“I Do Not Want to See a Police Officer”: The Voices of Immigrants Following Police Violence in Minneapolis

Abstract

This study examines the pervasive and multifaceted nature of racism, police violence, and law enforcement mistrust among immigrant and refugee communities in the Twin Cities, with a focus on the Latinx, Somali, and Karen populations in the Minneapolis/St. Paul metro area following the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin. In-depth interviews were conducted with 32 participants to understand their lived experiences. There were three key findings about the immigrant population’s perceptions and experiences, including experiences of racism, feelings of insecurity, and mistrust toward police. Participants from all three ethnic groups reported experiences of racism and expressed concerns about their safety explicitly related to their race. The findings reveal both shared experiences and unique challenges across the Latinx, Somali, and Karen communities, highlighting the intersection of race, immigration status, and systemic racism in shaping their perceptions of safety and law enforcement. While all three groups expressed fear, mistrust, and a desire for systemic change following the murder of George Floyd, the nuances of their experiences reflect the distinct ways in which racism and police violence manifest in their lives. These findings underscore the urgent need for addressing systemic racism and implementing measures to ensure the safety and well-being of immigrant communities.

1. Introduction

1.1. The Murder of George Floyd and Its Broader Implications

The murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin highlighted the systematic mistreatment of Black, Indigenous, and Person of Color (BIPOC) communities by law enforcement throughout America. BIPOC immigrants form an important segment of the broader BIPOC community, who may be at heightened risk of police mistreatment and brutality due to language barriers, cultural differences, and fears of repercussions from law enforcement agencies (Williams et al. 2022). Regardless of their attitudes toward or experiences with law enforcement, immigrant communities in the U.S. are less likely to seek help from police in times of need than their American-born counterparts (Davis and Hendricks 2007; Chen et al. 2023). Thus, it becomes increasingly important to understand immigrant populations’ attitudes toward law enforcement to assure confident access to law enforcement assistance when it is needed; to increase overall social cohesion in communities; and to decrease the potential of morbidity and mortality during encounters with law enforcement. Nowhere may it be more salient to investigate these attitudes than at ground zero of the incident that catalyzed a racial reckoning throughout the U.S. and across the world—Minneapolis—which also has one of the highest and most diverse concentrations of immigrant populations among urban centers throughout the country (Bornhoft 2020).

1.1.1. Immigrants’ Perceptions and Attitudes Toward Police

It is challenging to generalize immigrants’ attitudes toward the police in the United States. Immigrants come to the U.S. from all over the world, and their experiences with law enforcement in their home country influence how they view the police and other authority figures in the U.S. (Wu 2010). When people come to the U.S. seeking refuge from countries experiencing political or cultural turmoil, they tend to view the police through the eyes of their home country and its history with police—whether that be positive or negative. For immigrants that came from a country experiencing political turmoil, their experience with law enforcement would likely be negative. Immigrants whose home countries are relatively stable or who did not have negative interactions with law enforcement at home tend to view police in the U.S. more positively (Chu and Hung 2010).

1.1.2. Factors Influencing Immigrant Attitudes Toward Police

As with all populations, immigrant perceptions of police vary by race, age, and gender (Cochran and Warren 2012). For example, younger immigrants feel police target them to a greater degree due to their race (Rengifo and Fratello 2015). In a study among Black Muslims, participants reported experiencing more racial profiling than other immigrants or people of color because they embody two stereotypes that can be perceived as threatening—being Muslim and being Black (Ellis et al. 2018). Finally, the region where immigrants settle in the U.S. and the type of community, whether urban or rural, also play substantial roles in how they view the police (Theodore and Habans 2016).

Research on immigrant populations’ perceptions of police in the U.S. lacks consensus. Some findings indicate that compared to their American-born counterparts, immigrants value the police more and rank them as more helpful and trustworthy (Davis and Hendricks 2007; Wu et al. 2010). For example, a study carried out on Chinese immigrants in three states in the eastern U.S. recognized that most participants considered the police effective, honest, and not corrupt, with a good presence and friendly manner (Wu et al. 2010). Moreover, the evidence from that same study affirmed that immigrant populations were less likely than American-born citizens to believe that the police involved themselves in misconduct issues (Wu et al. 2010).

Other studies have revealed that immigrants view police as less effective and more biased in their treatment of people of color (Wu 2010; Davis and Hendricks 2007; Ellis et al. 2018). One study found that in comparison to non-Muslim households, when immigrant Muslim women contacted the police in situations of domestic violence, the police were more likely to tell the Muslim women to stop disturbing her husband rather than tell the abuser they needed to leave the property (Ammar et al. 2013). Another study showed that as immigrants live in the United States for a longer time and have more encounters with the police, they generally start to see them more negatively (Becerra et al. 2016). Furthermore, many immigrants fear detention and deportation, which significantly biases their feelings toward police, as they associate the police with those who conduct the deportations and confinement (Wu 2010; Becerra et al. 2016). And irrespective of someone’s immigration status (Ammar et al. 2005; Ammar et al. 2013) or attitude toward law enforcement, evidence shows that immigrant populations are still less likely than native-born U.S. citizens to contact the police in times of need due to language barriers, cultural differences, and fear of stereotyping (Davis and Hendricks 2007).

1.1.3. The Impact of COVID-19 and George Floyd’s Murder on Public Attitudes Toward Police

The COVID-19 pandemic and the murder of George Floyd significantly shifted public attitudes toward law enforcement, exacerbating tensions between communities and police (McCarty and Kim 2024). Lockdowns and public health measures often placed law enforcement in contentious roles, with protests following George Floyd’s death sparking a national reckoning on police brutality and systemic racism, leading to a notable decline in public trust, particularly among communities of color (Anderson et al. 2023; Williams et al. 2022). Nix et al. (2021) found that while Americans supported social distancing enforcement, they opposed reducing police patrols, suggesting a complex relationship between public health and law enforcement priorities. Smylie et al. (2023) observed challenges in community-oriented policing due to unclear roles, which disrupted relationships, especially in marginalized communities. The pandemic also intensified stress in law enforcement agencies, compounded by long working hours, infection risks, and exposure to public unrest (Edwards and Kotera 2021). These events have created a unique context for understanding how immigrant communities, who already face distinct challenges in their interactions with police, perceive law enforcement in this evolving landscape.

1.2. The Twin Cities Context

The Minneapolis/St. Paul metro area, also known as the Twin Cities area, is home to a rapidly growing and diverse foreign-born population. This study explored their perceptions of safety and security and their feelings toward police. The foreign-born population is rapidly growing and very diverse regarding race, ethnicity, language, and country of origin. About 12% of the residents of the Twin Cities are foreign-born (Boesch et al. 2024) Almost 90% of the foreign-born in the Twin Cities identify as communities of color. However, they come from different backgrounds (Tu 2024). Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans form the most prominent groups. The Somali participants originated from Somalia, a country located in the Horn of Africa, bordered by Ethiopia, Kenya, and the Indian Ocean. The Karen people, an ethnic group primarily from Myanmar (formerly Burma), have historically faced persecution and many have migrated to neighboring Thailand or resettled in countries like the United States as refugees. The Latinx community in Minnesota, which is a focal point of this analysis, is largely composed of individuals with roots in Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Central American countries, such as Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras (MartinRogers et al. 2016). This community has grown significantly in recent decades, contributing to the cultural and economic fabric of the state.

1.3. Study Objectives and Significance

The main objective of this study is to deepen our understanding of complex issues, such as the intersection of heightened mistrust between BIPOC communities and law enforcement in America as well as the political and social discourse that seeks to reimagine the role of policing in providing community support and maintaining social order. This tension is compounded by the broader political and social discourse seeking to reimagine policing practices, especially in marginalized communities. This study examined the various factors that influence attitudes toward law enforcement among immigrant populations of Karen, Latinx, and Somali descent in the Minneapolis/St. Paul metro area in the months following George Floyd’s murder.

2. Methods

2.1. Design

This cross-sectional qualitative study aimed to explore the lived experiences of members of immigrant/refugee communities during the co-occurrence of the COVID-19 pandemic and the aftermath of the police murder of George Floyd in Saint Paul and Minneapolis, Minnesota. The interviewers were trained and selected from the same community as the participants to ensure cultural sensitivity and appropriateness. This strategy aimed to establish trust and mutual understanding between the interviewers and the participants, which can be challenging for individuals of various cultural backgrounds. Participant in-person interviews (IDIs) were conducted in accordance with COVID-19 restrictions and guidelines. This strategy was designed to protect both the interviewers and the participants. Remote interviews were also conducted via cell phone or computer, allowing for greater methodological flexibility and accommodating participants’ schedules.

2.2. Participants

Adults aged 18 or older from the Karen, Latinx, and Somali refugee and immigrant populations who were foreign-born and who resettled to the U.S. in Saint Paul and Minneapolis, Minnesota, were recruited using both systematic and snowball sampling techniques. Participants were excluded if they were under the age of 18 and were children or descendants of resettled refugees. In partnership with local health institutions, religious organizations, culturally specific groups, and other personal contacts, interviewers with multilingual training contacted members of the respective groups. The participants could, if they chose, refer their interviewers to additional individuals they believed to be willing and capable of participating. In this study, just one participant per household was included. Given the small sample size and single interviewers per language, we were able to monitor this requirement.

2.3. Data Collection

In-depth one-on-one interviews were used for data collection. Participants were recruited based on their interest in the research and their representativeness of the Karen, Somali, and Latinx communities. The contributors were proficient in both English and Somali, Spanish, or Karen. Those conducting the interviews were trained in conducting in-depth interviews over two separate sessions. The interviews included nine questions, although this study focused on findings drawn primarily from two questions. The questions were as follows: (1) “How have the events surrounding the police killing of George Floyd affected your feelings of safety and security? How has it changed your perceptions of your relationship with the police?” (2) In addition to the COVID pandemic, the nation and the Twin Cities have had a rise in social unrest, police violence, and destruction of property. In what ways has the aftermath of police violence, the murder of George Floyd, impacted you?” Prompts included stress, being afraid to leave the house, changes in access to groceries, loss of businesses, and racial discrimination.

The interviewers then practiced their questions with a trusted source and debriefed with the trainers for any necessary revisions to the questions. The interviews occurred during September and October 2020. Due to COVID-19 restrictions, most of the interviews were conducted over the phone or by computer, but the remaining in-person interviews were conducted while adhering to strict COVID-19 protocols. The interviews were recorded using a digital device with permission from the interviewees and transcribed after completion. The interviews not initially conducted in English were translated from Karen, Spanish, or Somali into English for post-interview analysis. All interviews lasted between 30 and 60 min. The participants who consented to partake in the interviews were offered a USD 50 gift card for completing the interview. This study and research were approved by the St. Catherine University Institutional Review Board (Protocol #1442).

2.4. Data Analysis

The interview data were transcribed and translated, and qualitative data analysis software (Atlas.ti) was used to analyze the data. We employed an inductive approach to ensure that our analysis remained grounded in the participants’ experiences and perspectives. This approach was particularly important, as the murder of George Floyd emerged as a significant theme during data collection, even though it was not initially a focus of this study. This approach allowed us to remain open to the participants’ narratives and experiences, which revealed the significant influence of George Floyd’s murder on their perceptions of safety, security, and relationships with law enforcement. Throughout the data analysis, the team read through all the transcripts, built a coding scheme, coded the transcripts, reconstructed the data into themes and patterns, interpreted the results, and checked the findings with the interviewers. A disaggregated analysis by an immigrant/refugee sub-group was performed to ascertain the unique experiences reported for each question. The findings represent many possible truths and meanings articulated by the participants. From our perspective, knowledge and reality are socially constructed, so the research findings represent a portion of many possible interpretations of how participants make sense of the COVID-19 pandemic and George Floyd’s murder.

3. Results

A total of thirty-two adult participants were interviewed for this analysis, representing three distinct immigrant communities: Latinx (n = 10), Karen (n = 10), and Somali (n = 12). One-third of the interviews (n = 8) were conducted in person, while the remaining interviews were conducted remotely. The participants’ ages ranged from 20 to 66 years, with an average age of 37. Of the total participants, 14 (43.8%) were male, and 18 (56.3%) were female. The average length of time the participants had been in the U.S. was 14 years (range of 6–21 years). The interviews focused on three main themes related to the participants’ feelings around security and safety: experiences of racism, past encounters with police, and attitudes toward law enforcement following the murder of George Floyd. These themes were explored to understand the nuanced ways in which these immigrant communities perceived their interactions with police and the broader impact of the social and political events happening locally and nationally on their sense of security.

3.1. Experiences of Racism

The participants across all communities—Karen, Latinx, and Somali—shared personal and collective experiences of racism, often tied to their ethnic identities and exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic and the murder of George Floyd. Many described feeling targeted, stereotyped, or judged in public spaces, with some attributing this to their race or assumptions about their immigration status.

3.1.1. Latinx

Participants in the Latinx community expressed concern for their families, particularly their children. Some individuals stated that they completely avoid certain areas because they believe people detest them due to their ethnicity. Many interviewees expressed apprehension about simply going about their daily lives as a person of color.

“I avoid go to places where I know people don’t like me just because I’m Hispanic”.

[LAT_10, Male, 25]

They also reported experiences of racism tied to stereotypes and assumptions about their immigration status:

“I’m a runner, and I’m afraid to run alone… [in case I] find somebody who wanna hurt me just because I’m Hispanic…”.

[LAT_06, Male, 40]

“I am fearful for my daughter because even though she is born in the USA, just because she is Latina I am afraid but also I am angry”.

[LAT_04, Male, 30]

One participant was affected by the frequent racist comments he heard while traveling the bus, and alluded to the ways in which the political climate at the time (during the 2020 presidential election) infiltrated daily encounters:

“Well, it has affected me a lot, definitely harassed by racist comments. Like I go to take a bus, and people in the bus tell me that they voted for the president so they can deport me”.

[LAT_06, Male, 40]

3.1.2. Somali

Many Somali participants commented on the racism they experienced not only because of their race but also because of their religion and the religious attire they donned.

“I was always that one blackhead, one Somali American kid that stood out, not only because of my religion—because I cover up because I wear the hijab—but because I looked different. I stood out because of my skin color. Um, that was always known, evident, clear. So, I have always taken precautions of being in a group setting, as sad as it might be”.

[SOM_12, Female, 30]

Other Somali participants commented on the irony that they were criticized for wearing face coverings, but now everyone wears masks due to the COVID-19 global pandemic.

“So, it was a new plot twist, and it was kind of a little bit ironic. Sometimes when I think about masks, there are many countries that literally fine women for wearing a mask. […] But now everybody is kind of forced [to wear them, so I would look around and be like, ’wow’”.

[SOM_05, Female, 27]

“Also if you look at from COVID-19 perspective, with all that has happened with police brutality, with COVID-19 and how some African American patients are treated, are way worse because of medical racism”.

[SOM_04, Female, 32]

3.1.3. Karen

Karen participants also provided multiple examples of the racism they face which often manifested in public spaces during the pandemic:

“Yeah, I see it too. I see more than one person was attacked. Especially when it got violent, they cut and attacked a kid, and older women and men were harassed. Like a lot. Yeah, I see those a lot, but I have not experienced it”.

[KAR_09, Female 24]

After the COVID-19 pandemic was first identified in China, the frequency of these attacks against Asians increased dramatically.

“When I go shopping, I’ve faced discrimination. I’ve felt white people look down on Asians… Once, a cashier acted afraid of me, kept their distance, and rushed me while I paid, as if I had COVID-19. Even in the bathroom, I feel judged… Not all white people act this way, but some treat Asians like we’re diseased”.

[KAR_03, Female, 42]

Many participants noted that the fact that one of the officers present at the assassination of George Floyd was of Asian descent caused many Karen people to fear racist abuse.

3.2. Past Experiences with Police

Participants also shared past encounters with law enforcement that shaped their perceptions of police. These experiences ranged from direct harassment to traumatic interactions that left lasting emotional scars.

3.2.1. Latinx

A participant from the Latinx community described an altercation he had with the police as a child that changed how he viewed police officers moving forward.

“On another occasion, I was playing with my friends and this time I was younger, and we were playing with water guns, and then the police drove through our neighborhood and saw us playing with the water guns in the pool. He stopped and asked us to stop playing with the water guns, and then he pointed the gun, a real gun in my face, and we were just children playing with water guns!”

[LAT_10, Male, 25]

This instance of a police officer confronting children with toys and becoming so aggressive as to brandish a (presumably loaded) firearm in front of children playing in their neighborhood is indicative of genuine hostility and malice. These are only a few instances in which police intimidate immigrant and refugee communities in the Twin Cities metropolitan area of Minnesota and the United States in general.

3.2.2. Somali

For Somali participants, past experiences with police have been shaped by a long history of systemic racism and police violence, both in the United States and in their countries of origin. One participant reflected on this history, stating,

“Um I mean, the murder of George Floyd is nothing new. And so we always knew that, uh, tensions were going were really high with the Minneapolis police and other police departments”.

[SOM_05, Female, 27]

Another participant, a 60-year-old man, expressed deep skepticism about the justice system, asking,

"So, like, how can you? How can you trust anyone who says they’re part of a system that supports that, you know?"

[SOM_07, Male, 60]

These accounts illustrate how prior experiences with police have affected the Somali community’s attitudes, establishing a sense of vulnerability and mistrust, which is still impacting their daily lives.

3.2.3. Karen

One Karen participant interviewed had an encounter with police in recent years that instilled such fear in officers that they would not even discuss what happened with the interviewer. She described a deeply traumatic experience:

“If I have to be honest, in my life, I do not want to see a police officer, and I do not want to see the police ever since something happened to me in 2017. In my life, that is how I feel, and when I see a police officer, it makes my heart shake, and my head starts hurting”.

[KAR_02, Female, 28]

Another participant, a 22-year-old woman, connected her fear of police in the United States to her past experiences fleeing violence in Thailand. She was asked if she felt worried about encountering the police:

“Because of the things you see in the media of the police violating people and doing all these bad things when you run into the police, are you worried?”

She responded,

“Yes, when I see a police officer, I’m really scared because it brings back memories of running from the Burmese. When I lived in Thailand, I was running from the Burmese and I heard gunshots all the time so when I see a police officer, it really brings me trauma and I’m scared of them”.

[KAR_01, Female, 22]

3.3. Attitudes Toward Police After the Murder of George Floyd

The murder of George Floyd profoundly impacted the participants’ attitudes toward law enforcement, amplifying their existing fears and mistrust. Many expressed a heightened sense of vulnerability and a desire for systemic change. Across the Karen, Latinx, and Somali communities, the participants shared how the incident deepened their sense of vulnerability and reshaped their perceptions of safety, justice, and accountability. Their narratives reveal a complex interplay of fear, anger, and hope for reform, reflecting the broader societal reckoning with police violence and racial injustice.

3.3.1. Latinx

For the Latinx community, the murder of George Floyd deepened the existing mistrust of law enforcement, with many participants expressing concerns about racial bias and the potential for police violence. One participant explained how their sense of safety in public spaces had been compromised:

“I don’t trust the police anymore. There are times where I needed to go to the stores in Minneapolis but can’t anymore because of my safety and not feeling safe in Minneapolis”.

[LAT_05, Female, 56]

“So we no longer feel unsafe because the pandemic but also because of the danger in the streets not long ago one of my friends was assaulted at Lake Street at 2:00 p.m. But the police didn’t arrive because they don’t come unless you’re dying”.

[LAT_01, Female, 66]

Another participant highlighted the fear of calling the police, even in situations where they might need assistance:

“And unfortunately it is sad to see him as a minority. It gives us a bit of insecurity and fear that really sometimes I can call the police without knowing if someone who is going to come is going to be racist or not if you go into security in one as Hispanic sometimes too”.

[LAT_08, Female, 20]

3.3.2. Somali

In the Somali community, participants articulated a strong desire for systemic change while grappling with the complexities of defunding or reforming the police. Many acknowledged the need for accountability but also expressed concerns about the potential consequences of reducing police presence in their communities. One participant reflected on this tension:

A Somali participant discussed how their degree of concern grew dramatically:

“I feel like, umm, as an African American person who lives in the U.S., this affects me personally because the person that got killed was someone that looked like me, shared the same skin color as me, and the reason of why he was killed was due to none other than the color of his skin. So that affects me because I feel like I am targeted by the people who were supposed to protect me”.

[SOM_04, Female, 32]

Another participant echoed this sentiment, expressing her fear of calling the police even in emergencies:

“Um, the murder of George Floyd just proved to me that, uh, the U.S. will never be ready to have this conversation of racial tensions and police brutality”.

[SOM_05, Female, 27]

One Somali participant, a Black Muslim woman living in Minnesota, shared how witnessing the video of George Floyd’s murder left her feeling both angry and terrified.

“It heavily impacted me because as a black Muslim woman in that lives in Minnesota, seeing a white men standing on the neck of a black guy, it was just horrifying for me. …Not only did it angry me, but it terrified me to the point where I believe that I am not see me driving to school. I have to be very, very cautious because us, especially us… in the United States, we should be considering police as the safe. So where if we’re in danger, they’re the ones who are protecting us”.

[SOM_10, Female, 44]

“But after the incident, I’m just terrified. Because right now, even if an intruder is trying to come to my house, calling 911 scares me, too”.

[SOM_11, Female, 56]

While some participants were appreciative that people were finally speaking out against police injustices, they were also concerned about how calls to defund the police would affect the safety of all communities.

“…what makes it hard is that as we defund the police as we defund…different law enforcements it, then it brings up the question. Are we safe? Because at the end of the day, we need them still doing their jobs. We do need them in the community. We do need someone to take charge and keep things under control. So, it is a matter of fact. How can we do it in a safe [sic] manner”.

[SOM_12, Female, 30]

3.3.3. Karen

In the Karen community, participants expressed a heightened sense of fear and vulnerability following George Floyd’s murder, particularly as they reflected on their own experiences as minorities in the United States. Many emphasized the need for better training and accountability for police officers, arguing that systemic changes are necessary to prevent further violence.

A participant shared how witnessing the events surrounding George Floyd’s death intensified their fear of law enforcement:

“Yes, we are more scared. When I see them, I am afraid that they might shoot me, and my family is more scared now, too, because they saw what those officers did to George Floyd on social media. Because we are minorities, we are more scared of the police and what they might do to us”.

[KAR_01, Female 22]

Other members of the Karen community expressed concern for their safety, as one of the officers involved in the murder of George Floyd was of Asian descent.

“Here is my honest opinion, since one of the police who is involved in George Floyd’s death was Asian, there are some people who think badly of Asian people because of one Asian police. Some people think Asians are the same. Even though we might come from different parts of Asia, but we might look alike, and there might be people who are unhappy and feel upset toward Asians. This is one of the worries that I have. I cannot really say if we are completely safe from those people who are angry at Asians, but what we got to do is protect ourselves and be careful when we are outside”.

[KAR_10, Male, 41]

One participant expressed concern about police brutality, within their community.

“I understand that police officers should do a better job and handle the whole situation well. They should stop violence against people. There is even more police violence after seeing the death of George Floyd. From my perspective, police officers should stop brutality, a human right, and need more training to handle the situation calmly and well. Violence should be stopped. We have seen that police treated African American hugely different from white people”.

[KAR_08, Male, 21]

Another stated that police officers as a whole should endeavor to perform better. They claimed,

“There are even more [incidences of] police violence after seeing the death of George Floyd. From my perspective, police officers should stop the brutality. Violence should be stopped. We have seen that police treated African Americans hugely differently from white people”.

[KAR_08, Female, 24]

4. Discussion

4.1. Experiences of Racism

This study reveals three key findings about the immigrant population’s perceptions and experiences, including experiences of racism, feelings of insecurity, and mistrust toward police, which are influenced by both their race and immigration status and are exacerbated by historical police brutality and the current political climate. This study was conducted at a time when the Twin Cities was experiencing a double pandemic—the COVID-19 pandemic and the social unrest that followed the police killing of George Floyd. When periods of uncertainty arise in local communities and larger regions, minoritized groups frequently experience increased insecurity (Harris et al. 2021; Hearst et al. 2021). The findings reveal both shared experiences and unique challenges across the Latinx, Somali, and Karen communities, highlighting the intersection of race, immigration status, and systemic racism in shaping their perceptions of safety and law enforcement. While all three groups expressed fear, mistrust, and a desire for systemic change following the murder of George Floyd, the nuances of their experiences reflect the distinct ways in which racism and police violence manifest in their lives.

Across the Latinx, Somali, and Karen communities, participants expressed fear, mistrust, and a desire for systemic change, while also grappling with the complexities of navigating a society where they often feel vulnerable and targeted. This study revealed that the main sources of anxiety were an underlying current of racial discrimination, increased dread of police presence, police brutality, and apprehension regarding their ability to protect themselves. As Black community members, Somali participants have experienced elevated levels of racism since childhood (Lincoln et al. 2021). Immigrants’ feelings of insecurity and feelings toward police stem from the intersection of both race and immigration status. This study shows that these communities feel unsafe with the police because of their race or ethnic background, and it disrupts their daily lives (Hearst et al. 2021). Although the participants in this study come from very different cultural backgrounds and countries/continents of origin, they all expressed fears, anxieties, and feelings of insecurity about the police. This relates to the longstanding brutality of the police and the distrust between police and communities of color in the United States, which is well documented (Calvert et al. 2020). In addition to being othered because of their race, studies have found that immigrants are less likely to contact the police if they have been victims of crime because they fear the police might question their immigration status (Roles et al. 2015; Theodore 2013), adding to their fears and anxieties. This was exacerbated by the increased role of police in enforcing federal immigration laws during the Trump presidency (Solomon et al. 2017).

This study’s findings highlight the pervasive experience of racism in the daily lives of immigrants, including those from Asian American communities, who faced an additional layer of fear and anxiety during the COVID-19 pandemic and the social unrest in the Twin Cities, where one of the police officers involved in the killing of George Floyd was from their community. Our findings on the experience of racism while engaging in daily activities add to an experience well known to communities of color. The experience of racism was shared among all three groups represented in this study. Additionally, the experience of racism came not only from the police but also from government officials and within the larger society they lived in. This was also a time when Asian American communities were being targeted and accused of bringing COVID-19 to the United States and the world in general (Findling et al. 2022). During this period, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) documented a 77% increase in hate crimes against Asian Americans (Findling et al. 2022). More so, the Asian community cited the influence of the then-president of the United States—Donald Trump’s directed blame against China for COVID-19—as one of the top reasons for the attacks and increased racism against the Asian communities (Findling et al. 2022). For the Asian American community in the Twin Cities, they faced an additional layer of fear and anxiety, as expressed by participants in this study, because one of the police officers involved in the killing of George Floyd was from their community, and they experienced a fear of backlash against the community as a result.

This study’s findings reveal that systemic racism and microaggressions are prevalent in the daily activities of all three immigrant communities. Still, the Somali community in the Twin Cities experiences higher levels of racism due to the intersectionality of their marginalized identities as Black, immigrant, and Muslim. As home to the largest Somali community in the United States, the Somalis in the Twin Cities who participated in this study have expressed experiencing racism from an early age within and outside school settings, which they have normalized to some extent. Previous studies have found similar experiences of aggressive policing for young Somali adults in the United States and Canada (Ellis et al. 2018). Within the school systems, Muslim students in middle and high schools experience bullying at school at a rate twice as high as the general school-age population (CAIR 2019).

4.2. Past Experiences with Police

Participants across all three communities shared traumatic encounters with law enforcement that shaped their perceptions of police. These experiences ranged from direct harassment to traumatic interactions that left lasting emotional scars, further eroding trust in law enforcement. This study’s findings highlight the pervasive experience of racism in the daily lives of immigrants, including those from Asian American communities, who faced an additional layer of fear and anxiety during the COVID-19 pandemic and the social unrest in the Twin Cities, where one of the police officers involved in the killing of George Floyd was from their community. Many immigrant and refugee populations in Minnesota and the United States as a whole have experienced heightened levels of insecurity for a variety of reasons, particularly in situations of civil unrest, such as the days and weeks immediately following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis (Harris et al. 2021; Hearst et al. 2021). While some of these findings might be influenced by those contexts at the time, for example, the feeling of insecurity, most of the key findings are issues these communities have been living with and experiencing longer as individuals and communities of color.

4.3. Attitudes Toward Police After George Floyd’s Murder

The narratives shared by the participants highlight the pervasive and multifaceted nature of racism, as well as the profound impact of George Floyd’s murder on their perceptions of law enforcement. The murder of George Floyd profoundly impacted the participants’ attitudes toward law enforcement, amplifying existing fears and mistrust while sparking calls for systemic change. Across the Latinx, Somali, and Karen communities, participants shared how the incident deepened their sense of vulnerability and reshaped their perceptions of safety, justice, and accountability. These narratives highlight the critical need for meaningful changes that address systematic racism and rebuild trust between law enforcement officers and the communities they serve.

5. Conclusions

The findings of this study highlight the pervasive and multifaceted nature of racism, police violence, and mistrust of law enforcement among immigrant and refugee communities in the Twin Cities. While the Latinx, Somali, and Karen communities share many experiences, their unique cultural, racial, and immigration backgrounds shape the ways in which these challenges manifest. The Somali participants navigate the intersection of racism and Islamophobia, the Karen participants grapple with anti-Asian racism exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Latinx participants often face racism tied to assumptions about their immigration status. Despite these differences, all three communities expressed a shared desire for systemic change and a safer, more equitable society.

Immigrants’ and refugees’ experiences of systemic racism, police violence, and fear and insecurity of police all have implications for their overall health and well-being, but more so, their mental health. This is further exacerbated by pre- and post-migration traumas and stressors of resettlement, as shown in this study (Ellis et al. 2018; Szaflarski and Bauldry 2019; Ziersch et al. 2020). Refugees and immigrants are exposed to significant amounts of pre-migration trauma in their countries of origin during their journeys to the U.S. and during the resettlement process and experiences (Kim et al. 2019). Continuously experiencing systemic racism, police violence, and microaggression, coupled with the stressors of resettling and adjusting to a new country, expose them further to post-migration trauma (Hearst et al. 2021; Kim et al. 2019; Jorgenson and Nilsson 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic and the events that followed the killing of George Floyd have exacerbated these issues, and the past several years have been particularly difficult for immigrant families and communities.

The increase in hate crimes and xenophobic rhetoric at the macro level have only added to the already existing fears and challenges they face, and the findings from this study corroborate this existing evidence. The murder of George Floyd acted as a harsh reminder of the risks that Black and immigrant communities face, exacerbating pre-existing fears and altering attitudes toward law enforcement. These narratives highlight the critical need for meaningful changes that address systematic racism and rebuild trust between law enforcement officers and the communities they serve. The insecurities regarding safety, stemming from both police brutality and the desire to keep police officers funded and employed, present a unique juxtaposition in terms of immigrants’ and refugees’ true feelings of insecurity. Furthermore, addressing these feelings of insecurity requires a comprehensive approach that considers the intersectionality of race, immigration status, and mental health. It is essential to prioritize community-based solutions that prioritize the well-being of all individuals, regardless of their background. Fear and apprehension are palpable in all refugee and immigrant communities, but eliminating the institution that causes the foreboding in the first place can also increase anxiety. Research also suggests that immigrant communities, especially those from racial minorities, use mental health services at lower rates than nonimmigrants, despite an equal or even greater need (Derr 2016). Hence, public health policies and programs must consider alternative and innovative methods to reach and serve this population.