Operationalizing Symbolic Violence to Advance Gender Equality: Women’s Mobility and Everyday Injustices in Public Transport in Mexico

Abstract

Gender-based violence in public transportation is a global phenomenon that restricts women’s rights and autonomy. Most of the documentation relies on harassment and physical aggression, but the subtle internalized mechanisms that reproduce gender inequities remain insufficiently analyzed. This study involves the concept of symbolic violence as an analytical category to unveil how resignation and normalization of violence perpetuate gender power relations and limit women’s mobility. A cross-sectional survey of 263 women aged 15–60 was conducted in Querétaro, Mexico, a rapidly growing city with significant mobility challenges. The questionnaire included items on perceptions of safety, violent experiences, responses to acts of violence, and prevention strategies. An inductive–abductive analysis was implemented to construct empirical indicators derived from Bordieu’s concept of symbolic violence and habitus. Findings reveal that fear, avoidance, and self-regulation are normalized responses to violence in public transport. Women implement strategies such as changing routes, limiting night travel, or increasing their expenses to access safer options. Six empirical indicators were identified: perceived insecurity as normality, resignation to harassment, bodily and emotional self-regulation, preventive reorganization of mobility, personal costs of safety, and collective inaction. In conclusion, the study demonstrates how symbolic violence operates through behaviors, actions, perceptions, and thoughts that reproduce inequities. Operationalizing symbolic violence provides a methodological and conceptual tool to advance gender equality and inform gender-sensitive mobility policies.

1. Introduction

Gender-based violence has been recognized as a global phenomenon that affects 1 in 3 women within their lifetime [1]. In the urban context, this situation hinders full development and access to goods and services as well as the full exercise of fundamental rights [2,3,4]. The city serves as the stage where social dynamics and urban infrastructure intersect and affect simultaneously [5]; social dynamics, values, and hierarchies area embedded in the construction design and organization of the city [6,7,8]. In Mexico and Latin America, gender inequality conditions daily life and mobility patterns, especially for women [9]. Gender-based violence refers to any act of violence where the victim is targeted because of their gender [10]. Violence against women (VAW) constitutes a form of discrimination that violates human rights [11,12]. This phenomenon exist in every country without exception, transcending cultural, social, educational, economic, and racial boundaries [13,14]. Gender roles and the division of labor have historically influenced the construction of the spatial sphere [15,16,17,18]. Diverse methodological techniques have been used to study gender-based violence in public spaces and transportation systems, including self-administered questionnaires [19], mixed methods [20], and safety audits [21]. Regarding symbolic violence, it has been examined through qualitative and interpretative methods; Thapar-Bjökert et al. implemented concepts such as misrecognition and tacit consent [22], while Bardall analyzed exclusion and delegitimization in politics [23]. Similarly, Musfequs studied structural domination and cultural subordination [24]. Despite mobility being a key site for the enaction and reproduction of gendered power relations, few studies have addressed symbolic violence in public transportation. Such studies can reveal how fear, resignation, and behavioral adaptations become embodied expressions of violence. This study aims to contribute in three specific ways:

• Proposing a methodological structure grounded in empirical evidence to identify symbolic violence in mobility practices.
• Developing a set of empirical indicators linked to embodied responses.
• Determining the implications of symbolic violence for women’s mobility.

The findings suggest that symbolic violence not only alters movement and behavior but also autonomy, public space, and the full exercise of citizenship.

2. Background

2.1. Mobility and Sexual Violence Against Women

Manifestations of VAW function as a control mechanism that reinforces inequality [25,26]. Most such aggressions are of sexual nature [27,28]. According to the National Institute for Women, in Mexico, 9 out of 10 women have experienced violence in public transportation [29].

Mobility is a necessity for individuals to travel from one location to another, regardless of the mode of transport [30]. It ensures access to goods and services that improve quality of life while also enabling personal and professional development [31,32]. Intersectional factors [33] can make mobility experiences diverse and heterogeneous, including gender as well as sociocultural and economic condition [34,35,36].

Sexual violence and harassment against women perpetuates inequality and discrimination [37,38]; these dynamics are shaped by intersectional factors as well as political and legal frameworks, structures, systems, and norms [39,40,41]. In this regard, incorporating a gender-based perspective in public transportation policies is crucial [42].

2.2. International and Local Responses to Sexual Violence in Public Spaces

Women and girls experience several kinds of sexual harassment and violence in public areas and transportation [43]. International responses include the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action, which prioritized ending violence against women to advance toward gender equality [44]. In 2013, the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW57) urged governments to target sexual violence in public spaces [45]. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development reinforced this commitment through SDG 5 (Gender Equality) [42] and SDG 11 (Inclusive and Safe Cities) [46], setting a global goal of eradicating violence against women and girls in both the public and private spheres.

In Mexico, several cities have joined the UN Women’s Safe Cities and Safe Public Spaces for Women and Girls initiative, including Ciudad de México, Puebla and Torreon, Guajajara, and several of Monterrey’s municipalities [47,48]. These cities have implemented strategies such as women-only buses [49], the Safe Travel app for real-time reporting [50], and actions involving gendered perspectives in urban planning. The program combines policy changes, infrastructure improvements, and community engagement to create safer environments [48].

The city of Querétaro is not part of the global UN Women’s Safe Cities and Safe Public Spaces for Women and Girls initiative; local measures include panic buttons on public transport [51] and awareness campaigns with civil society groups [52], but these remain insufficient. Persistent incidents of sexual violence [27] reflect institutional neglect and weak policy. This situation urges action to guarantee women’s safe mobility.

2.3. Related Works

Public transport systems have become a phenomenon that reflects social disparities and inequalities. Researchers have identified harassment as a global dynamic that targets women, negatively impacting their lives, rights, and freedom [53]. Several studies have been conducted to examine this phenomenon.

Useche and Colomer et al. published a systematic review of a set of studies analyzing harassment in public transport, with a focus on key issues such as prevalence, impact on transport dynamics, preventive strategies, and policing avenues. They identified high harassment frequency, widespread under-reporting, and correlations between harassment and travel behavioral adaptations [53]. Their study identified important data that help to characterize violence and sexual harassment; however, even though a correlation between harassment, behavioral adaptations, and a high rate of under-reporting was acknowledged, the concept of symbolic violence was not incorporated to analyze this situation.

A study published by Tiznado-Aitken, Guerrero, and Sagaris analyzed violence and sexual harassment against women in the public transport system of Santiago, Chile. The study revealed young low-income women residing in peripheral areas to be at a higher risk of experiencing harassment during their commutes [54]. The study also indicated that women implement preventive strategies such as changing routes or travel times and traveling with others. The authors argued that these behaviors and responses reflect the normalization of fear and insecurity in urban mobility, and are evidence that comprehensive gender-sensitive transport policies are needed. They also suggested that structural modifications regarding urban, cultural, and regulatory interventions are strategies that can promote spatial and mobility justice [54].

The study acknowledged how fear, gender norms, and social conventions shape women’s behaviors and restrict their mobility. This situation reflects how violence and sexual harassment can function as mechanisms of social control that reinforce women’s subordination and their exclusion from urban space [54]. These findings are also directly linked to the analytical category proposed as a theoretical framework in the present work, namely, symbolic violence.

In Australia, a study conducted by Ison, Forsdike, and Taft showed that women and gender-diverse people engage in extensive “safety work” [55], a concept that refers to the labor that vulnerable groups undertake in order to feel safe and remain safe on public transport [56]. Behaviors such as changing routes, considering where they sit in a vehicle, and lengthy planning before leaving the house are actions that involve a complex interweb of strategies that are often invisible and take a considerable toll on people’s sense of safety [57]. The authors highlighted the need to prioritize primary prevention in order to stop perpetration and thereby reduce the safety work that people often undertake to remain safe while using public transport [55].

Although the concept of ‘safety work’ helps to identify changes in behavior, strategies, and actions, it does not account for the ambivalence of these practices, which on the one hand allow public transport users to be safe and stay safe, but on the other also function as mechanisms that replicate and perpetuate violence. In this regard, an analytical category that makes this duality visible is necessary.

A case in Bogotá conducted by Quiñones examined how women experience sexual harassment across the public transport system. The study found that sexual harassment is a prevalent and under-reported activity. The study also identified a wide range of behavioral strategies that women implement to reduce the risk of sexual harassment in public transportation. These strategies include altering clothing to avoid attention, modifying travel routes and schedules, seeking accompaniment (especially by male relatives or partners), and avoiding the use of public transport by opting for more expensive services that are perceived as safer [58].

These practices are adopted for self-protection but reflect a broader pattern of adaptations that individualize safety. Fear conditions women’s daily decisions, shaping mobility and access in ways that reinforce exclusion and inequality [58]. These practices are consistent with symbolic violence; while they are aimed at self-protection, they also allow the situation to continue by adapting behaviors to unsafe circumstances.

2.4. Symbolic Violence as an Analytical Category

Violence against women in public transport is a global issue that demands action. While many studies have characterized the phenomenon, they have not implemented the lens of symbolic violence. Incorporation of this concept enriches understanding of the topic by revealing subtle and internalized behaviors that reproduce and perpetuate domination. Symbolic violence is a sociological concept that describes a form of violence exercised through symbolic systems and cultural assumptions [59]. It operates below conscious awareness, is legitimized through misrecognition, and is exerted upon a social agent with their own complicity [59,60].

Bourdieu define symbolic violence as violence practiced through everyday habits, operating through the internalization of social hierarchies [60] while legitimizing social order and power asymmetries [59]. Symbolic violence shapes social perceptions and reinforces consent, reproduction, and perpetuation of existing structures of inequality [61]. This type of violence is sustained by habitus [62].

Habitus can be described as a system of durable and transposable dispositions that individuals unconsciously internalize by socializing and which guide their perceptions, thoughts, and actions [62]. An individual’s habitus is the mechanism that enables them to act in ways that are aligned with existing social structures, reproducing the established order without explicit control or adherence [63]. By internalizing established power structures and social hierarchies, individuals contribute to reproducing and perpetuating them [60].

This paper offers a theoretical and methodological contribution by using symbolic violence to analyze how power is reproduced in daily life. In this way, it shows how women’s self-protection strategies in public transport reflect internalized gendered constraints. The paper seeks to operationalize symbolic violence by identifying and categorizing these behavioral adaptations as empirical indicators, thereby offering a framework for analyzing how a violent social order becomes embodied and normalized in daily mobility practices.

2.5. Case Study: Querétaro, México

Gender-based violence cannot be described as a homogenous phenomenon, since it varies according to different geographies and social and cultural contexts [10]. In Mexico, the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) publishes the National Survey on Victimization and Perception of Public Safety (NSVPPS). According to the 2022 results, the incidence of crime is higher among men for the majority of offenses; however, in the case of sexual crimes, women are more vulnerable, with ten sexual offenses committed against women for every one committed against men [27].

The results of the National Survey on the Dynamics of Relationships in Households (NSDRH) show that in 2021, Querétaro was the state with the highest prevalence of VAW in the community sphere, at 27.9%. The survey also showed that from 2016 to 2021, the percentage of VAW in Queretaro rose by 4%, from 71.2% in 2016 to 75.2% in 2021, which represents a significant change [64].

Querétaro is a state located in the central region of Mexico, and is a zone with important economic development. The capital of the state is the city of Santiago de Querétaro, one of the fastest-growing cities in the country, with a metropolitan population of approximately 1.04 million inhabitants [65]. This exponential growth has led to significant transformations in urban development, infrastructure, and increasing pressure on public transformation systems [66].

The public mobility system in the city of Querétaro is primarily composed of an urban bus network known as Qrobus. This system operates within the metropolitan area of the city of Querétaro, and consists of over 1500 buses and more than 71 routes [67]. Despite efforts to improve efficiency, the system faces challenges related to frequency, overcrowding, accessibility, coverage, and safety [68]. A lack of comprehensive gender-sensitive planning has resulted in mobility conditions that cannot guarantee safety and inclusion. Studies have indicated that women experience higher levels of discomfort, risk, and violence when using public transport [29].

This paper presents a cross-sectional study on women’s mobility experiences in public transportation in Querétaro, Mexico, with the main objective of incorporating the concept of symbolic violence to analyze how sexual harassment and violence shapes women’s daily lives, habits, and routines. Based on a survey of 263 women aged 15 to 60, the study explores four key dimensions: perceptions of safety, characterization of violent experiences, responses to acts of violence, and strategies for preventing harassment. The findings provide valuable empirical evidence on VAW in Querétaro’s public transport system, addressing a significant data gap in a city undergoing rapid demographic and infrastructural change.

3. Materials and Methods

The methodology consists of two stages. The first focuses on the implementation of a survey to contextualize and characterize the issue of sexual violence and harassment against women in the public transportation system of the city of Querétaro. The second stage identifies the symbolic and subjective behaviors internalized by women as responses to violent environments. Subsequently, a thematic categorization is carried out to develop a proposal of empirical indicators of symbolic violence, as shown in Figure 1.

3.1. Stage 1. Collection of Empirical Data

The first methodological phase consisted of collecting empirical data through a structured questionnaire applied to women users of public transportation in the city of Querétaro, Mexico. This city was chosen due to its rapid urban expansion, which has increased demand on public transport and led to unsafe conditions for women during their daily commutes. Additionally, given that most existing studies focus on large metropolitan areas, this research aims to generate decentralized data that reflects the realities of medium-sized cities like Querétaro. The cross-sectional study surveyed women between the ages of 15 and 60, with the objective of understanding their mobility experiences and how violence and sexual harassment affect their daily lives and routines, placing special emphasis on identifying the subjective and everyday effects of violent environments in order to develop a set of empirical indicators of symbolic violence.

The questionnaire was designed based on validated instruments from similar studies, such as the “Survey on Sexual Violence in Transportation and Other Public Spaces” [69] implemented by UN Women in Mexico City and the document “Analysis of Mobility, Accessibility, and Safety of Women in Three Modal Transfer Centers (CETRAM) in Mexico City” [70]. Although these documents served as references, the final questions were adapted to the local context.

The survey was conducted from 8 March to 15 April 2023. Since only women participated, a non-probability convenience sampling method was used. The participants were contacted and interviewed at public transport stations, universities, and through an online questionnaire that was shared in women-only social media. A total of 263 responses were obtained, which according to the sample population represents a 67% confidence level. The anonymity and informed consent of all participating women was ensured during implementation of the survey. As some of the questions addressed sensitive topics that could be distressing for the participants, none of the questions were mandatory; therefore, in certain cases the sum of the percentages does not reach 100%.

The survey was conducted and analyzed using an online free-access survey creator, yielding descriptive statistics linked to percentages and frequencies. The questionnaire included several subjects; in this paper, the results presented below include the responses to only 17 questions related to sexual violence and harassment on public transportation. The first four questions relate to demographic information; questions 5 and 6 pertain to safety perception in public transportation; questions 7 to 12 are linked to the characterization of violent experiences; questions 13 and 14 focus on the response to acts of violence; and questions 15 to 17 relate to the prevention strategies implemented by women who use public transportation.

3.2. Stage 2. Inductive–Abductive Analysis

The research analysis follows an inductive–abductive approach. Initially, an inductive process allows for the reconstruction of theoretical dimensions grounded in participant’s experiences [71]. From an abductive approach, empirical indicators are constructed and interpreted based on the patterns identified in the responses as seen through the theoretical concept of symbolic violence [60]. This dual approach is based on the principles of grounded theory [72] and the interpretative logic of abduction [73], in which conceptual formulations emerge through the iterative interplay between empirical data and theoretical frameworks.

3.2.1. Collection and Systematization of Empirical Data

The empirical foundation of this study is established through a structured questionnaire in the city of Querétaro, México answered by women who are regular users of public transportation. The instrument provides data regarding experiences of violence and sexual harassment in public transportation. Although the questionnaire includes several sections, the connection of the theoretical concept of symbolic violence focuses exclusively on the data derived from items 5, 6, and 13–17. These items capture perceptions of safety in public transportation, response to acts of violence, and prevention strategies implemented by women who use public transportation. The data are systematized through frequency distributions, which serve as the empirical basis for an inductive–abductive analysis aimed at identifying patterns of symbolic violence in relation to the concept of habitus [62].

3.2.2. Analysis of Response Patterns

Based on the collection of data, an inductive–abductive analysis is conducted to identify patterns that reflect the internalization of symbolic violence. The analysis focuses on items 5, 6, and 13–17 of the questionnaire. These items were selected because they specifically relate to the theoretical construct of symbolic violence and can provide insight into perceived safety, fear of harassment, individual reactions to violence, observed bystander behaviors, personal safety strategies, incurred protection-related costs, and mobility restrictions.

The analysis is conducted by applying the four analytical criteria described in

Table 1. Definition and description of analytical criteria.

Criteria	Description
Repetition of behaviors or beliefs across questions.	It detects normalized patterns, even without conscious reflection.
Convergence of meaning.	It groups different responses that share the same symbolic logic.
Presence of passive or resigned attitudes.	It reveals the acceptance of the violent order as inevitable.
Preventive strategies that reflect adaptation to violent social order.	They show how patterns of domination are reproduced without active resistance.

: repetition of behaviors or beliefs across questions, convergence of meaning, presence of passive or resigned attitudes, and preventive strategies that reflect adaptation to violent social order. These criteria were selected because they allow for the capture of key dimensions of gender habitus and symbolic violence as manifested in normalized practices of mobility. In this way they permit the theoretically articulation of the empirical with the symbolic, transforming everyday responses into interpretive evidence of how power is exercised and reproduced in embodied form.

According to Blaikie [71] and Glaser and Strauss [72], the analysis of recurrent patterns (repetition of behaviors) and the contextual interpretation of their convergence of meaning allow for the construction of emergent conceptual categories without the need to apply exogenous typologies. Authors such as Heaton [74] and Bordieu [62] point out that forms of symbolic violence are embedded in everyday life, being reproduced through normal practices such as self-limitation (passive or resigned attitudes and emotional monitoring) and the absence of direct confrontation. These practices are related to the implementation of preventive strategies that reflect adaptation to violent social order.

These criteria function as theoretical–analytical bridges between the empirical and the symbolic, making it possible to reveal how symbolic violence becomes embodied in practical habitus such as actions, perceptions, and thoughts.

3.2.3. Theoretical Integration

The identified response patterns are theoretically integrated into the conceptual framework of symbolic violence and habitus, which involves actions, perceptions, and thoughts [62], as shown in

Table 2. Interpretative dimensions of habitus.

Dimension	Description
Actions.	Observable behaviors, strategies, practical responses.
Perceptions.	Feelings of safety, fear, and environmental assessment.
Thoughts.	Beliefs, justifications, cognitive evaluations of the situation.

. The aim of this stage is to interpret the normalized responses of women in public transportation as embodied expressions of symbolic violence. The integration of the patterns identified in the analysis—repetition, convergence, resignation, and adaptation—is then interpreted as manifestations of internalized violent social structures. Through this process, the empirical regularities found in data are translated into theoretical constructs that demonstrate how symbolic violence is experienced and perpetuated through everyday actions, perceptions, and thoughts that appear natural.

3.2.4. Construction of Indicators

Following this theoretical integration, a set of empirical indicators is developed to make symbolic violence observable in the context of urban mobility. These indicators are based directly on the patterns identified during the analysis, and are organized according to the three interpretive dimensions of habitus: actions, perceptions, and thoughts.

Each indicator is linked to one or more of the analytical criteria of repetition, convergence, resignation, and adaptation, showing how symbolic violence becomes visible through the normalization of fear, avoidance, emotional control, and restrictions on movement. This process leads to the creation of a structured matrix that connects the data to the theoretical framework, making it possible to understand how symbolic violence is embodied in everyday mobility practices.

In the final phase of the methodological process, the empirical indicators of symbolic violence are identified. Each indicator is derived from the previous process of categorization according to the analytical criteria (repetition, convergence, passivity, adaptation) and its interpretative dimension (action, perception, thought). The resulting matrix functions as a synthetic analytical tool that articulates the empirical data in connection with the theoretical constructs of habitus and symbolic violence. Through this process, it becomes possible to develop a clear identification of how structural domination and symbolic violence are embodied in individual behaviors, emotional responses, and self-regulatory strategies.

4. Results

The results are presented following the sequence described in the methodology. First, the findings related to the survey are presented, followed by the results corresponding to the inductive–abductive analysis, which is structured around four stages: collection and systematization of empirical data, analysis of response patterns, theoretical integration, and construction of empirical indicators.

4.1. Stage 1: Collection of Empirical Data

4.1.1. Demographic Information

The study included a sample of 263 women who lived in the city of Querétaro, Mexico. According to the results presented in Figure 2a, 54.4% of the participants were between the ages of 19 and 29 years, followed by 21.9% between the ages of 30 and 40 years. Regarding education level, Figure 2b shows that 63.9% of the participants had a bachelor’s degree and 17.5% had postgraduate studies. Figure 2c shows that 63.2% of the participants were single and 18% were married. With respect to occupation, Figure 2d indicates that 36% were currently enrolled in school, 28.7% had labor activities as freelancers, and 46% were salaried employees.

4.1.2. Safety Perceptions in Public Transportation

The survey revealed significant concerns about safety perception and sexual harassment among women using public transportation in the city of Querétaro. Only 1.8% of respondents felt “very safe”, while the responses of 70% of the participants tended toward a feeling of unsafety, as presented in Figure 3a. Concerning fear of sexual harassment in public transportation (Figure 3b), 54.3% of women reported feeling always or often afraid (30.8% and 23.5%, respectively). Notably, only 13.6% reported never or rarely experiencing fear of being sexually harassed in public transportation.

4.1.3. Characterization of Violent Experiences

The results show that sexual harassment and violence against women are very common in public places and public transportation; 83.5% of respondents said they had encountered such occurrences at some point in their lives, with 44.7% occurring in public areas and 38.8% occurring on public transit, as seen in Figure 4a. Similar events occurred in 70.6% of cases during the last 12 months alone (Figure 4b). Notably, the majority of instances occurred when the victims were alone (60%); however, a sizable percentage (33%) also had incidents when they were accompanied (Figure 4c).

4.1.4. Responses to Acts of Violence

According to Figure 5a, specific types of harassment included unwanted touching (66.8%), obscene remarks (87.6%), and morbid stares (94.7%). Of these, 50.9% described unwelcome sexual contact involving the perpetrator’s genitalia. The majority of these crimes took place in the afternoon (71.6%) (Figure 5b), and the most common perpetrators were unidentified individuals (99.1%) (Figure 5c), while reports of known men, public transportation drivers, and even police officers were also made.

4.1.5. Response to Acts of Violence

The predominant response to acts of violence tends to be passive and avoidant. As shown in Figure 6a, 61.6% reported walking away, while 42.4% indicated that they did nothing and ignored the incident; 34.4% indicated that they verbally confronted the perpetrator, and only 4.5% used physical means to defend themselves. Emotional responses were also significant, with 20.1% indicating that they cried or panicked and 13.8% that they ran or called for help.

Passive and avoidant responses to acts of violence were also the main reaction among passengers that witnessed sexual violence or harassment in public transportation, as shown in Figure 6b; 89% of respondents observed inaction from fellow passengers. Only 17.8% reported seeing someone confront the aggressor; 15.1% indicated that they witnessed passengers offering support and help to the victim, and only 3.7% observed incidents being reported to authorities.

4.1.6. Prevention Strategies Implemented Against VAW in Public Transportation

The results reveal a broad spectrum of strategies that women adopted to protect themselves from sexual harassment and violence while using public transportation. As shown in Figure 7a, the most common preventive actions included staying in contact with someone while traveling (66.3%), avoiding going out at night (62.4%), and wearing loose clothing (51.4%). Other prevention strategies implemented by the participants included avoiding traveling alone (48.6%), constantly changing their routes (36.5%), and carrying self-defense items (34.9%). Some women adopted more drastic measures, such as no longer leaving home (14.9%) or completely stopping their use of public transportation (3.1%). Only 3.1% reported taking no specific preventive actions. These behavioral adaptations reflect the extent to which women feel compelled to adopt prevention strategies to reduce exposure to risk.

In terms of economic impact, Figure 7b indicates that 47.4% of participants reported incurring additional expenses to feel safer during their commutes, such as paying for alternative and safer transport options. Even though Figure 7c shows that 49.2% of participants reported not limited their mobility and daily activities due to harassment in public transportation, 29.9% did indicate restricting their mobility, while 20.9% reported doing so occasionally.

4.2. Stage 2: Inductive–Abductive Analysis

4.2.1. Collection and Systematization of Empirical Data

In order to analyze the connection between everyday mobility practices and symbolic violence, six items of the questionnaire were chosen, as shown in

Table 3. Selected questionnaire items.

Dimension	Question	Description
Perception of safety in public transportation	5	Perception of safety in public transportation
	6	Fear of sexual harassment in public transportation
Responses to violence	13	Personal responses to situations of violence or harassment
	14	Observed reactions from other passengers
Prevention strategies	15	Personal self-protection strategies against harassment
	16	Additional expenses to increase sense of safety
	17	Mobility restrictions due to harassment

. This selection allowed us to focus the analysis on the subjective dimensions of violent experiences. The data were systematized in frequency tables and percentage graphs, with this set of responses providing the basis for the subsequent abductive analysis.

4.2.2. Analysis of Response Patterns

In this stage, the analysis focuses on the selected questionnaire items, applying four analytical criteria: repetition of behaviors or beliefs across items, convergence of symbolic meaning among different responses, presence of passive or resigned attitudes, and implementation of preventive strategies reflecting adaptation to violent social order. By examining both quantitative prevalence and qualitative meaning, the analysis revealed recurrent patterns of emotional regulation, spatial restriction, and practical avoidance that are coherent with embodied expressions of symbolic violence.

The inductive–abductive analysis of the selected items (5, 6, and 13 to 17) reveals the presence of recurring patterns that reflect the internalization of symbolic violence in women’s everyday mobility experiences. These patterns were interpreted through four analytical criteria: repetition, convergence of meaning, passive or resigned attitudes, and preventive strategies that reflect adaptation to a violent social order. These criteria articulate the empirical–theoretical connection between responses and the conceptual frameworks of symbolic violence. The results are shown in

Table 4. Results of the analysis of response patterns.

Analytical Criterion	Items	Key Findings
1. Repetition	5	70% reported feeling unsafe in public transportation
	6	86.4% frequently fear sexual harassment
2. Convergence of Meaning	13	61.6% walk away; 42.4% ignore the aggression
	13, 15	Emotional (crying, panicking) and spatial (changing routes, not going out) adaptations reflect symbolic logic
	15	Strategies to avoid exposure reflect belief that safety is women’s personal responsibility
3. Passive or Resigned Attitudes	13	Avoidance behaviors reflect internalized resignation to violence
	14	89% observed no intervention from bystanders
4. Preventive Strategies (Adaptation)	15	Most common strategies: staying in contact (66.3%), avoiding night travel (62.4%), loose clothing (51.4%)
	16	47.4% incur additional financial costs to feel safer
	17	More than 50% have restricted mobility due to harassment

.

Regarding the analytical criterion of repetition, we identified several behaviors and emotions that were consistently reported across different items and that indicate a pattern of normalized responses to violence and insecurity. This situation can be observed in item 5, which revealed that 70% of women reported feeling unsafe when using public transportation. Item 6 showed that 86.4% of women frequently experienced fear of being sexually harassed in public transportation. Item 13 demonstrated that 61.6% of women tended to walk away without responding, and 42.4% ignored the aggression altogether. These results reflect a pattern of behavioral response in which evasion and silence are habitual reactions from the perspective of symbolic violence, indicating that oppression is structurally incorporated into daily routines.

Several responses reflect convergence of meaning through a shared symbolic logic that women must take personal responsibility for their safety; this can be interpreted from the emotional self-regulation and the implementation of preventive strategies. This behavioral convergence reflects that safety is not guaranteed by the current system, so women must take actions in order to ensure their safety. This identified convergence reflects how structural failures are translated into individualized and internalized responsibilities. Women adapt their behaviors to anticipate danger, which reflects the internalization of violent social order.

The identified patterns regarding passive or resigned attitudes reflect a form of symbolic complicity; since the situation is constant and tolerated, women modify their responses in order to minimize confrontation and avoid being exposed to violent situations. This can be shown in Item 13, where 61.6% of women walked away, while 42.4% ignored the aggression or did nothing. From Bourdieu’s perspective, this demonstrates how symbolic violence is perpetuated through naturalization of the situation and a social order in which the dominated internalize and accommodate domination.

The analysis of the preventive behaviors adopted by women to avoid sexual violence and harassment is the strongest evidence of symbolic violence as embodied practice. The results of items 15, 16, and 17 show that these preventive strategies are the reflection of routinized adaptations to a structurally violent environment that has the power to compel women to modify their conduct, restrict their movements, and assume financial and emotional burdens. The application of the four analytical criteria show that fear, silence, avoidance, and economic sacrifice are interconnected strategies of survival within a violent mobility environment. These findings empirically support the theory that symbolic violence operates through the internalization of domination, manifesting in daily behaviors that reproduce structural inequalities.

4.2.3. Theoretical Integration of Patterns

In order to generate a theoretical connection, the response patterns were integrated into the conceptual framework of symbolic violence. Each response was classified into three interrelated habitus dimensions, namely, actions, perceptions, and thoughts, as shown in

Table 5. Theoretical integration of response patterns.

Item	Highlighted Response	%	Applied Analytical Criteria	Habitus Dimension	Preliminary Interpretation
5. Perception of safety	70% feel unsafe (levels 0, 1, 2)	70.0%	Repetition	Perception	Feeling unsafe is a shared experience.
6. Fear of sexual harassment	Always + Often + Sometimes	86.4%	Repetition, Convergence	Perception/Thought	Fear is an internalized expectation in the experience of public transport.
13. (a) Walks away without responding	“Don’t respond and walk away”	61.6%	Passivity, Adaptation	Action/Emotion	Evasive behavior internalized as a norm of self-protection.
13. (b) Ignores the aggression	“Do nothing, ignore it”	42.4%	Passivity	Thought/Action	Emotional disengagement and resignation toward violence.
13. (c) Cries or panics	“Cry or panic”	20.1%	Passivity, Convergence	Perception/Emotion	Expression of vulnerability and emotional overwhelm.
13. (e) Yells or confronts	“Yell or verbally confront”	34.4%	NA	Action	A minority responds actively; reveals exceptions to the passive habitus.
13. (f) Runs/calls for help	“Run and call for help”	13.8%	Adaptation, Convergence	Action/Thought	Avoidance-based behavior stemming from fear.
13. (g) Hits or defends with object	“Hit/use object”	4.5%	NA	Action	Very few physically defend themselves; confirms normalization of non-response.
14. (a) Innaction of others	“Do nothing” (bystanders)	89.0%	Repetition, Passivity	Collective action	Social indifference reinforces the perception of harassment as tolerated.
14. (b) Help the victim	“Help or attend the victim”	15.1%	NA	Action	A minority responds actively; reveals exceptions to the passive habitus.
14. (c) Confront the perpetrator	“Confrontation”	7.8%	NA	Action	A minority responds actively; reveals exceptions to the passive habitus.
14. (d) Repot to authorities	“Contact authorities”	3.7%	NA	Action	A minority responds actively; reveals exceptions to the passive habitus.
15. (a) Stays in contact	“Stay in contact”	66.3%	Adaptation, Repetition	Action	Self-monitoring practice based on lack of external protection.
15. (b) Avoids going out at night	“Avoid night”	62.4%	Adaptation, Repetition	Action	Daily routines are reorganized around risk.
15. (c) Wears loose clothing	“Wear loose clothing”	51.4%	Adaptation, Convergence	Action	The body is regulated as a strategy to avoid violence.
15. (d) Doesn’t travel alone	“Not travel alone”	48.6%	Adaptation	Action	Self-imposed restriction reflecting internalized danger.
15. (e) Changes routes	“Change routes”	36.5%	Adaptation	Thought	Continuous spatial vigilance as a defense strategy.
15. (f) Gets rides	“Get rides”	22.0%	Adaptation	Action	Complements public transport with other mobility practices.
15. (g) Doesn’t leave home	“Don’t leave home”	14.9%	Resignation, Adaptation	Action/Thought	Self-exclusion as a form of protection.
15. (h) Stop usin public transportation	“Don’t use public transportation”	3.1%	Resignation, Adaptation	Action	Self-exclusion as a form of protection.
16. Spends extra money	“Yes” + “Sometimes”	77.5%	Convergence, Adaptation	Action	Reflects economic burden due to systemic insecurity.
17. Mobility restrictions	“Yes” + “Occasionally”	50.8%	Repetition, Adaptation	Action	Fear limits freedoms and reshapes daily routines.

. This theoretical integration transforms empirical regularities into conceptual evidence of how power operates in subtle, embodied, and routinized forms. The majority of responses across the items reveal a clear prevalence of passive, evasive, or adaptive behaviors. Although the results for questions 13(e), 13(g), 14(b), 14(c), and 14(d) reveal active responses against violence, these remain exceptions to the dominant patterns that reflect internalized forms of symbolic violence and show how it operates through normalized responses and behaviors.

4.2.4. Construction of Empirical Indicators

Step 4: Construction of Empirical Indicators

In this final step, the empirical indicators are organized into six conceptual categories. This process was guided by two main criteria: (1) the analytical dimensions of habitus, consisting of actions, perceptions, and thoughts; and (2) the four interpretive criteria of repetition, convergence of meaning, passive or resigned attitudes, and adaptive strategies applied in the previous step. These criteria allowed for the identification of symbolic logics embedded in the data that went beyond the literal content of each survey item. By analyzing how different responses cluster around shared meanings and embodied dispositions, the indicators can be grouped into abstract categories that represent patterns of symbolic violence. The resulting six emergent empirical indicators—perceived insecurity as normality, resignation to harassment, emotional and bodily self-regulation, preventive reorganization of mobility, personal costs of safety, and collective inaction—capture how symbolic violence is internalized and reproduced through everyday mobility practices. Each empirical indicator is described in

Table 6. Emergent empirical indicators with descriptions and questionnaire items.

Empirical Indicator	Description	Items Related
1. Perceived Insecurity as Normality	Internalization of violence as a routine part of inhabiting urban space.	Item 5: Perception of safety Item 6: Fear of sexual harassment
2. Resignation to Harassment	Passive acceptance of harassment as inevitable, with no expectation of response or justice.	Item 13: Don’t respond and walk away Item 13: Do nothing, ignore it Item 13: Cry or panic
3. Bodily and Emotional Self-Regulation	Control of one’s body, emotions, and public presence to avoid aggression.	Item 15: Stay in contact Item 15: Wear loose clothing
4. Preventive Reorganization of Mobility	Active modifications to schedules, routes, and modes of transport to adapt to perceived risk.	Item 13: Run and call for help Item 15: Avoid going out at night Item 15: Don’t travel alone Item 15: Change routes Item 15: Don’t leave home
5. Personal costs of safety	Economic, emotional, or physical burdens women assume in order to feel protected.	Item 16: Spends extra money Item 17: Limits mobility
6. Collective inaction	Lack of collective support in the face of experienced violence.	Item 14: Bystanders do nothing

.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

The findings of this study allow for analysis of how individual/collective responses to sexual violence and harassment consist of behaviors that reflect how violence is naturalized, internalized, and thought of. These mechanisms in turn enable the perpetuation and reproduction of symbolic violence. This section discusses the empirical and methodological contributions of the study in comparison with previous research, highlighting differences in analytical approaches, category generation, interpretative procedures, and strategies of operationalizing symbolic violence. The discussion underscores the use of the concept of habitus as a theoretical frame that allows us to understand the reproduction of gender inequalities that often remain invisible.

In order to highlight the distinctive contributions of this work,

Table 7. Comparison of this work with state-of-the-art-studies.

Study (Year, Author/s)	Inductive Approach	Deductive Approach	Generates New Analytical Categories on Responses to Harassment and Symbolic Violence	Applies Methodological Triangulation	Proposes New Methodological Procedures for Empirical-Interpretative Analysis	Develops Empirical Indicators Linked to Structural Dimensions of Violence
Useche et al. (2024) [53]		x				x
Ison et al. (2024) [55]	x		x
Tiznado-Aitken et al. (2024) [54]		x			x
Quiñones (2020) [58]		x
Our work	x		x	x	x	x

presents an analysis of the methodological contributions of five state-of-the-art studies that have addressed violence and sexual harassment in public transportation from diverse perspectives. This comparison differentiates the contributions of these studies in terms of methodological approach, analytical design, and generation of empirical knowledge. The analysis includes six dimensions: inductive and/or deductive approaches, generation of new analytical categories on responses to harassment and symbolic violence, application of methodological triangulation, proposal of new methodological procedures for empirical–interpretative analysis, and development of empirical indicators linked to structural dimensions of violence.

The study by Useche et al. (2024) [53] conducted a systematic literature review based on established theoretical frameworks. The authors followed a deductive approach in systematizing pre-existing empirical indicators related to frequency of harassment, under-reporting, and consequences on women’s mobility. In contrast with the present work, the study did not generate new categories, apply methodological triangulation, introduce analytical procedures, or engage with symbolic dimensions.

The study by Ison et al. (2024) [55] followed an inductive approach, proposing the concept of “safety work” as an emerging analytical category that enables reinterpretation of everyday strategies used by women and gender-diverse individuals as forms of emotional and adaptive labor to remain safe. Although it did not apply triangulation or develop indicators, its methodological value lies in making visible normalized self-care practices as situated responses to contexts of risk, thereby expanding the ways in which agency can be understood in contexts of violence.

Tiznado-Aitken et al. (2024) [54] applied a deductive approach combining statistical analysis and spatial justice conceptual frameworks. Their study introduces an original methodological perspective by incorporating zero-inflated regression models and sociodemographic variables. However, the analysis does not incorporate new categories or engage in methodological triangulation. Quiñones (2020) [58] also adopted a deductive approach, focusing on identification of behavioral strategies in response to harassment and sexual violence in the Bogotá public transport system. One of the main contributions of this study was to characterize the ways in which women in Bogotá experience these situations and to document their responses and strategies. In comparison to the present work, their study did not develop new categories or empirical indicators, and it did not apply methodological triangulation.

In the present research, we follow an inductive–abductive logic that focuses on reconstructing theoretical concepts based on empirical data. This study fully applies methodological triangulation through the combination of different data types, analytical criteria, and the use of symbolic violence as a theoretical perspective. It also includes the development of a matrix based on specific criteria, namely, repetition, resignation, and convergence. Through this process, it was possible to generate new analytical categories that allow for alternative interpretations of women’s response to sexual violence and harassment in public transportation. Finally, the research also proposes empirical indicators connected to the concept of habitus, enabling a deeper understanding of women’s mobility practices.

Although the reviewed studies offer valuable contributions that allow for the characterization of sexual violence and harassment in public transportation, only the present study conducted in Querétaro proposes a comprehensive methodological strategy aimed at making symbolic violence visible and operational. This approach enables a shift from behavioral or descriptive analyses to a critical understanding of how gender inequality is reproduced in urban environments.

A key innovation of this study is its implementation of an original methodological framework grounded in an inductive–abductive analysis. Through the implementation of a dual approach, it was possible to generate reconstructed theoretical concepts that emerged directly from grounded empirical data, allowing for the reinterpretation of normalized responses to sexual violence and harassment in a process that can articulate the connection between the empirical and symbolic. This method facilitates dynamic interaction between theory and data, making it possible to reveal how embodied practices are expressions that, based on the evidence, can then be interpreted as manifestations of symbolic violence.

The present study contributes to the development of a system of empirical indicators that make symbolic violence observable. These indicators are the result of an interpretative analysis of women’s self-protection strategies as well as their emotional and behavioral responses. This empirical contribution presents a novel way to operationalize symbolic violence, and evidences a relation between everyday practices and experiences with structural dimensions of gender inequality.

By incorporating symbolic violence as a key analytical category, this study responds to the question: what are the implications of symbolic violence in mobility dynamics? The evidence shows that symbolic violence affects women’s autonomy, decision-making, and emotional wellbeing. Normalization and internalization of fear lead to routinized restrictions on time, space, and movement. This situation generates evidence on how gendered power relations shape mobility patterns and perpetuate unequal access to the city. The analysis presented in this research contributes to a deeper understanding of how violence operates not only through direct aggression but also through subtle embodied forms that limit and constrain women’s full access to fundamental rights on a daily basis.

Future research should continue exploring the embodied manifestations and effects of symbolic violence on women’s daily lives by incorporating methodologies that can reveal the effects of fear, adaptation, and exclusion. A relevant contribution of future studies could focus on exploring how symbolic violence interacts with other structural dimensions of oppression, such as race, class, age, or territory, and contribute to the understanding of how these intersections shape differentiated experiences of mobility. The findings of this research can also contribute at the policy level by highlighting the need for comprehensive, intersectional, and gender-sensitive mobility planning to address underlying cultural and structural conditions that perpetuate the normalization of violence. By making symbolic violence empirically observable, future interventions can change from individual responsibility to institutional accountability in favor of social justice and gender equity.