Sexual Violence Against Men: Impacts on Individual Victims, Significant Others, and the Community in the Eastern Region of Congo

Abstract

Conflict-related sexual violence remains a systematic tool employed in warfare and terrorism to undermine communities, as recognized by the UN Security Council in Resolutions 1820 (2008) and 2242 (2015). Sexual violence has been a persistent issue throughout the history of conflict, war, and human existence. However, the victimization of men and boys remains insufficiently acknowledged and reported. This under-recognition can be attributed to several factors, such as societal stigma, the topic’s sensitive nature, prevailing stereotypes, and cultural influences. Male sexual violence is recognized as a critical public health concern because of its profound, immediate, and lasting effects on the victims, their loved ones, the community, and society at large. This paper examines the social and relational consequences of such violence on the individual victims, their significant others, and the wider society. The analysis will draw upon data gathered from the author’s doctoral thesis conducted in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2021, as well as recent research on this critical issue to enrich the discussion.

1. Introduction

Until recently, legal definitions of rape frequently adopted a non-gendered approach, perpetuating the antiquated image of men as malevolent offenders and women as vulnerable victims (Sivakumaran 2010). However, numerous countries have revised their definitions of rape to include the phrase “penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim” (United States Department of Justice 2012). As of recently, there are still many countries that are dominated by pervasive conflict-related sexual violence that continue to adopt restrictive laws around homosexuality and sodomy, which negatively influences male victims’ experiences, healing journies, reporting and justice (Sawyer 2024). For example, Uganda’s anti-homosexuality Act of 2023 imposes capital punishment of up to life imprisonment or possible death for consensual same-sex relationships. Although it appears to be abusive, a violation of human rights, discriminatory towards specific groups (LGBT people and male victims), cause people to be prone to violence and cause restrictions to health care access, on 3 April 2024, Uganda’s constitutional court rejected a petition against the anti-gay law1. There are at least seventy-nine countries that criminalize sodomy as a punishable act (Dolan 2014). Such laws reinforce gender stereotypes around who can and cannot be a victim. This belief is internalized by political actors, institutions, and psychosocial and medical service providers (Yagi et al. 2022; Schulz 2018).

This trickles down to community stigmatization of male victims. Stigma is a by-product of a group of people or society’s recognition of an attribute as being different and unnatural (Dovidio and Hebl 2005), which leads to the marginalization, ostracization and casting of that population. This appears to be the case for male victims of sexual violence. Additionally, socially attributed masculine traits do not align with victimhood (Yagi et al. 2022). Historically, societal norms dictate that men should exemplify traits such as strength, assertiveness, competitiveness and authority (Yagi 2021; Hlavka 2017). Men are often perceived to have an inherent tendency to be dominant (Hlavka 2017). Since it is contrary to men’s nature to be penetrated, there is a mark of disgrace associated with sexual violence against men due to the incompatibility between the dominant masculine norms and victimhood (Yagi 2021; Hlavka 2017). As a result, male victims frequently find themselves compelled to endure their suffering in silence (Yagi et al. 2022; Schulz 2018). In the face of externally imposed silences, male victims frequently internalize the associated stigma, which complicates their ability to recognize themselves as victims. They often refrain from employing the term rape to articulate their experiences of sexual victimization, viewing it as both dangerous and taboo. Instead, male victims tend to utilize alternative terminology to convey their trauma, such as torture, beating, and humiliation (Yagi 2021, 2024).

Furthermore, male victims of sexual violence are also reluctant to report the crime and seek justice; they are less likely to disclose and seek psychosocial and medical support (Yagi et al. 2022). Schulz (2018) adopted the term “ethical isolation” from Stauffer (2015) to describe the multi-layered level of silence, abandonment, and isolation for male victims. Stauffer (2015) defines ethical loneliness as follows:

A condition undergone by persons who have been unjustly treated and dehumanized by human beings and political structures, who emerge from that injustice only to find that the surrounding world will not listen to or cannot correctly hear their testimony (Stauffer 2015, p. 1).

Research on this topic has revealed both notable similarities and distinct differences between female and male victims of rape and other forms of gender-based violence in the eastern regions of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Maisha et al. (2024) highlighted the psychological difficulties encountered by women in the eastern DRC who are survivors of rape. In these communities, the perception of rape is similarly viewed as a sexual taboo and poses a threat to victims, their families and communities, irrespective of gender. Furthermore, women who have experienced sexual assault are often subjected to blame and discrimination (Maisha et al. 2024). Contextual variations also exist; for instance, in societies with stringent norms regarding virginity and marital fidelity, women face increased shame, stigma, blame and discrimination following sexual assault (Maisha 2016; Dossa et al. 2014; Trenholm et al. 2016). The prevailing social norms in eastern DRC reinforce the concept of sexual purity, which is closely tied to women’s virginity and lifelong fidelity to their husbands (Maisha et al. 2024). This cultural framework can result in the misinterpretation of rape as an extramarital affair, leading the stigmatization of women victims as being contaminated and feared (Maisha et al. 2024). This may result in outcomes comparable to those experienced by men, including a reluctance to seek assistance, a tendency to endure suffering insolation, and a lack of justice for victims, embodying ethical loneliness. The stigma and internalized shame experienced by male victims are often more pronounced, as they are perceived as leaders of their communities and households, holding power and privilege over women.

1.1. Conceptualizing Male Sexual Victimization

To better understand the male sexual victimization experience in the DRC, the current paper will draw on hegemonic masculinity as the most appropriate theoretical lens to conceptualize, discuss and comprehend male victims’ experience. The concept of hegemonic masculinity has considerably influenced gender studies across various academic fields; it has also attracted criticism from different directions (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005). The concept of hegemonic masculinity originates from Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony as a system that embodies and guarantees men’s dominant and leading position in society (Connell 1987). Connell (1987) understood hegemonic masculinity as a type of masculinity that exists in a specific societal and historical context that justifies gender inequality involving men’s dominance and power over women and other men, such as minority groups.

The concept of Hegemonic masculinity has also been refined over the years. Another definition of hegemonic masculinity is the following:

A set of values established by men in power that functions to include and exclude and to organize society in gender-unequal ways. It combines several features: a hierarchy of masculinities, differential access among men to power (over women and other men), and the interplay between men’s identity, ideals, interactions, power, and patriarchy.

(Jewkes et al. 2015, p. 40)

Masculinity is characterized by its dynamic, fluid, and multifaceted nature, encompassing various forms such as hegemonic, complicit, subordinate, and marginalized masculinity (Connell 2005). Hegemonic masculinity represents a gender position fundamentally rooted in heterosexuality (Jewkes et al. 2015; Connell 2005), where dominance and power are achieved through consensus rather than through overt coercion (Gramsci 1971). Hegemonic masculinity is a cultural idea of manhood that is accepted and endorsed by many in different societies, and lots of effort is put into replicating this ideal across generations. In the context of the Congo, men are placed in positions of power as chiefs, elders, or heads of households by women and other men, which is unquestionably accepted by most. Additionally, hegemonic masculinity embodiment is synonymous with strength, power, authority, control and dominance (Yagi 2021; Hlavka 2017). However, the concept of hegemonic masculinity is historically mobile and unstable, meaning that new groups (e.g., women) can challenge old ones (e.g., men) for dominance and construct a new hegemony (Jewkes et al. 2015; Connell 2005). In this context, hegemonic masculinity is portrayed as a tenuous construct that can be easily undermined rather than as a definitive state of existence. Male victims often find it challenging to acknowledge their victimization, as it conflicts with the prevailing ideals of masculinity.

Furthermore, economic and social changes also influence gender by putting men in positions where they are not as in control as expected (Brown 2015; Lwambo 2013). There is a contradictory relationship between the idealized concept of hegemonic masculinity and men’s reality (Brown 2015; Lwambo 2013). For example, men’s experiences in the eastern region of Congo are shaped by the dynamics of patriarchal authority and the challenges posed by social inequality, unemployment, corruption, insecurity, displacement, conflict, and a lack of legal accountability (Lwambo 2013). Unfortunately, masculine norms and expectations remain intact. Some research has drawn a connection between failed and violent masculinity (e.g., irresponsibility towards others, alcohol abuse, acts of violence, lack of productivity, lack of respect for elders and women, and social disruption (Lwambo 2013). There is also a debate that argues that not all harmful, destructive and toxic masculinities are hegemonic (Connell 2005). Hypermasculinity (Herek 1987), also known as exaggerated or destructive masculinities, can emerge among socially marginalized men (Jewkes et al. 2015). For example, a male victim of sexual violence may dedicate their life to seeking revenge against rebels who caused harm to them, their family and community (Yagi 2021). According to Connell (1987), despite men’s advantageous or disadvantageous position of authority and power over women and other men, there is freedom of choice (Frankl 1949) about whether to occupy or resist an oppressive position.

The theory of hegemonic masculinity has also been criticized for its inability to legitimately discuss causality, circular reasoning, and cultural determinist arguments (Brown 2015). Another argument is that the idealized concept of hegemonic masculinity is not helpful to women and men because it tends to interfere with men’s mental health (Jewkes et al. 2015), especially in the context of sexual violence against men. However, there are alternative forms of masculinity. Yagi et al. (2023) addressed the importance of redefining masculinity inclusively and fluidly to facilitate growth, health, healing and recovery instead of stigmatizing, shaming, blaming and rejecting it. For example, in Buvaku, a city in Eastern Congo, older men are excluded from the list of strong boys who patrol the town and prepare to fight in armed conflict (Alexandre et al. 2022). With age, real men become vulnerable and fragile. Real men can embody different mature masculine energies that co-exist harmoniously (Yagi et al. 2023). A male victim redefined his masculinity creatively and compassionately by stating, “‘I am fully a man with little strength (…)’, a man is more than his physical body and what it can accomplish” (Yagi 2023, p. 82). The quote serves as an illustration of how survivors can redefine masculinity in a manner that does not exclusively depend on physical strength and dominance, highlighting various approaches to embodying masculinity.

1.2. What Is a “Real Man” in the Eastern Region of DRC?

In numerous African cultures, the belief is that real men serve as the head of the household” (Alexandre et al. 2022). This status position aligns with the culturally accepted values of masculinity that are based on male supremacy ideology, which then influences gender roles and expectations (Yagi 2021). A ‘real man’ is anticipated to exhibit qualities such as strength, authority, masculinity, the ability to endure challenges, sexual assertiveness, emotional composure, and decisiveness (Alexandre et al. 2022; Yagi 2021; Hlavka 2017). It is posited that these socially endorsed methods of expressing masculinity enable men to meet their roles as providers, protectors, producers and procreators for their families and communities (Yagi 2021). “Real men”, as the heads of the households, are assisted by women whose roles and responsibilities are aligned with housekeeping and childbearing (Alexandre et al. 2022). According to Alexandre et al. (2022), the statement “man never cries” (p. 11), especially when facing hardships and adversities, emerged in interviews with male survivors, community members and providers. “Real men” are supposed to reject feminine traits such as shedding tears, expressing emotions, empathy and being a victim because it is a sign of weakness associated with femininity (Alexandre et al. 2022; Yagi 2021). As mentioned in the previous section, the reality linked to the war in Congo puts men in a disadvantageous position that makes it challenging to live up to the idealized concept of masculinity.

The following section will explore the impacts of male sexual violence on individual victims, significant others, and the national level.

1.3. Sexual Violence Against Men and Impacts on Individual Victims

Multiple factors, including the nature of the assault, tradition, culture, and societal norms, influence individual male victims’ responses and behavior towards sexual violence.

On a personal level, male victims penalize themselves for straying from the socially approved masculine norms (Yagi 2021; Groth 2011). The act of being penetrated contradicts the principles of impenetrability and invulnerability (Hlavka 2017), contributing to the experiences of emasculation among male victims and their perceived failure to embody the characteristics of a “real man” (Manivannan 2014). Most male victims believe that the rape reduces their status to a woman or a “de facto female” (Manivannan 2014, p. 646). There is a lot of internalized blame, shame, and secrecy. Although challenges linked to help-seeking behavior are complex and multilayered, most times, male victims choose to suffer alone in silence to avoid further humiliation linked to being a victim of rape and to the chance of being labelled as homosexual. Male victims tend to conceal their pain and suffering for months and even years before divulging information about the sexual attack (Birikorang and Edu-Afful 2019; Alexandre et al. 2022; Yagi et al. 2022). Birikorang and Edu-Afful (2019) described an incident where armed groups or military personnel broke into civilian homes and ordered sons to rape their mothers and fathers to rape their daughters; in most cases, only the daughters and mothers reported the sexual attack. Given the fact that physical signs of male sexual violence are often invisible to the eye (Birikorang and Edu-Afful 2019), sometimes male victims wait until the symptoms worsen and become unmanageable. Silence with a socially protective function puts male victims’ physical, mental, social, and psychological well-being at significant risk (Schulz 2020), ultimately hindering the journey toward healing and recovery.

On the socioeconomic level, the cost of sexual violence on male survivors is devastating due to the ongoing short and long-term adverse effects of the trauma (Alexandre et al. 2022; Yagi 2021). The long-standing war in the Congo has enormously disrupted the country’s economic activity. In rural areas in Congo, most men earn their living from farming, and farm work demands significant manual labor based on strength and stamina. Additionally, men as providers are expected to be economically productive. Unfortunately, the ongoing impacts of the trauma, such as lack of strength, ongoing pain, weaknesses, and vulnerability, make it difficult to maintain employment (Alexandre et al. 2022; Yagi 2021). The constant fear of running into rebel groups and being revictimized also impacts employment (Alexandre et al. 2022; Yagi 2021).

On one end, male victims’ lack of employment and provisions can change the hierarchy of the family system by knocking them off the position of power and authority over the women and children. Family structure and hierarchy are essential because they offer security and control, especially in an unpredictable environment. Conversely, some community members in the Eastern region of the Congo are challenging women’s limited economic power in their households. Instead of treating women’s economic empowerment as a threat to manhood and a form of humiliation for men, they endorse it as an opportunity for household financial stability and security (Alexandre et al. 2022). There are holistic programs for women, such as the one offered at Panzi Foundation in Bukavu, training females in traditional economic activities predominantly performed by men, such as carpentry (Alexandre et al. 2022). There is tolerance and support within the community for such changes in gender roles and expectations for women (Alexandre et al. 2022), whereas the boundaries for men are rigid and unforgiving.

Although male victims of sexual violence have often been dominantly depicted by the media and existing research as ‘emasculated’, ‘feminized’, ‘silenced’, stripped of their manhood and lacking agency, it is equally important to not generalize these expectations across contexts and individuals (Touquet and Schulz 2021). Although externally imposed silence can harm male victims in different spheres, Touquet and Schulz (2021) offered a critical argument against the association between silence and the feeling of powerlessness, passivity, and lack of agency. To demonstrate how silence can be agentive, Touquet and Schulz (2021) shared two case studies of male victims in Uganda and Croatia freely choosing to maintain silence within the private sphere (e.g., home, family, and direct community) to avoid negative repercussions and strategically deciding when, where and how to share to promote justice, social recognition, rehabilitation, and treatment. Additionally, recent research has shown that some male victims reframe masculinity in a way that can have a positive influence on their healing journey (Yagi et al. 2023). Schulz (2020) shared a specific example of male victims in Uganda who collectively came together to create groups and associations to support each other in their journey towards healing and growth. For example, they engage in agricultural activities to generate income (Schulz 2020).

1.4. Sexual Violence Against Men and Impacts on Significant Others

Significant others refer to individuals who significantly influence the victims’ lives and have a sufficient influence on their emotional well-being, behavior, and sense of self (Owens 2007). This includes spouses, children, partners, parents, family, friends, and co-workers (Birikorang and Edu-Afful 2019). Sexual violence, as previously noted, profoundly undermines trust and disrupts an individual’s sense of safety and autonomy, resulting in victims grappling with emotions such as shame, guilt, and fear (Yagi 2021). The immediate effects of such trauma are significant, and long-term consequences can permeate various aspects of a person’s life, influencing their relationships, mental well-being, and overall life satisfaction. The impacts of male sexual violence on relationships are complex and multi-faceted, and vary from one person to another. Birikorang and Edu-Afful’s (2019) field study documented the experiences of several male victims, highlighting (a) difficulties in maintaining relationships with immediate family, friends and partners; (b) a lack of emotional support from their social circles; (c) strained communication dynamics within the family unit, especially concerning interactions with children and spouses; (d) experiences of ostracism and social isolation from both family and broader community networks; (e) instances of familial rejection that result in fractured relationships within families and communities; (f) the phenomenon of victim blaming, which occurs without repercussions for the perpetrators; and (g) a swift effort to safeguard the family’s image, manage feelings of shame and restore the family’s and community’s respect. Findings from another article have shown that some family members step in to offer support and care by bringing male victims to service providers for treatment (Alexandre et al. 2022). This shows that family and community behavior can facilitate or interfere with care, help-seeking behavior, and reporting.

To be more specific, male survivors of sexual violence face numerous emotional obstacles in forming and sustaining healthy relationships. Poirson et al. (2023) highlight the considerable distress associated with sexual violence across several dimensions, including interpersonal relationships. The ability to bond with others through the establishment of meaningful connections and supportive relationships is often compromised following the trauma (Petersson and Plantin 2024; Poirson et al. 2023; Yagi et al. 2022). This is due to specific challenges such as pervasive distrust in interpersonal relationships, fear of rejection, and heightened emotional needs, which may manifest as difficulties in expressing and processing emotions, as well as internalized negative emotions (Petersson and Plantin 2024; Poirson et al. 2023; Yagi et al. 2022). Some male victims express a profound need for love, support and validation, which can sometimes become overwhelming and intrusive (Poirson et al. 2023). One male participant noted, “There is a pitfall, however, and its… since it’s an abyss inside, it’s to absorb the other. It’s being so in demand that it can be suffocating for the other” (Poirson et al. 2023, p. 6). This dynamic can lead to behaviors characterized by conflict avoidance and self-effacement (Poirson et al. 2023). Moreover, many male victims struggle to cultivate stable and enduring emotional connections, which reflects broader emotional instability and a pervasive sense of isolation and abandonment (Poirson et al. 2023). One participant stated, “I can’t manage to have stable relationships because I don’t feel stable in my body, and I feel even less stable when I’m in a relationship with someone else’s body” (Poirson et al. 2023, p. 6). The bonds formed with others hold considerable significance, as support and meaningful connections are common resilient factors that aid in the adaptation process following sexual trauma (Poirson et al. 2023).

Some participants (male and female) drew a causal connection between intimate partner violence (IPV) and conflict-related sexual violence (Gray and Dolan 2022). In this study, one participant described the connection as follows: “you find that war enters the family” (Gray and Dolan 2022, p. 575). Violence follows the violation of normative family dynamics, and peace is disrupted (Gray and Dolan 2022). However, both men and women can be perpetrators of IPV. Unfortunately, the idea of women abusing men in intimate relationships engenders laughter and is often not taken seriously (Gray and Dolan 2022). This dynamic can potentially interfere with help-seeking behavior because men are supposed to exert power and control over women, and not the contrary.

1.5. Sexual Violence Against Men and Impacts on National Level (e.g., Societies and the Nation as a Whole)

The devastating, paralyzing and significant losses triggered by conflict-related sexual violence go beyond the individual, families and communities; it also impacts national economic well-being (Birikorang and Edu-Afful 2019). Numerous instances of sexual violence perpetrated against men and boys have been documented in rural areas of the Eastern region of Congo, a territory abundant in natural resources. The exploitation of these resources, coupled with an inequitable distribution of benefits, inadequate management, and unregulated authority, has been tolerated and perpetuated since the colonial period (Uneca 2015). One can conclude that there is a link between reported cases of sexual violence in agricultural and mining areas in the Congo and the poor economic outlook for the mining industry, forestry and oil sectors (Birikorang and Edu-Afful 2019). Male-directed sexual violence threatens general security by forcing communities and societies to live in fear and be condemned to poverty (Birikorang and Edu-Afful 2019). According to Uneca (2015), the conflicts have exacerbated economic deterioration and increased investment instability, and the impacts are long-lasting.

2. Materials and Methods

These findings are based on the author’s doctorate thesis titled “Conflict-related sexual violence against men in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): lifting the veil of secrecy around a controversial and taboo subject”. The thesis aimed to gain a deeper understanding of the relationship between male sexual victimization experiences and the conventional male code. A phenomenological research design was employed to enhance comprehension of the phenomenon under investigation. Participants were identified using a purposive sampling method combined with snowball sampling techniques in villages in the Eastern region of Congo. Eligibility criteria required participants to be at least 18 years old and to self-identify as victims of conflict-related sexual violence.

Fourteen individuals participated in this study, during which the research assistant carried out semi-structured interviews in Swahili. The collected data was translated and transcribed from Swahili to English utilizing a back-to-back translation technique. After the transcription and translation were finalized, follow-up interviews were conducted via telephone to elucidate themes that surfaced during the preliminary data analysis. A thematic analysis methodology was employed to examine the qualitative data. A consent form for participation was distributed to all participants, explaining the process, including risks, benefits, confidentiality, anonymity, data conservation, and voluntary participation. The participants then signed.

3. Results

A few themes emerged from the thematic data analysis around the impacts of male-directed sexual violence on individual victims, significant others, and the community. The three themes are the following: (1) The passage of time in relation to the event (s) experienced regarding life in general, (2) disclosure and (3) masculinity.

3.1. The Passage of Time Regarding Life in General

A Lack of Employment, Role Reversal and Impacts

The expression ‘the passage of time regarding life in general’ was used as an emergent theme because it describes how participants used the notion of time to share tales of their lives. They shared the ongoing impacts of the trauma on the self, significant others, and the community. For example, participants shared ongoing financial impacts linked to the inability to work, provide, and contribute to their household income. Participants shared a few reasons interfering with their duty to provide, such as ongoing physical health-related issues because of the rape, including body aches, headaches, lack of physical strength, hemorrhoids, loss of balance, incontinence of urine and more.

Participant Two captured this devastating reality by stating:

“Till now, my body is in pain… After being raped, everything is destroyed. Even to go to the toilet to urinate is a problem. In addition, urine runs directly. As I sit here, I can be surprised if I’m distracted; it’s going straight away. So everything was destroyed”.

(Yagi 2021, p. 110)

Participants also mentioned a lack of safety and the fear of revictimization as an obstacle to employment.

Participants discussed the psychological consequences of not fulfilling provider and main breadwinner obligations. For example, physical incapacity and lack of employment create dependent men forced to accept feminine roles and responsibilities within the household. Participant 2 shared the devastating individual and systemic impact of the new system by stating, “My mind not working well” and “it’s not myself only who is affected, but all family mentally and physically” (Yagi 2021, p. 110).

Participants used words such as ‘destroyed’, ‘broken’, ‘damaged’, and ‘ongoing suffering’ to describe their new life after the sexual trauma. A persistent feeling of shame, humiliation, grief, sadness, unhappiness, feelings of powerlessness, relational issues, and family conflict often accompanies this experience. Participant 1 shared his experience of dependency and powerlessness by stating,

How can I be happy when I am no longer able to do it for them? For us to eat, my wife must go out to look for something to eat. And the risk is I can eat something I don’t know where is coming from. Maybe from where she has cheated on me. But as I am powerless, I just leave as it is.

(Yagi 2021, p. 112)

3.2. Community/Family Perceptions Following the Event (s) Experienced

3.2.1. Family, Community, and Spirituality as a Source of Support

Participants shared mixed experiences while discussing community perceptions following the sexual trauma. Some participants (1, 10, and 13) mentioned getting support and understanding from their partner. For example, participant 10 shared his wife’s perspective regarding his lack of physical strength by stating, “She understands everything because I had strength in my first life” (Yagi 2021, pp. 128–29). Participant 1 also highlighted his wife’s support while doubting and questioning her true intentions: “But it’s difficult to discover the woman’s secret. She can keep a secret inside her, and maybe she can cheat on you and come back” (Yagi 2021, p. 129).

Similarly, participants (1, 3, 6, 9, and 14) shared a similar experience of receiving help and support from some family and community members. For example, participant 1 described his friends’ support by stating:

“So friends are just as good as like a fisherman who has fish and invites me to look for two fish for my children. Or someone else who comes from the field can tell me my friend you were here, but take at least this cassava, because they know very well what I have done to them when I was in good position. It’s just kind of life to help each other. They really know I was the guy when I was good. Then it just becomes a life of mutual support”.

(Yagi 2021, pp. 129–30)

The aforementioned quotes highlight the principles of ethics of care, which Wikipedia describes as a normative ethical theory focusing on the significance of interpersonal relationships and the virtue of care or benevolence. The internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy further elaborates on this concept by stating that “care” encompasses the responsibility of sustaining the well-being of both ourselves and others. The ethical framework is rooted in the desire to support those who are dependent and vulnerable, drawing inspiration from personal experiences of receiving care and the idealized notions of self. Most participants may find themselves unable to contribute to the community through production, provision, and protection as they previously did; however, their past contributions are acknowledged and esteemed within the ethics of care framework. Yet, participants continue to grapple with the acceptance of their vulnerable and dependent status, largely due to persistent symptoms stemming from the trauma. This struggle prompts them to question the authenticity and sincerity of the assistance and support they receive, suspecting the presence of ulterior motives or concealed agendas behind such help.

Like the previous individual, Participant 1 also expressed doubts and questioned their friends’ genuine intentions and feelings behind the support offered.

While reflecting on the help received after the sexual violence, one participant (13) mentioned the unconditional love and acceptance of the church as a great source of comfort and support. Finally, all 14 participants relied on their spirituality, faith, and relationship with God as a great source of strength and hope.

3.2.2. Criticism, Blame and Lack of Support from Family and Community

Participants 8, 11, 12, and 13 shared their experiences dealing with critics by stating, “The critics are always there; they can criticize, but they will not tell you about it” (Yagi 2021, p. 132). He also demonstrated agency in his response to criticism by stating, “When I hear someone speak, I can say he is abnormal, because a normal and intelligent man cannot criticize the other on what has happened to him. So, I leave that in the hands of God” (Yagi 2021, p. 132).

Participants described negative comments, criticism, and victim blaming as hurtful and perpetuating the suffering by worsening their experience even further. All 14 participants used the word ‘suffering’ to describe the compounded effect of the trauma. There are stories of human suffering because of the ongoing war and armed conflict in Congo. Additionally, there is suffering linked to the initial sexual victimization experience and ongoing symptoms of the trauma. There is also pervasive compounded suffering linked to victim blaming and lack of support and empathy from family, community, and society. Finally, suffering relates to the ongoing struggles of reclaiming one’s identity as a ‘real man’ in the eyes of self and others. One participant stated that there is nothing worse than his new life after the rape.

There are also stories of human resilience and creativity in adversity. In their previous life, before the sexual trauma, participants once described themselves as real men with the ability to provide, produce, protect and procreate. Through this individual and social identity, they experienced a profound sense of meaning in life. Some participants were able to redefine masculinity in a way that integrates sexual trauma in a way that promotes healing and recovery. During the follow-up interview, participant 2 stated, “I am a man by colour, not by manhood but by thoughts. For example, sleeping with a woman is not there anymore” (Yagi 2021, p. 146). This person’s adaptability broadened the concept of masculinity beyond mere physical strength and virility, emphasizing the significance of intellectual prowess and mental capabilities. Finally, Participant 6 found a way to preserve his masculinity and protect his mental health despite losing virility and strength. He stated: “Although I die today, I am a man. I suffered for people, and they know I am a man. When the soldiers surrounded me, I stood up, and they saw that I was a man. So, really, it’s showing your bravery by your actions”. When asked, “Do you still feel like a man?” He responded, “If it wasn’t this problem of illness, poverty, and how I manage all this population over 3000, and even though I have difficulty, but everyone has problems”. Despite adversities and suffering, some male victims demonstrate resilience and agency in their new lives.

Certain participants presented a framework of healthy masculinity, illustrating that true strength is found in vulnerability, adaptability, connectivity and flexibility. It is possible to maintain men’s strength while reinterpreting elements of strength that often leave male victims of sexual violence trapped in their trauma, experiencing re-traumatization and struggling to process their experiences in a manner conducive to healing and recovery.

3.3. Disclosure

The concept of concealment is reinforced by a variety of factors outlined in the text, including social and gender norms—such as the traditional male code, rape myths, and gender stereotypes—as well as additional personal and environmental influences. These elements contribute to the secrecy and invisibility experienced by male victims, leading to their suffering in isolation. Research indicates that the disclosure of sexual violence can have a synergistic effect, either aiding or adversely affecting the outcomes following an assault. Participant 10 is the sole individual who openly shared with his wife his experience of being sexually assaulted while he was seeking shelter in the forest. The other participants lacked the agency to disclose their experiences, as they were subjected to public assaults in the presence of witnesses, including family, friends, and community members, and their assaults were subsequently uncovered by others. Some participants shared the experience of re-victimization and the added layer of shame linked to the assault being public knowledge and not a secret.

4. Discussion and Recommendations

Given that sexual violence has been highly prevalent in different societies and throughout human existence, it is crucial to acknowledge the broader impacts of experiencing sexual violence to provide adequate support to individual survivors, their loved ones, the community and society at large. As demonstrated in the text, male sexual violence is a public health concern and a complex subject matter with diverse and profound negative impacts. Research also shows that healing, recovery and posttraumatic growth are possible under certain conditions (Clark 2023; Yagi et al. 2023). Therefore, acknowledgement and interventions must be multidimensional to integrate this matter’s complexity on the individual and larger society.

Stockman et al. (2023) suggest the use of an ecological approach for a further understanding of the diverse and global impacts of male sexual violence, interventions and outcomes. According to Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 1986) framework, earlier and more current researchers have delineated various risk and protective factors associated with adverse sexual violence outcomes across different levels of social ecology. At the individual level, factors include sociodemographic characteristics, personality traits, coping mechanisms and personal history. The assault-related level encompasses aspects such as the survivor’s relationship with the perpetrator, the nature of coercion and the severity of injuries sustained. At the micro-/mesosystem level, the responses of significant others to the survivor’s disclosure are critical. The exosystem level examines the support provided by institutions, including medical, legal and mental health services. The macrosystem level considers cultural influences, such as the acceptance of rape myths, while the chronosystem level addresses factors like life transitions and experiences of prior victimization and revictimization (Neville and Heppner 1999; Campbell et al. 2009; Stockman et al. 2023). The intersecting spheres in the model demonstrate the impact of elements at one level and those at a different level.

5. Conclusions

As discussed in the text, conflict-related sexual violence has a detrimental impact on individuals’ relationships with themselves, others, and their environment (Yagi et al. 2022). Male victims face discrimination that creates significant disruptions in their global connectivity (Yagi 2024), which interferes with their journey towards healing and recovery. Societally, the enforcement of rigid gender norms and prevalence of rape myths negatively affect male victims, leading to their rejection, exclusion, and isolation, a situation commonly known as secondary victimization (Yagi 2024). Despite the many challenges, some victims can triumph, demonstrating remarkable resilience. Future research should focus on identifying the challenges and opportunities associated with establishing and sustaining social connections for male and female victims of conflict-related sexual violence. Furthermore, it is essential to investigate the societal and therapeutic opportunities and challenges faced by both male and female victims. Given its ecological nature, the conceptualization and intervention strategies must account for this issue’s complexity and multidimensional aspects.

An in-depth understanding of the impacts of male sexual violence, as discussed in this article, is relevant and informative on multiple levels. For example, mental health practitioners can integrate this knowledge in their assessments, conceptualizations, and treatments for better outcomes. A comprehensive understanding of male sexual violence underscores the necessity of promoting awareness within social contexts that normalize and rationalize rape culture, which is driven by gender disparities and prevailing attitudes toward gender and sexuality. For example, the National Sexual Violence Resource Center (NSVRC)2 states that primary prevention necessitates establishing a link between various forms of oppression, such as racism, sexism, homophobia, ableism, adultism, ageism, and others, and the resultant culture that fosters inequality and normalizes violence. Successful prevention initiatives employ theoretical frameworks to transform communities, alter social norms, eradicate oppression, and advocate for principles of equity, consent, and safety for everyone. Not looking at the complexity of this issue in-depth limits understanding, prevention, and treatment outcomes, which further reinforces the silence and solitary suffering of male victims of sexual violence.