post-socialist societies. In addition, a clear postponement of childbearing can be observed. While in 1990 the average age at the birth of the first child was still around 23 years, by 2018 it had increased to 28.8 years (
KSH n.d.). A similar trend is evident at the European level, where the average age at first childbirth rose from approximately 29 years to 31 years between 2001 and 2023 (
Eurostat 2025a). Delayed parenthood is often associated with a longer period devoted to education, career building, and the establishment of an independent life, which can make the transition to parenthood a psychologically more demanding life event.
It is also noteworthy that in recent years Hungary has introduced particularly intensive family policy programs and substantial financial incentives to support childbearing, yet fertility indicators have shown only moderate growth. This suggests that childbearing decisions are shaped not only by economic and structural factors, but also by the psychological burdens associated with the parental role. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that in the present study no significant association was found between childbearing intentions and parental burnout. Accordingly, parental burnout cannot be regarded as a direct explanatory factor, but rather as a possible element within more complex and indirect mechanisms.
At the same time, Hungary is clearly part of the broader European cultural space and shows several features that are typical of Western societies. One such feature is the presence of an individualistic value orientation, reflected in the emphasis on personal responsibility, autonomy, and independent problem solving. Alongside this, however, more collectivistic characteristics typical of the region are also present, most notably the central role of the family and the importance of close social ties. This duality creates a distinctive social context. While social support may function as an important protective factor, the strengthening of individualistic norms may also mean that parents are more likely to be left to cope with their difficulties on their own, which can increase psychological strain (
Lin et al. 2023).
The generalizability of our findings is further reinforced by the fact that the European Union as a whole is undergoing a marked process of population aging. At the beginning of 2024, the European Union’s population was estimated at around 449.3 million, of whom more than one fifth were aged 65 years or older. This represents an increase of 0.3 percentage points compared to 2023 and 2.9 percentage points compared to 2014 (
Eurostat 2025b). Population aging places growing pressure on the working-age population and on families and reshapes patterns of intergenerational responsibility, leading to greater caregiving and support burdens for families. In this demographic context, the study of parental stress and parental burnout becomes not only a national but also a theoretically and socially relevant issue at the European level.
Taken together, the Hungarian context provides a theoretically informative framework in which economic, demographic, and cultural characteristics jointly shape processes of parental stress and parental burnout; therefore, the findings can be interpreted not only at a national level, but also within a broader regional perspective.