The Significance of the Church’s Role in Domestic Violence Cases Among Roma Women

Abstract

The article examines the support structures available to Roma women faced with domestic violence, focusing on the role of the church as a sanctuary. The research includes a case study of the Roma community in Međimurje County, Croatia, which is characterized by (Catholic) religious homogenization. Analysis reveals that Roma women who fear the perpetrator prefer confidentiality, anticipate disbelief, or feel they are themselves to blame are more likely to seek support from the church. The findings show that Roma women who report domestic violence to the police are also likely to turn to the church for help. The research further examines the correlation between different types of violence and the likelihood of Roma women contacting the church for support.

1. Introduction

Domestic violence (DV) is no longer viewed as a private concern but as a public and social problem that requires a state response and the protection of victims, particularly women and children. The mentioned situation is a result of industrialization and democratization. Although Roma tend to reject or condemn violence against women [1,2], in many European Union (EU) countries Roma children and women were found to be more prevalent victims of DV compared to the general population [3,4].

The object of the research presented in this article is the Roma population of Međimurje County in Croatia who live in “Roma settlements”. Roma people both around the world and in Croatia undoubtedly face greater social- and health-related risks and are undereducated, making them at high risk of poverty and social exclusion due to the stigma and discrimination faced by Roma [5]. They accordingly encounter a high risk of behaviors occurring that society considers unacceptable, including DV [2,6,7,8,9]. An overview of research shows that previous research on the incidence and other factors of DV against women was conducted in the general population of the Republic of Croatia (e.g., [10,11,12,13]). However, little research could be found on the incidence of violence against women in the family conducted by members of certain national minorities, notably among the vulnerable group of Roma women (e.g., [14,15,16]). While research has considered DV against Roma women in Croatia in general, studies on this topic are lacking in specific counties, particularly Međimurje County in the northernmost part of the Republic of Croatia that records the highest number of Roma in Croatia [17,18]. Racz et al. [19] recently published research as part of a very rare case study on this topic, which reveals Roma women in Međimurje County are especially exposed to all forms of violence. Međimurje County makes an especially interesting case study for the present research due to the religious affiliation which is an increasingly strong cohesive factor of the Roma living in Međimurje County. Existing research indicates the complete religious homogenization of members in Međimurje County, with 100% of respondents identifying themselves as (Roman) Catholics [20]. This makes it worthwhile to devote additional research to the selected case and its very special characteristics.

Domestic violence remains a pervasive issue globally, often compounded by DV victims’ reluctance to report these incidents to state authorities and services, e.g., police, social services, health care services etc. [21,22,23,24]. This reluctance is often attributed to a lack of trust in state authorities and services tasked with providing protection and justice, which is especially typical for Roma people [25]. Many victims of DV consequently suffer in silence, with their plight going unnoticed and unaddressed by the legal and social support systems. In response, this article underscores the need to identify alternative reporting channels. The role played by religious institutions, notably churches, emerges as a vital area of study.

According to Zust et al. [26], the church holds unrealized potential to support victims of violence and contribute to the prevention of DV. Some authors [26,27,28] imply that the role of the religion, church, and the clergy in DV and the support of victims is one of the most understudied areas in the domestic violence literature, which is particularly true for research about DV among Roma people. Accordingly, the article seeks to explore the potential of the church to act as a support mechanism for DV victims among Roma women. By examining the role played by the church in addressing DV against women, this research endeavors to help broaden understanding of how community-based institutions can be mobilized in the fight against this deeply entrenched social problem.

For the purpose of this article, the term “domestic violence” is viewed in the same way as in Article 3b of the Istanbul Convention; namely as “all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim.” In this article, we focus solely on DV against Roma women that occurred between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator was sharing or had shared the same residence with the victim.

2. Romani People in Međimurje County in Croatia and Their Religious Affiliation

The Roma are a widely dispersed transnational ethnic minority of northern Indian origin [29] and Europe’s largest ethnic minority. Out of an estimated total of 10–12 million in Europe, some 6 million live in the EU, with most being citizens of an EU country [30]. According to the 2021 population census, with a total population of 3,871,833 the Republic of Croatia is home to 17,980 Roma national minority (RNM) members [17]. This group is among the 22 officially recognized national minorities in Croatia. The RNM is the most numerous national minority in Croatia. Međimurje County has the largest number and greatest concentration of Roma in Croatia [18], comprising 6954 Roma people, or 6.61% of Međimurje County’s total population [17]. The Roma population of Međimurje County makes up as much as 38.7% of all Roma in the Republic of Croatia [18]. Roma from the Međimurje County exclusively use the title Bayash for their group; their language is a basic element of their identity [8].

Generally, Roma in Croatia are divided by religion into Catholic, Islamic, and Orthodox believers. The most numerous Roma group in Croatia—the Bayash—are predominantly Catholics. A smaller number are of the Orthodox faith and live in the areas of Baranja and Slavonia [20]. More specifically, according to the 2021 census among RNM members in Croatia 10,093 (56.13%) identified themselves as Catholics, 3287 (18.28%) as Muslims, 2406 (13.38%) as Orthodox, 51 (0.28%) as Protestants, 811 (4.51%) as other Christians, 3 (0.02%) follow Eastern religions, 90 (0.50%) adhere to other religions, movements, and life philosophies, 20 (0.11%) are agnostics and sceptics, 245 (1.36%) are not religious or atheists, 312 (1.74%) have not declared their religion, while 662 (3.68%) are of unknown religious affiliation [17]. Looking regionally, it is evident from research data presented by Rašić et al. [20] that Roma who declare themselves as Catholics live in Međimurje County and Northern Croatia. It is possible to speak of homogeneity regarding the religious affiliation of RNM members in Međimurje County since 100% declared themselves to be Catholic (ibid.).

3. Victims’ Reporting of Violence and the Role of the Church in Supporting Domestic Violence Victims

Studies show high rates of DV not being reported by victims [10,17,31,32]. They detect several reasons for women not seeking professional help; for example, a denial of the DV and a lack of awareness about the consequences of DV [33]; negative experiences with professional support [21,31,33]; a lack of awareness about formal support services related to DV [34,35]; fear of the perpetrator [33,36]; fear of not being believed [37,38]; and shame [39,40]. The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights conducted an EU-wide survey and reported that 33% of victims of physical and sexual partner violence had contacted one or more of the listed services and organizations (police, hospital, doctor/health center/health institution, social services, women’s shelter, victim support organization, church, legal service, another service/organization). The survey revealed that women are more likely to contact the listed services following an incident of sexual violence than physical violence. Among the listed organizations and services, women are most likely to contact healthcare services, followed by the police, yet when it comes to partner violence reporting to the police might only occur following a series of violent incidents [10]. Previous studies suggest that disclosing experiences of victimization can be a challenging and emotionally taxing process for victims, even in instances where the response from the system is supportive and beneficial [41].

Perspectives on the role of the church concerning DV are nuanced and multifaceted. Two contrasting views emerge from the academic discourse: one that sees the church as a contributing factor to DV and the other that views the church as a beacon of hope for victims seeking help. Some scholars [42,43,44] argue that certain environments, including faith-based institutions like churches, can indirectly contribute to violence against women. This perspective is supported by sociological analysis, for example, by Wuthnow [45] who discusses how religion embodies social norms and cultural understandings. Deeply embedded in religious practice, language, and hierarchy, these norms and power structures can inadvertently foster conditions that perpetuate DV. When speaking about Christian doctrines, criticism from scholars like McMullin et al. [43] highlights how the patriarchal language prevalent in many Christian families may encourage the subjugation of women, in turn potentially exacerbating DV. The argument posits that the theological framework and discourse within some churches promote gender inequality, creating an environment that can validate or excuse abusive behavior.

Conversely, there is the contrasting view that the church holds the potential to be a beacon of hope for victims of DV. Existing research, as presented by Zust et al. [26], suggests that the church possesses a considerable, yet underutilized capacity to support victims and contribute importantly to the prevention of DV. Church leaders and congregants can offer education, emotional support, and connections to resources for victims, thereby serving as a valuable source of help [46]. Moreover, churches can alleviate stressors for at-risk couples and those experiencing DV, potentially serving as a safe haven for those in need [47].

McMullin et al. [43] state that addressing the role played by the local church in providing support, counsel, and healing to victims is essential. This integrated approach not only addresses the immediate and tangible costs associated with violence but also leverages the influential role of religious institutions in fostering support networks and preventive measures. Quantitative studies reveal that the majority of female DV victims ultimately share their experiences with someone, often seeking support from their informal social networks [39,48,49]. This trend underscores the critical gap in formal support mechanisms and highlights the church’s potential role in bridging this divide. Religious leaders are uniquely positioned to challenge and alter societal norms that perpetuate the silence and stigma surrounding DV. By openly addressing the issue from the pulpit and integrating awareness into religious education, churches can play a significant role in destigmatizing the seeking of help, thus encouraging victims to come forward. Incorporating support for DV victims into church activities also aligns with broader theological commitments to justice, care for the vulnerable, and the promotion of peace within families and communities [50,51].

4. Research Framework

The quantitative research presented in this study aimed to explore the dynamics influencing Roma women’s decisions to seek help from the church when faced with DV. Specifically, our interest was in the likelihood of contacting the church based on the type of violence experienced, along with the likelihood of reaching out to the church after experiencing DV, influenced by factors that typically reduce the propensity to seek police assistance or law enforcement. These factors as well as the research hypotheses are described below.

Shame, stigma, guilt, and fear have been identified as formidable barriers that deter women who have experienced DV from seeking assistance from law enforcement or engaging with formal support structures [51,52,53,54,55]. Given these impediments, the study sought to ascertain the probability of Roma women who are victims of DV initiating contact with the church for support. Specifically, our research was designed to test the following hypotheses:

H1. 

Roma women who are afraid of the perpetrator will be more likely to contact the church.

H2. 

Roma women who do not want others to know about the incident are more likely to contact the church.

H3. 

Roma women who doubt that anyone will believe them are more likely to contact the church.

H4. 

Roma women who feel more guilty for the incident will be more likely to contact the church.

In addition, we aimed to test the following hypothesis.

H5. 

Roma women who reported the incident to the police are more likely to contact the church.

The act of reporting to the police represents a significant step towards seeking formal resolution and protection, indicating a victim’s readiness to confront the issue. Such a step could be emotionally and psychologically taxing, leading individuals to seek additional forms of support to cope with the aftermath. The church, often viewed as a pillar of moral support and community solidarity, presents itself as a viable source of comfort and guidance during such trying times. Further, the church’s role in providing a non-judgmental and supportive environment can be particularly appealing for Roma women who have already navigated the formal legal system. The fear of stigma and shame, and the many barriers to seeking help might be mitigated within the context of a faith community known for its emphasis on forgiveness, healing, and community care.

Finally, we were interested in the likelihood of contacting the church concerning the type of violence experienced. To explore this, we aimed to test the following hypotheses:

H6. 

Roma women exposed to a higher level of psychological violence will be more likely to contact the church.

H7. 

Roma women exposed to a higher level of physical violence will be more likely to contact the church.

H8. 

Roma women exposed to a higher level of sexual violence will be more likely to contact the church.

H9. 

Roma women exposed to a higher level of economic violence will be more likely to contact the church.

Our sample consists of 350 Roma women in Međimurje County who completed the questionnaire described below. The research included women over the age of 16, who are considered older minors and adults. Among them, 40 respondents (11.4%) were aged 15–18, 114 (32.6%) were aged 19–25, and 120 (34.3%) were aged 26–40. In addition, there were 63 respondents (18.0%) in the age group 41–60, while only 13 respondents (3.7%) were over the age of 60. The educational structure of Roma women included in the sample reveals that 12.0% of respondents had no formal education, 40.9% had completed only a few years of primary school, 35.4% had completed primary school, 11.4% had acquired a high school education, and only 0.3% had achieved a university degree. Among the respondents: 45.7% were unemployed, 2.3% were engaged in educational processes, 1.7% had permanent-contract jobs, 13.1% had temporary-contract jobs, and the remaining 37.2% performed occasional or seasonal jobs.

Since the research operates with dichotomous variables, the following methods are the most appropriate methodologically for the purpose of testing the hypotheses: chi square test (H1–H5) and calculation of logistic regression model coefficients (H6–H9).

5. Research Results

In the initial segment of the survey, inquiries were made regarding the sources of help sought by Roma women following instances of violence directed against them.

Table 1. The contacts of Roma women after experiencing domestic violence.

I contacted…	Responses
	N	Percent
Police	44	10.73%
Health services	28	6.83%
A representative within the Roma settlement	24	5.85%
Social services	40	9.76%
Church or religious community	84	20.49%
Legal services	5	1.22%
Non governmental org. or safe house	12	2.93%
Close family or relatives or friends	134	32.68%
No one	39	9.51%

presents the distribution of responses, showing that when subjected to DV the biggest share of women resort to their family or other relatives for support. Subsequently, the church is identified as a substantial source of aid, with over 20% of respondents indicating their reliance on it for help.

We also explored the reasons that led Roma women to refrain from reporting DV incidents.

Table 2. Reasons for not reporting the domestic violence incident.

Reason for Not Reporting the Incident	Responses
	N	Percent
I solved it myself/It’s a family matter	148	9.86%
It was not a significant serious matter	130	8.66%
Fear of the perpetrator	133	8.86%
I didn’t want anyone to know	163	10.86%
A feeling of shame, discomfort	163	10.86%
I didn’t want to end the relationship with my partner	106	7.06%
I thought the police wouldn’t do anything anyway	94	6.26%
I was afraid of losing my children	100	6.66%
I was too upset to call the police	37	2.47%
Fear of revenge	104	6.93%
No one would believe me anyway	99	6.60%
I thought I was to blame for the incident	144	9.59%
Someone stopped me and discouraged me	63	4.20%
The police were too far away and I couldn’t reach them	17	1.13%

outlines the frequency of their responses, serving as a critical instrument for comprehending the barriers and challenges encountered by women while seeking help or reporting violence. The factors enumerated in Table 2 could potentially deter women from approaching authorities or support services. Analysis of these responses is instrumental for gaining a deeper understanding of the intricacies involved in the reporting of DV. It further illuminates the areas in which both support mechanisms and societal perceptions must be enhanced to foster an environment where more women feel empowered to report such incidents.

The previous research outlined in the above sections suggests that victims often eschew seeking help from law enforcement (e.g., police) chiefly due to a fear of the perpetrator, a reluctance to provoke blame for the incident, a perception that their accounts would be met with disbelief, or a belief in their own responsibility for the incident. In light of these considerations, our investigation aimed to examine how these four factors affect the victims’ propensity to solicit support from the church (Hypotheses H1–H4). The probability of contacting the police (Hypothesis H5) was included as another variable of interest. To evaluate the influence of these factors on the decision-making processes of victims, we utilized the Chi-square test. The outcomes of this analysis are elaborated upon in

Table 3. Likelihood of contacting the church with respect to various factors.

Pearson Chi-Square Test		Contacted Church
		No	Yes	p
Fear of the perpetrator	No	189	28	<0.001
		87.10%	12.90%
	Yes	77	56
		57.90%	42.10%
Didn’t want anyone to know	No	157	30	<0.001
		84.00%	16.00%
	Yes	109	54
		66.90%	33.10%
Nobody would believe me	No	205	46	<0.001
		81.70%	18.30%
	Yes	61	38
		61.60%	38.40%
I myself am to blame for the incident	No	180	26	<0.001
		87.40%	12.60%
	Yes	86	58
		59.70%	40.30%
I contacted the police	No	242	64	<0.001
		79.10%	20.90%
	Yes	24	20
		54.50%	45.50%

. Through this methodology, we aimed to reach a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics shaping victims’ decisions to seek help, as well as the roles that various support systems, including religious institutions and law enforcement, play in their path to recovery and justice.

The findings after conducting the validity test and observing that zero cells (0.0%) exhibited an expected count of less than 5 across all instances allowed us to affirm Hypotheses H1–H5. Demonstrating a high degree of statistical reliability, it is believed that women who are afraid of the perpetrator are more likely to seek help from the church (H1). The same applies in cases where they do not want others to know about the incident (H2), when they believe that no one would believe them (H3), and when they attribute the blame for the incident to themselves (H4). The results further indicate that women who contact the police in the event of DV are also more likely to contact the church. This finding allowed us to confirm hypothesis H5 with a high degree of statistical significance (p < 0.001), suggesting a significant relationship between contacting the police and seeking help from church institutions in situations of DV.

By examining hypotheses H6–H9, we checked the influence of exposure to specific forms of violence against women on the decision to contact the church. Given that our dependent variable is dichotomous (contact with a church institution: yes/no), we selected a logistic regression model as the most suitable method for analysis. The findings are presented in

Table 4. Influence of exposure to specific forms of domestic violence on the likelihood to contact the church.

Logistic Regression Model Coefficients	B	S.E.	Wald	Sig.
Psychological violence exposure	0.712	0.236	9.091	0.003
Physical violence exposure	0.684	0.316	4.695	0.030
Sexual violence exposure	−0.358	0.244	2.148	0.143
Economic violence exposure	−0.108	0.216	0.250	0.617
Constant	−3.152	0.379	69.162	<

. The model’s outcomes support hypothesis H6: greater exposure to psychological violence correlates with a higher likelihood of contacting the church (p = 0.003). Similarly, we found that greater exposure to physical violence adds to the probability of turning to the church for help (p = 0.030), thereby confirming hypothesis H7. However, as concerns exposure to sexual and economic violence against women, we did not identify statistically significant relationships with the propensity to seek help from the church, leading us to reject hypotheses H8 and H9.

6. Discussion

The initial survey findings reveal that Roma women frequently rely on informal support systems such as family or other relatives after experiencing violence, a trend consistent with wider research [48,49,56,57]. This preference for informal networks over formal institutions can be attributed to factors such as trust, accessibility, and perceived empathy.

Despite over 20% of the surveyed Roma women seeking support from the church, this differs from broader European trends where women mainly contact health services, hospitals and police after violence [10]. The uniform declaration of Catholicism by the Roma national minority in Međimurje County, Northern Croatia, provides a distinct cultural context, influencing the support structures for women facing DV. In the Catholic Church in Croatia, the clergy are generally of Croatian or Bosnian-Herzegovinian origin—most often of Croatian nationality—whereas members of the Roma community, regardless of their religious affiliation, are not represented among the clergy [58]. This reliance suggests that in regions like Međimurje County that feature religious homogeneity the church plays a critical role in helping women experiencing DV. This finding underscores the need for region-specific approaches to DV.

This study elucidates the complex dynamics affecting the decision-making process of DV victims regarding the seeking of help. The validation of Hypotheses H1–H4 reveals that Roma women victims’ fears, need for confidentiality, perceptions of not being believed, and self-blame critically influence the likelihood of engaging with the church for support. These findings indicate that churches act as vital refuges, especially where traditional support mechanisms like law enforcement are viewed as inaccessible or unsympathetic. Consequently, the role of the church extends beyond spiritual support, providing a safe haven for individuals dealing with the consequences of DV.

Fear of the perpetrator is a powerful motivator that shapes victim behavior among Roma women. Psychological theories on fear and safety-seeking behaviors suggest that victims are likely to turn to environments and programs perceived as safe and supportive [59,60]. The church, with its spiritual authority and community, may represent a sanctuary in which victims feel protected. It indicates the importance of social networks in providing emotional support and practical help, which can reduce the sense of isolation and vulnerability that fear of the perpetrator exacerbates. In this context, with its spiritual authority and sense of community the church may serve as a sanctuary where victims feel protected and supported [26].

The stigma associated with DV can lead victims among Roma women to seek confidential avenues of support [35,61,62]. Sociocultural perspectives on shame and stigma highlight how societal judgments can deter victims from using public services, making support systems like the church more appealing. The church can offer a confidential space for disclosure, easing concerns about public exposure and judgment. Further, research on trust and help-seeking behavior [63,64] emphasizes the role of trusted institutions in facilitating the sharing of sensitive information about DV. In communities such as the Roma community in Međigorje County, the church often stands as a pillar of trust and represents untapped potential for effectively supporting DV victims.

The fear of not being believed is rooted in societal attitudes to DV and victim-blaming tendencies. Psychological research on credibility and victimization shows that victims’ fears of disbelief are significant barriers to seeking help [65,66,67]. The church may offer a counter-narrative to these fears, providing a community that victims perceive as more accepting and believing of their experiences. This acceptance can be critical in overcoming the trauma associated with not being believed [68].

Self-blame is a common response among victims of DV, one that is influenced by internalized societal norms and the perpetrator’s manipulative tactics [69,70]. The church, through its teachings on forgiveness and compassion, may offer a pathway for victims among Roma women to reframe their experiences and reduce self-blame. The concept of spiritual healing also emphasizes the church’s role in facilitating a sense of peace and self-forgiveness, which can be pivotal for victims entangled in self-blame.

The confirmation of Hypothesis H5 highlights the church’s role in supporting victims through the process of seeking justice. The significant correlation between contacting the police and seeking help from the church suggests that victims do not view these actions as mutually exclusive, but as complementary. The police represent an official response mechanism, emphasizing the public acknowledgement and legal redress of DV. In contrast, the church represents a communal sphere that offers emotional and spiritual support. This dual approach indicates a holistic strategy by victims among Roma women to address both the legal and emotional ramifications of DV. This implies the need for a more networked approach to crisis resolution whereby different types of support from various sources contribute to a more comprehensive coping strategy. Spiritually, the church can provide a narrative of hope and redemption that may not only help victims make sense of their experiences but also empower them with a sense of agency and purpose. The act of seeking help from the church after contacting the police may reflect a desire for spiritual reconciliation and support in navigating the moral and existential questions that arise after experiencing violence. Studies suggest that church-based social support systems play an important role: religious people tend to receive more social support, and evaluate their support more favorably than other persons; several studies report a substantial relationship between social support and well-being [71,72,73]. The church can offer a sense of belonging, understanding, and validation, which are crucial for psychological recovery from trauma [74].

The varying degrees of significance in hypotheses H6–H9 show the need for a broader understanding of how different types of violence influence help-seeking behavior. The finding that greater exposure to psychological violence correlates with a higher likelihood of contacting the church aligns with the therapeutic aspects of religious and spiritual support in managing emotional and psychological pain. Psychological violence can have profound, enduring effects on mental health, often more insidious and lasting than physical injuries. In seeking support, victims may turn to church institutions for their role in providing spiritual comfort and community support, which are seen as buffers against mental health deterioration. Studies in psychology suggest that spiritual or religious engagement can provide coping mechanisms for depression, stress, and trauma [75,76,77], offering a sense of hope and community solidarity that is crucial for recovery.

The lack of significant findings on the relationship between exposure to economic violence and the likelihood of contacting the church (H9) could be influenced by several factors. Victims may not view churches as resources for economic recovery, or there may be a lack of awareness about the types of support churches and other institutions can offer in such situations. Economic abuse is frequently regarded as hidden or invisible [78]. It is often less understood and recognized compared to other forms of abuse, potentially leading to underreporting and underestimation of its impact in contexts where institutions might provide help and support.

To further dissect the outcomes relating to Hypotheses H7 and H8, it is essential to delve into various factors that might explain the differing impact of sexual vs. physical violence on the likelihood of Roma women contacting church. The result in our study differs from the results on the EU level that indicate a similar proportion of women who contacted church/faith-based organizations after experiencing sexual and physical violence by partners [10]. First, physical violence often results in visible injuries, which not only provide tangible evidence of abuse but also elicit an immediate community and institutional response. This visibility makes physical violence a more openly recognized issue, potentially reducing the stigma associated with seeking help. In contrast, sexual violence carries a heavy burden of stigma and shame, particularly in communities with strong traditional values such as those often found in Roma populations, especially in those with a strong Catholic cohesive factor. The intimate nature of sexual violence and societal norms surrounding chastity and purity, e.g., a purity culture [79], can exacerbate feelings of shame, making it more difficult for victims to come forward and seek help from community-centric institutions like churches. Existing research [80] demonstrated that the endorsement of a purity culture was related to increased endorsement of rape myths and a greater likelihood of labelling marital rape and acquaintance rape as consensual sex. Intrinsic religiosity was also found to be a significant moderator of the relationship between purity culture and rape myth acceptance. Our research result points to the need for tailored support strategies that consider both the type of violence and the cultural context to effectively address the diverse needs of victims.

7. Conclusions

By addressing the complexities and leveraging the positive aspects of faith-based communities, there is an opportunity to enhance the church’s role as a source of hope and help for victims of DV. The research results allow the conclusion that enhancing the capacity of religious institutions in homogeneously Catholic communities to provide sensitive, confidential, and effective support for victims of DV could be a substantial step in providing support. Training for clergy and church volunteers on DV, creating awareness programs within the community, and establishing stronger links between the church, healthcare services, and law enforcement could form a comprehensive support network for victims. This approach not only acknowledges the unique cultural and religious landscape of regions like Međimurje County but also promotes a more holistic and effective response to the needs of women experiencing DV, assuring that they have access to a range of supportive options tailored to their cultural and social contexts. For future research, we suggest comparing the effectiveness of religious support systems in assisting DV victims within religiously homogeneous communities. A study could be designed to evaluate the outcomes for women victims of DV among the Roma population who receive support from religious organizations. Key variables to measure could include emotional healing, satisfaction with the support received, missing parts of support, and overall quality of life.

Notwithstanding the unique position and responsibility of religious leaders to refer and counsel victims of DV, clergy are often inadequately prepared for such tasks, as noted by McMullin et al. [43]; Houston-Kolnik & Todd [81]; Zust et al. [26]. This deficiency stems partly from the persistent taboo surrounding DV within both liberal and conservative religious communities, which fosters a culture of silence regarding the issue. Jakobsson et al. [82] identified that this silence within communities contributes to social shame for victims, thereby hindering their willingness to disclose their experiences. The researchers argued that breaking this silence is crucial for the healing process. Churches, irrespective of their denominational affiliations, occupy a pivotal role in initiating open discussions on this matter to educate and sensitize the broader community, particularly in areas with strong religious affiliation. Facilitating an open discourse within religious settings could also enhance the recognition of early warning signs of violence, leading to timely interventions that might prevent further abuse [26]. Establishing clear guidelines for responding to abuse is essential as pastoral caregivers may often find themselves unsure of the appropriate actions to take [83]. Furthermore, little is known about the specific religious practices of Roma women or the concrete ways in which the church responds to DV within their communities. It remains unclear whether Roma women seek support through participation in community life, find consolation in sermons, or disclose their experiences in the confessional. Understanding these practices is crucial, as they may significantly influence women’s willingness to seek help, the type of support they expect, and the church’s ability to respond effectively.

In conclusion, while shame, stigma, guilt, and fear may deter victims of DV from seeking help from formal institutions, the church emerges as a vital ally in the support network for these individuals. By leveraging its community influence and moral authority, the church can provide a comprehensive support system that encompasses emotional, spiritual, and practical help to overwhelmingly Catholic communities, thereby playing an indispensable role in the healing and empowerment of victims of domestic violence.