Rethinking Women’s Return Migration: Evidence from Tunisia and Morocco

Abstract

Return migration is frequently associated with failure, particularly in the context of women returnees from the global south. This research challenges this notion, focusing on women returnees from Italy to North Africa. It aims to analyze return migration by focusing on women who returned to Morocco and Tunisia in the last 15 years, and the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, emphasizing the transformative potential of migration experiences for themselves and the local community. Women returnees not only redefine their roles in society but also foster socio-economic development, community building, and political changes in the countries of return. The study employs thematic analysis to examine 25 semi-structured interviews conducted with returnees aged 25–60, where women shared insights into their migration, re-adaptation experiences, and challenges upon return. Returnees utilized skills gained abroad to achieve economic empowerment, often starting businesses or finding new jobs. However, they faced cultural challenges, particularly societal expectations of traditional gender roles. Nonetheless, migration empowered many returnees to question these policies and norms, and contribute to societal change.

1. Introduction

Return migration has often been viewed through the lens of economic success or failure [1], often portraying it as a reflection of unmet expectations or unrealized goals [2]. This has been far too present in the academic literature ([3] among others) as well as in the international debate around return migration including stakeholders, organizations, and policymakers alike [4]. People who experienced migration have started to be afraid of this “migrant” label as this—in the mainstream perspectives and the collective imaginary of migration—represents and portrays a fiasco, especially return migration to “the Global South” ([5,6] among others). Such frameworks overlook the transformative potential of return migration, particularly for women, who are often marginalized in studies focusing on return migration, and its potential positive impacts on the communities of migration.

Women’s return migration is an underexplored yet essential area of study. While the economic aspects of return migration have been studied, the gender-specific challenges and opportunities that women face during re-adaptation and reintegration deserve closer attention. Women often encounter patriarchal social expectations and labor market disparities [7] during their migration, and this also shapes their experiences.

Colonial histories, local labor markets, gender-related constraints, and environmental factors have influenced the global expansion of simple biometric entry and exit systems. This expansion threatens to erode the foundations of transnational migration by reducing its complexity. Simultaneously, the current debate from a top-down to a bottom-up perspective has framed voluntary returns to countries of origin in progressive and detached terms, downplaying concerns about the exclave and reclassifying them as non-migratory. Collectively, these trends reinforce the seemingly harmonious logic of global return, echoing modernization frameworks from early globalization and migration periods [2,8].

Migration is often defined by its conditions, actions, and transnational networks, which create self-reinforcing dynamics. However, within return migration studies, a gap emerges. While the field is highly developed in regions like the United States, Mexico, and Southern Asia [9,10,11,12], it remains underexplored and fragmented in Europe, preventing it from forming a cohesive framework. This also relates to the reason why this paper focuses on the EU-MENA regions. Another key rationale for this study lies in the limited and fragmented data available on this issue, particularly concerning the gendered dimensions of return migration in the region. Some information is available, and, for instance, an average of 10,000 migrants returned to their countries of origin between 2000 and 2018, according to research on international family migration in Mediterranean countries (MED-HIMS). Furthermore, migration to Tunisia and Morocco increased following the Arab uprisings in 2011, sparking a new typology of returns that saw new political, social, and economic opportunities. OECD reports that returns increased significantly in 2014, with Morocco seeing a particularly high of 210,000 compared to 165,000 in 2004 and 117,000 in 1994. Of these, 86,100 (41%), were women, and the bulk of them were in the 25–49 age range. Like the rest of Europe, Italy has particular legal provisions in place that give migrants the option to go back to their home countries. With support from both national and international sources, the Ministry of the Interior promotes the Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration programs (AVR&R), which international and civil society organizations also carry out. In the year from 2018 to 2019, 1080 persons, or 8% of the total, returned to the Maghreb region from Italy using this program. According to the MED-HIMS survey, one in five of the returning men came from the Maghreb. However, these data are incomplete, because the majority of voluntary return migrations do not apply to this program, in general, and, specifically to the MENA region, these remain unnoticed since the statistical offices and institutes do not count them [13]. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) collects data only on assisted voluntary return and reintegration programs. In addition, women especially are more reluctant to be included in the program of AVR&R. Hence, women’s return migration has escaped the attention of multinational organizations and frequently even academic ones due to the need for more qualitative and interpretive approaches in order to fully comprehend and investigate it.

This study builds upon existing scholarship while introducing a framework to analyze the dynamics of women’s return migration in the EU-MENA region through a long-durée perspective of migration and mobility, particularly focusing on opportunities of return, socio-economic empowerment, political–gendered agency, community-building activities, and societal re-adaptation. It critically examines the narratives, conceptual frameworks, and policy responses that increasingly shape return migration, especially women’s returns. Based on 25 interviews with women who returned from Italy to Morocco and Tunisia, and through the integration of a gendered perspective, this article aims to offer a comprehensive understanding of the intricate, gender-specific experiences of returnees, enabling more nuanced study paths of return migration and diaspora studies, as well as informing stakeholders and advancing policy recommendations on voluntary return migration.

2. A Multifaceted Phenomenon

Return migration is a multifaceted phenomenon, best understood through various theoretical lenses that challenge the neoclassical assumption of migration as a one-way journey from an origin to a destination [5] and as a failure to integrate into the host county, portraying returnees as less economically successful than non-migrants [14].

Return migration, the process by which individuals or groups relocate to their countries or communities of origin after a period spent elsewhere, has become an increasingly studied aspect within the broader field of migration studies. For instance, it has been criticized as being too related to the reality of bordered nation-states as in Fahrenthold [15], who discusses return migration in the context of diaspora, emphasizing scholarly, mythological, and practical aspects. Fahrenthold suggests new research directions in Middle East studies regarding return migration and repatriation, challenging the notion of return and trying to incorporate the diversity of migrants returning home all the time and challenging the diaspora mythology that posits behind it. This is just one example of the latest perspectives on the topic. Nevertheless, it is essential to notice that as the volume and diversity of global return migration have witnessed new directions in the 21st century and have especially been interesting after post-revolutionary contexts, two main distinct bodies of scholarship have emerged to address this phenomenon. The first is the economic sociology of return, which investigates how time spent living and working abroad affects the labor market opportunities of returnees and the resulting implications for economic development in countries of origin. This stream of research typically assumes that return migration is a voluntary decision made by individuals. The second is the political sociology of return, which leans on a very strict nation-based idea of migration and adopts a top-down, institutionalized, and securitizing approach to regulatory and handling migration, especially concerning migrants forced to return home [16]. While these two main streams of literature have made important contributions to our understanding of return migration, they have largely overlooked the gendered dimensions of this phenomenon. Early neoclassical theories of migration largely employed economic reasoning and assumed that migrants were overwhelmingly male, ignoring the historical record of families who migrated together, women who migrated for various types of work-related opportunities, and other reasons [17].

Only recently, return migration, defined as migrants returning to their home country after intending to settle abroad [1], is now recognized as a more complex process. Returnees are increasingly seen as contributing valuable skills for knowledge advancement [18,19,20], business and economic development [21,22] and social and policies changes [23,24].

Traditional return migration studies often focus on economic outcomes, neglecting the broader socio-cultural impact of returnees, particularly women. Koser and Kuschminder’s [25] comparative study on Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration (AVRR) programs introduced a gender perspective, demonstrating how women returnees can act as agents of social change. Meanwhile, the transnational feminist viewpoint of Mahler and Pessar [4] offers a theoretical framework for comprehending how migratory women exercise agency beyond national boundaries. Moreover, studies on international retirement migration have shown that older women who migrate for lifestyle reasons, rather than economic necessity, may have more positive reintegration experiences upon return, as they can draw on family networks and established gender roles to facilitate their return [26].

Several case studies provide insights into the lived experiences of returnees. In the specific context of North Africa, Paparusso and Ambrosetti [27] suggest that Moroccans in Italy often lack a clear intention to return, with their migration decisions heavily influenced by Italy’s socio-economic and employment conditions. Additionally, their research indicates that macro-level factors should not be overlooked. Specifically, migration and integration policies play a pivotal role in shaping the decision-making process regarding whether to remain in the host country or return to the country of origin. Wanki et al. [28] examine how Cameroonian returnees negotiate material and existential difficulties in a setting of crisis by examining the idea of social navigation and crucial conjunctures in their experiences. This perspective emphasizes the dynamic and often precarious nature of return migration. Moreover, Strijbosch et al. [29] investigate the role of Senegalese migrants upon return, moving beyond simplistic categorizations of returnees as victims, forced migrants, or irregular migrants forced to go back, or labeled as deviant. Similarly, Andits [30] studied how Australian and Hungarian returnees bargain negative approaches from those who did not migrate, employing strategies such as contestation, acceptance, or dismissal. Research on Sri Lankan families highlights how displacement persists even after returning “home,” affecting their sense of place, belonging, and citizenship [14]. This underscores the need for a nuanced understanding of return that goes beyond the simplistic dichotomy of home and away. In this regard, the concept of sustainable return emphasizes the importance of continued mobility and transnational lifestyles as potentially more viable than a singular return [31]. This approach confronts conventional perceptions of return as an endpoint, suggesting that return migration should be examined as part of a broader continuum of migration, hence through a long-durée perspective. Hitherto, King & Kuschminder [2] offer an ample overview of return migration, integrating theoretical perspectives and empirical findings. They emphasize the importance of context in understanding return migration, highlighting how political, economic, and social factors influence the decision to return and the reintegration process. They also explore the diverse experiences of returnees, from voluntary returnees who plan their return to those who are forced to return due to adverse conditions in the host country. Nevertheless, King & Kuschminder [2], do not address the EU-MENA regions, which our article introduces, nor do they focus on the role of women in transforming their individual and collective experiences of migration and social change.

Women’s return migration involves complex decision-making processes influenced by their roles in their societies. Nana Zhang’s research on rural women migrant returnees in contemporary China delves into how patriarchal norms and limited resettlement support impact their re-adaptation and reintegration [7]. Similarly, G. Jagganath examines the strategies employed by married professional Indian women in Durban, highlighting their agency in reshaping historical adversities [32]. Marital status, reproductive situation, and extended family relationships also influence the intentions and experiences of women returnees. Mondain’s [33] qualitative study with Senegalese migrant women in Italy and Spain reveals how these factors shape their decisions to return. This underscores the significant role of social and familial expectations in the return migration process.

To outline, studies specifically examining women’s return migration are conspicuously lacking or incomplete, even despite the increasing acknowledgment of women’s role in migration. Research frequently discusses general migration patterns without giving special attention to the particular difficulties and experiences faced by women who return. This study integrates the aforementioned academic works, specifically keeping in mind the research on preparedness and agency conducted by Cassarino in 2004 and Van Houte in 2014, as well as typologies of returns and socio-economic empowerment by Long and Oxfeld in 2004 and King & Kuschminder in 2022, Koser & Kuschminder’s in the 2017 work on comparative approaches to voluntary return migration, and Gashi & Adnett in 2015 and Donatoin 2023 on returns fostering gender–political changes [2,3,24,25,26,34,35]. This study also tries to encourage future research to address the gendered dimensions of return migration by placing the voices of women returnees at the forefront.

3. Materials and Methods

This study employs a qualitative research design ([36,37], among others), based on 25 semi-structured interviews ([38], among others) with women returnees aged 24 to 60 from Morocco and Tunisia.

Morocco and Tunisia were chosen for this study due to their pivotal roles in the MENA region, especially following the uprisings in 2010–2011, which started in these two countries and catalyzed significant political, social, and economic transformations and triggered return migration from some European countries, amid differences. For instance, Tunisia has made remarkable strides in promoting democratic values and gender equality, exemplified by Najla Bouden, who lived and studied in France before returning to Tunisia, and who served as the first female prime minister in both Tunisia and the Arab world until 2023. Meanwhile, Morocco, while maintaining its monarchical structure, has experienced significant progress in rights by implementing forward-thinking policies, resulting in meaningful advancements within the kingdom. Since the uprising, Morocco has embraced a more open approach to democratic reforms, steadily improving family and women’s rights across multiple sectors [24,39,40]. Moreover, both countries have seen progressive changes in women’s rights, with notable involvement of women in shaping policies related to gender equality and family law reforms; despite this, their implementation remains slow, and discriminatory laws persist, especially in their practical application [24,41,42,43]. The comparison between Morocco and Tunisia is also particularly relevant, as both countries are former French colonies, and this has had a significant impact on their social and political structures, influencing their legal systems and cultural norms (for instance [44,45,46]) Another crucial aspect is the socio-economic conditions, which are similar in both countries, particularly the high unemployment rate among especially young people and women [47]. This common issue impacts opportunities for women’s empowerment in both nations. Additionally, access to reproductive health services and legal abortion remains a central issue for feminists, with significant differences and similarities between Morocco and Tunisia in terms of access to these services. By exploring these two countries, this study can provide valuable insights into the diverse ways that women returnees contribute to local empowerment initiatives, while also examining how these experiences intersect with broader regional dynamics and opportunities for women’s empowerment.

Researchers in the team designed the guidelines of the 25 interviews bearing in mind the idea of fostering a new perspective on the topic that could allow us to move beyond traditional migration-related questions by integrating gender-sensitive approaches that considered the intersection of migration and gender in shaping these women’s experiences. A team of 4 researchers drafted the questions for the interviews as part of a project financed by the Italian Ministry of Research and Next-Generation EU funds. By using open-ended questions, the interviews allowed participants to express how migration impacted their personal and professional lives. We ensured that the interviewer was a woman, promoting a safe and comfortable space for women to share their experiences, and was the same for all the interviewees. We conducted the interviews in English, French, Italian, and—in some cases—a mix of Arabic and French, depending on the interviewees’ preferred language of communication. One of the researchers in the team could speak and understand all these languages, which facilitated direct interaction.

This study aims to address the following research questions:

RQ1: Does return migration shape the socio-economic empowerment of women returning from Italy to Morocco and Tunisia? If so, how? What factors contribute to their capacity to influence change?

RQ2: What are the key similarities and differences in the personal and professional experiences of women returnees in Morocco and Tunisia, and how do these shape their re-adaptation processes?

RQ3: How do political, social, and economic circumstances and changes in Italy and Morocco or Tunisia influence women’s decisions to migrate and return?

RQ4: In what ways do women returnees negotiate and challenge traditional gender norms and societal expectations upon their return? And how does this affect their re-adaptation?

3.1. Ethical Considerations

The research team submitted the study structure and interview protocols for approval to the University’s Ethical Research Committee before beginning fieldwork. The Committee ensured that the proposed research adhered to ethical research standards by thoroughly evaluating it, offering criticism, and suggesting changes to the interview questions. To address any issues, the Committee also asked for an oral defense of the research activities and interview design.

The Ethical Research Committee accepted the study and interview questions in early May, after the amendments and the oral defense (protocol approval reference). This approval guaranteed that the study complied with European and Italian ethical standards, protecting each participant’s rights, privacy, and support. This also helped us anticipate and respond to the ethical challenges of conducting interviews with migrant women returnees in Tunisia and Morocco—such as handling informed consent in multilingual settings, handling potential emotional distress while describing sensitive experiences, and guarding anonymity in small, closed communities. These challenges were noted and handled through sincere care during the oral defense, allowing us to conduct the fieldwork with a solid ethical foundation.

3.2. Data Collection

We conducted the interviews in May and June 2024 during the project’s fieldwork activities. We interviewed women of different backgrounds proceeding through snowball sampling, reaching out to local organizations and national and international institutions, as well as academics working on the subject, until saturation was reached. The use of the snowball sampling method is particularly justified in this study on women returnees because it provides a means to identify and recruit a population that can be difficult to access using conventional sampling methods [48,49]. In using the origin-based snowball method, according to Beauchemin and González-Ferrer, it becomes possible to access those with close social connections to home communities, a relevant factor in studies on returnees, who belong to social networks influencing their return and re-adaptation and reintegration processes [50]. The method also proves useful in capturing return trajectories and multifaceted migration experiences because it provides a means to utilize social contacts to access women whose return does not get recorded or traced in official records.

Table 1. Interviewees in Tunisia.

Code Name	Education	Age	Job	Residence Italy	Residence Tunisia
Amira	High school diploma	58	Housewife	Padua	Tunis
Layla	Master’s degree	26	Student	Palermo	Tunis
Zainab	Master’s degree	26	Graphic designer	Lecce	Hammamet
Yasmin	Master’s degree	24	Lawyer	Palermo	Tunis
Samira	Bachelor’s degree	33	Housewife	Ancona	Beni Khalled
Rania	High school diploma	49	Nurse	Milan	Menzel Bourguiba
Yasmina	High school diploma	53	Beautician	Rome	Bizerte
Hana	High school diploma	54	Modiste	Florence	El Alia/Bizerte
Salma	High school diploma	38	Secretary	Palermo	Jendouba
Leila	High school diploma	42	Tourist guide	Lazio	Hawaria
Malika	High school diploma	55	Tailor	Veneto	Beni Khalled
Siham	Middle school	42	Hairdresser	Milan	Nabeul
Jamila	Middle school	40	Factory worker	Belluno	Nabeul
Najat	Master’s degree	26	Social media manager	Palermo	Tunis
Iman	PhD	31	PhD candidate	Naples	Tunis

and

Table 2. Interviewees in Morocco.

Code Name	Education	Age	Job	Residence Italy	Residence Morocco
Lamia	Master’s degree	64	Chef	Treviso	Fez
Souad	Bachelor’s degree	50	Teacher	Genoa	Beni Mellal
Latifa	High school	43	Entrepreneur	Milan	Casablanca
Nadia	Master’s degree	25	NGO worker	Acqui Terme	Rabat
Sabah	Master’s degree	36	PhD candidate and NGO worker	Treviso	Rabat
Amel	Master’s degree	28	NGO worker	Lamezia Terme	Rabat
Hiba	Middle school	45	Housewife	Acqui Terme	Fez
Lina	PhD	41	Professor	Siena	Casablanca
Rim	Master’s degree	27	NGO worker	Rome	Marrakesh
Kenza	PhD	40	Professor	Urbino	Rabat

include the interviewees’ profiles divided by country; names are fictional.

We used semi-structured interviews with questions to encourage participants to share their narratives in depth. Our questions screened topics such as pre-and post-migration experiences, and how migration affects family responsibilities, career growth, and community involvement. We conducted interviews in a variety of locations, such as participant residences, hotel bars, and NGO offices, and also online [51]. Many women in Tunisia favored conducting interviews virtually (using WhatsApp and Google Meet) rather than in person. In most interviews, they told the interviewer that they felt safer, more at ease, and valued the privacy that came with being able to speak freely at home.

3.3. Data Analysis

The team of researchers transcribed and analyzed interviews using codes and categories, focusing on recurring topics such as constraints to return, economic empowerment, gendered agency, professional growth, and opportunities related to re-adaptation. Special attention was given to how participants framed their experiences of returning to Morocco and Tunisia after living in Italy, and how they used these experiences to change their roles within their families and communities. The main analytical categories were cross-checked against the literature to situate the findings within broader theoretical frameworks, particularly those that address gender and migration. The process of finding codes and categories had intricate implications and worked to avoid erratic conclusions and listen to the different viewpoints and insights form the members of the team.

After the qualitative text analysis [52], we also adopted a thematic analysis following Braun & Clarke’s essential work [53], and identified 5 main themes, which the researchers reviewed and validated through re-reading the original data and the codes and categories formed. The themes serve as the titles of the subheadings in the results section, and they are as follows:

Theme 1: “Improving my family’s living conditions” and “start my own business”;

Theme 2: “Back home I had a cultural shock”;

Theme 3: Job calling opportunities liaised with a new political atmosphere of hope;

Theme 4: “I had to navigate family expectations while maintaining my independence”;

Theme 5: Returnees as agents of change.

4. Results

4.1. “Improving My Family’s Living Conditions” and “Start My Own Business”

Women interviewed for this study shared that migration significantly influenced their socio-economic conditions. Some of them said that they often used their earnings in Italy to invest in their future perspective and plans of returns. For example, Latifa (43 years old who returned to Morocco) noted, “I started saving money as soon as I found a stable job in Italy, which allowed me to start my own business upon returning home.”

Rania (49 years old) mentioned, “In Italy, I sent money home every month, improving my family’s living conditions”… “and creating a possibility for me to go back to Tunisia”.

In the words of the interviewees, it appears that skills acquired abroad facilitate employment upon return. For instance, Yasmina, 53 years old, who returned back to Tunisia shared: “After returning, I worked in a beauty salon using the skills and the saving attitudes I learned in Italy,” while Yasmin, 24, noted, “My proficient language skills from Italy helped me quickly secure a teaching position in Tunisia.”

The independence gained in Italy often contrasts sharply with home expectations. For instance, Yasmin, 26 years old, said, “Living on my own in Italy made me realize I didn’t need to depend on anyone else,” which she continued to uphold upon returning. Najat, 26 who went back to Tunisia commented, “In Italy, I managed my finances, which was a new experience for me” and she continues “helped me to feel more independent and secure once back”.

Skills gained abroad also were leveraged for new opportunities at home. As Rania, 49 years old, put it, “The skills I acquired and the courses I took in Milan helped me open a small catering service in Morocco.” Layla, 26 years old and having returned to Tunisia, added, “I now assist other women in my country with their projects, thanks to my experience and my life in Italy.”

These quotes show how the experience of migrating had improved the interviewees’ financial situation and opened them to greater work prospects. For example, they were able to support their families more successfully thanks to the professional abilities they acquired overseas, also challenging the idea that men must be responsible for managing household finances. Moreover, proficiency in language and industrial knowledge, for example, greatly facilitated their re-adaptation and enabled them to find work fast. As Rania from Tunisia noted, “During my 15 years in Milan, my professional growth was crucial for my return and reintegration with financial security.”

4.2. “Back Home I Had a Cultural Shock”

The re-adaptation and reintegration processes for women returnees vary by country, influenced by cultural and societal contexts, as in the following excerpts we notice that the shift from Italy’s freedom to traditional expectations can be stark. For example, Yasmina (53 years old) reflected, “Returning to Tunisia was a cultural shock; life felt slower and less free compared to Rome,” while Hiba, 45, stated, “In Morocco, my family expected me to stay at home more.”

The diversity and quality of job markets in Italy contrast with fewer opportunities at home. As Zainab, 26, pointed out, “The job market in Italy was diverse, but in Tunisia, opportunities, especially for women, are limited.”

Moreover, adapting to a slower pace and different societal expectations can be difficult. One returnee, Sabah, 36, mentioned, “Adjusting to the slower pace in Morocco was challenging,” while Zainab, 26, said, “People in Tunisia treated me differently, assuming I had money because I lived in Italy, which made reintegration financially challenging.”

Cultural integration versus home re-adaptation and reintegration is a dominant point of reflection. Returning for women often resulted in the expectation of adjusting to more traditional roles, which contrasts with the more independence-based experience abroad. More than one woman admits that at the beginning of her return, she struggled to balance her newfound independence with traditional expectations in Tunisia.

Both Moroccan and Tunisian women faced challenges in adapting to traditional gender roles upon return. Despite these challenges, their migration experience significantly impacted their personal and professional growth and helped them to reconsider and challenge cultural and traditional ideas, considered “staples” for the local community.

4.3. Job Calling Opportunities Liaised with a New Political Atmosphere of Hope

Conditions in both host and home countries shape women’s migration and return. For instance, economic conditions drive migration. Jamila, 40, explained, “I left Tunisia due to a lack of job opportunities,” while Hiba, 45, noted, “The moment of our (the entire family) return to Morocco coincided with the economic crisis in Europe and Italy”.

Political instability often prompts migration and affects return decisions. For instance, Lamia, 64, said “Political instability in Tunisia made Italy seem like a safer option,” and “That’s why I think with the changes and after the uprisings I decided to go back” and Rim, 27, who went from Morocco–Italy–Morocco, mentioned, “Unrest in Morocco made me hesitant to return” but then I realized “It was calling me back to make a change myself maybe thanks my job, I work in an NGO that works to change the Moudawana law (family code) of 2004 against child marriage and rape”.

The lure of better working conditions abroad is a significant factor. One woman observed, “Italy offered better working conditions and fairer pay compared to Tunisia.”

Family, nostalgia, and a desire to improve their home country often motivate women to return, despite economic challenges. For instance, Najat, 26, said, “Despite economic benefits in Italy, I felt a strong pull to return to Tunisia to help my family.” Finally, sometimes the possibility and hope of political changes also drove returns.

4.4. “I Had to Navigate Family Expectations While Maintaining My Independence”

Returnees often face challenges in reconciling their experiences abroad with traditional expectations. Traditional roles can conflict with the independence gained abroad. Kenza, 40, remarked, “In Morocco, everyone expected me to get married and settle down, but I wanted to continue working.” So “I did”.

According to the respondents, it might be challenging to balance expectations from family and one’s migration or mobility-related and acquired autonomy. Re-adaptation also entails striking a balance between new forms of independence and established and traditional norms. Latifa, 43, exemplifies it by saying: “Reintegrating into Moroccan society was challenging as I had to balance my independence with traditional expectations.”

Despite challenges, women used their acquired skills and confidence to assert their autonomy and navigate societal expectations. As Zeinab, 26, put it, “The confidence I gained in Italy helped me successfully reintegrate into Tunisian society and assert my new lifestyle and gender roles.”

4.5. Returnees as Agents of Change

Migration allowed many women to challenge traditional gender roles. As Lamia, 64, noted, “The Moroccan woman has always been submissive to the man … in general, the Arab man is the one who decides everything”.

This statement reflects the entrenched patriarchal norms that shape women’s roles in Morocco and Tunisia. However, migration exposed these women to different gender dynamics, enabling them to question these norms, as in Kenza’s words, 40, who went from Morocco–Italy–Morocco: “. For example, I can drive peacefully, but maybe if you go to a small village in the Beni-Mellal province, it’s still something that they consider impossible, something that cannot be done. So, I haven’t noticed differences in how I lived in Italy and Morocco, but this doesn’t mean that there aren’t.”.

Migration as an experience and life path of seeing different realities also stirred returnees to inspire other women and the local community as Rim, 27, who went from Morocco–Italy–Morocco said: “I work in international cooperation, I work with women, I work on all humanitarian aspects … and my country needs this at the moment. It’s as if it was calling me back, so that’s why I’m here. I realized I had to go. So I applied for a job in Morocco, I sent two applications, and two of them called me back”. Rim is currently active as a social worker and advocate for women’s rights in Morocco. She participates in public debates on child marriage and carries out field missions to raise awareness about women’s rights, reaching not only urban centers but also rural communities across the country. Her actions underscore the ways in which women returnees can act as intermediaries between global discourses and local realities to advocate for gender equality.

Yasmin, 24, who went from Tunisia–Italy–Tunisia, said “Civil society work in Tunisia is my primary focus; I also conduct trainings. And I always remind people that … regarding Tunisian human rights, the system, and the law, they exist, but often go underutilized by the people”.

One of the key insights from the interviews was how migration empowered women to pursue professional growth upon return. Siham (42, Tunisia–Italy–Tunisia) shared her story of opening a salon after returning to Tunisia, stating: “Here I am much more satisfied than in Italy … I opened my own salon … I feel more freedom. Life in Italy was boring; I wasn’t working … I always tell this to my clients when we talk about Italy”.

Similarly, Souad (50, Morocco–Italy–Morocco), who returned to Morocco, described her transition from a housewife in Italy to an Arabic teacher in her home country: “In Morocco now, I am an Arabic teacher. In Italy, I was a housewife; now I feel happy, useful, I work with my people … I also write for a local newspaper”. Her return is a profound personal and professional reawakening—from housewife in Italy to teacher of Arabic in Morocco. Now engaged in her community, she teaches, writes for a local newspaper, and reflects on her path between countries, expressing a reclaimed sense of purpose and allegiance to her roots. Her narrative highlights how return can trigger new forms of social engagement and professional recognition.

The idea of return migration as a failure was a recurring theme in the interviews, as many of them mentioned the collective imagination that is linked to this phenomenon and how the local community perceives returns. However, the interviews challenged this narrative by showing how women used migration as a means to redefine their roles in their home countries. Rim, who returned to Morocco, expressed frustration with societal expectations but emphasized that migration allowed her to reinvent herself: “It’s like I had to leave again to truly find myself.”

Hence, migration empowered women to challenge gender norms and lead community development. Through roles in international cooperation or civil society, returnees actively contribute to their communities. Migration provided new professional opportunities and personal growth. Women leveraged their skills to start businesses, pursue new careers, and contribute to the development of local communities with capacity building. These interviews have often shown a different view on return migration as an opportunity for growth rather than a setback. Women’s experiences abroad helped them redefine their roles and contribute positively to their home countries.

5. Discussion of the Results and Comparison with the Literature

This article has challenged the traditional narrative that women’s return migration signifies failure. Instead, it has argued that returnees, particularly women, use their migration experiences to push for social change and question some of the long-standing conventions that discriminate against women. By repositioning women returnees’ experience in a gendered, long-durée, and policy-centered perspective, this research has highlighted the value of a gendered viewpoint by demonstrating how migration gives women the chance to (a) develop personally and (b) professionally, and (c) to have an impact on the communities of origin and of migration.

The accounts given by the women who were interviewed refute the conventional wisdom that return migration is an endpoint of unmet expectation, a view often found in both scholarly works and mainstream discourse. In contrast to previous research [2,5], our findings highlight the resources and skills of women returnees to the Global South. These women we talked to show how migrating may be a life-changing experience that gives them the courage to defy gender stereotypes when they return, as well as financial independence and career advancement. One of the key findings of the paper is the enhanced economic empowerment experienced by the women. As highlighted in the interviews, many women utilized their migration experiences to accumulate savings and acquire skills that were pivotal in starting businesses or finding employment upon return. For instance, Latifa, who returned to Morocco, mentioned saving money in Italy to start her own business. Similarly, Yasmina, upon returning to Tunisia, used the skills she acquired in Italy to work in a beauty salon. These findings share some points with previous research that highlights the potential for returnees to contribute to local economic development, especially through skill transfer [2,18], but are focused on women and their capacities and acquired skills.

Our results also demonstrate that the return process was not without challenges. Many women faced a “cultural shock” upon returning home, as they were met with societal expectations that conflicted with the independence they had gained abroad. As shown in a previous study on Polish return migration by Dziekońska in 2023, a sociological perspective on decision-making plays a crucial role in return migration plans. Particularly relevant to our study is the specificity of women’s decision-making in return migration, which is shaped by social environments where they not only face structural and cultural constraints but also deeply entrenched gender norms [54]. According to Archer, actors reflexively respond to structural and cultural constraints, balancing the life they built overseas with societal expectations upon their return [55].

At the same time, our study highlights how returnees must adjust to an environment that has changed since their departure [56], while also navigating the gendered and cultural expectations of those who never left and remain embedded in the community back home. This is illustrated in the case of Yasmina, who experienced tension between the independence she had in Italy and the conventional roles imposed upon her in Tunisia, underscoring the gendered nature of return migration [7]. Yet, her experience also demonstrates a willingness to re-understand her environment in Tunisia by integrating it with her experiences abroad and sharing this renewed perspective with the community in her country of origin.

The study’s results concerning how women can negotiate and question established gender norms when they return is another important aspect. As noted by Kenza, who returned to Morocco and resisted societal pressure to marry and instead focused on her professional growth. The agency exercised by these women mirrors the transnational feminist perspectives offered by scholars like Mahler and Pessar, who argue that migration can empower women to redefine their roles and exert agency across borders. With this paper, we demonstrate that the transnational feminist perspective on migration can be adopted even in the context of return, as the migratory experience continues to nourish women’s empowerment rather than being nullified upon their return home. Hence, this paper advances transnational feminist scholarship [57] by illustrating how women returnees overcome structural obstacles while taking advantage of skills and networks accrued during migration.

Furthermore, the interviews reveal how women used their migration experiences to become agents of social change in their home countries. For instance, Rim, who returned to Morocco, now works for an NGO that advocates for changes to the family code (Moudawana) regarding child marriage and rape. This finding emphasizes the role of returnees in driving social and political change in their communities, positioning them as key actors in their country of origin while also serving as bridges between their homeland and the country of migration.

The results of this study expand upon existing scholarship on return migration. Conventional research on return migration has frequently concentrated on financial results, characterizing return as a failure because of unfulfilled hopes or unachieved objectives [1,5]. But as the women in this study show, returning to one’s home country can lead to empowerment—especially when seen from a gendered lens. This contradicts the neoclassical theory, advanced by Gmelch [5], that migration is a one-way trip from place of origin to destination. Instead, it supports the idea that return migration is a complex phenomenon shaped by an array of socio-cultural and political factors [2,15]. Moreover, the study contributes to the literature by focusing on the underexplored area of women’s return migration in the EU-MENA region. While much of the existing research has focused on the economic sociology or political sociology of return migration [16], this study introduces a gendered framework to analyze the re-adaptation and reintegration experiences of women returnees, highlighting the intersection of gender, migration, and agency.

Rethinking return as a process of empowerment instead of the demise of a personal narrative upends the myths associated with migration. Returning migrants seen through the prism of disappointed goals or unmet aspirations, especially women, is not the only side of the coin. This angle has often ignored the resilience, knowledge, and skills they pick up throughout their migrating experience. This paper, thanks to the words of the women who shared their stories with the researchers, has been reframed as a chance for reintegration, personal development, and community service by emphasizing agency and socio-economic empowerment. After leaving their home country, migrants can return with newfound abilities, using what they learned there to influence change back home. This reinterpretation of the situation recognizes the agency of returnees and their capacity to negotiate difficult travel paths while still facing social, economic, and cultural obstacles after their return.

Differently from much existing scholarship, by situating women’s return in the broader politics and socio-economic transformation in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, this study shows how individual mobility and systemic transformation intersect and that return migration is not a purely individual decision but is also shaped by national policies, institutional barriers, and shifting gender regimes. Finally, the findings shed light on the urgent gaps in policy responses, notably in terms of limited gender-sensitive re-adaptation and reintegration schemes for returnees, as is further debated in the following paragraphs.

6. Policy Implications

This research emphasizes the importance of adopting and integrating a gender mainstreaming approach [58] to return migration policies. Returnees are frequently left on their own, and statistics does not count them if they are not part of the IOM’s AVRR programs. This is true especially for women. Policymakers could create initiatives that not only account for all the returnees with targeted support but also develop a platform for addressing their specific needs. We, in line with Caselli & Marcu [59], emphasize the importance of considering the perspectives of stakeholders actively engaged in supporting reintegration pathways. However, we also advocate for broadening this focus to encompass all forms of return, with particular attention to women returnees and the adoption of a gender mainstreaming approach. For instance, policymakers could address economic reintegration but also promote gender equality by fostering environments where women can challenge traditional norms and contribute to societal development through targeted support. Programs could focus more on skills development, access to financial resources, and community engagement, enabling women to leverage their migration experiences for broader social change.

In detail, while many women returnees utilize their migration-acquired skills and savings to improve their economic situations, policymakers could ensure targeted support for skills development and financial empowerment. Financial support programs and access to micro-financing could be prioritized to assist women in starting businesses or finding employment upon their return, capitalizing on their skills and experiences abroad, while avoiding the discipline of debt [57,60] as quoted by [7,61], as it is in the START programs financed under the IOM framework for post-revolutionary Arab countries like Tunisia and Libya. A few of the tactics might be creating entrepreneurship programs tailored to women returning home, emphasizing training in finance management, business development, and entrepreneurship; offering microcredit programs and grants to support women’s economic endeavors back home; and putting in place networking and mentoring opportunities to connect returnees with women professionals and entrepreneurs in their communities who can provide support and direction.

International, regional, and national policies about return migration could also support community-based efforts that promote gender parity as a way to address the clashes returnees encounter with their newly acquired autonomy and professional competencies. One way to promote social change through campaigning and education is to create community conversation platforms where returnees may discuss their experiences and also question conventional gender roles. Another way is supporting women’s organizations and civil society organizations that assist returnees in promoting women’s re-adaptation and integration programs, and creating public awareness campaigns to address the societal obstacles women face upon returning and to emphasize the importance of women’s contribution to local development.

Policymakers also need to make sure that initiatives include women’s social and cultural re-adaptation and reintegration in addition to economic issues. This study has shed light on the complex sociocultural obstacles that women encounter, including social pressures and cultural shock. Therefore, psychosocial services that assist women in adjusting to conventional societal expectations while preserving the independence they acquired during migration cloud provide a support, such as addressing the emotional and cultural challenges that women face and setting up support groups where returnees can exchange stories and build supportive networks.

Governments could also include gender-sensitive policies that acknowledge women who return as important contributors to local, national, and international communities. To guarantee that women’s contributions to social and economic advancement are not only acknowledged but also actively encouraged by institutional frameworks that advance gender equality, the international community could provide legal protections for women returnees, including anti-discrimination laws in the labor market and stronger legal frameworks that promote women’s participation in business and public life, and integrate gender analysis into migration statistics and returnee data collection to better understand women’s experiences and needs upon return, thus informing policy decisions.

Lastly, to conduct gender-sensitive return and reintegration initiatives, national governments and international organizations—such as the IOM and civil society actors—need to work together more closely. These partnerships can aid in the establishment of international support networks for female returnees, guaranteeing that the reintegration process is framed outside of the mainstream and takes into account opportunities for return migration in addition to different degrees of complexity.

7. Limitations and Future Research Directions

Future research should tackle the limitations of this study. To examine the long-term effects of return migration on gender norms and economic development in Morocco and Tunisia, for example, thorough longitudinal research might be carried out, providing insight into changing societal dynamics. A comparative analysis with other Mediterranean countries would be beneficial for this research issue to uncover national as well as regional elements that affect the reintegration process of women returnees. Furthermore, investigating the function of diaspora networks would offer insightful information about how these relationships support successful return and reintegration, also adopting a more quantitative approach. To better understand how migration affects larger political and socioeconomic developments, it would also be beneficial to look at the generational consequences of women’s return migration on gender beliefs and family structures. Finally, conducting more interviews with individuals over 60 years old, and with people from different backgrounds and educational levels, would provide new insights into the development and understanding of women’s return migration.

8. Conclusions

The experiences of Italian women migrants returning to Morocco and Tunisia show that, at least in some cases, return migration is not unsuccessful. Based on our RQs—investigating how return migration from Italy to Morocco and Tunisia influences women’s socio-economic empowerment, the ways in which returnees negotiate gender norms and societal expectations, and how their personal and professional re-adaptation is shaped by transnational dynamics and distinct national contexts—our study shows that return migration can, in reality, signify a wide variety of routes that lead to social and economic transformation. The stories of these women show how migration may promote personal empowerment, skill development, and a reshaping of gender norms, even though many migration policies still view return migration as a failure, especially in the setting of the Global South. Return migration presents a chance for many women to defy societal norms and use their international experiences for personal development.

Nonetheless, state-centric concerns continue to dominate migration policy, particularly in the European setting, where return policies are a means of regaining control over migration. Anxieties about sovereignty, border control, and the economy are the driving forces for this strategy. Because of this, return policies have mostly been reductive, emphasizing the interests of the state over the needs and goals of the returnees themselves. Beyond these geopolitical factors, return migration is complicated, necessitating a rethinking of return migration frameworks that emphasize the empowerment of returnees, and of women returnees.

This paper has advocated for a thorough reconsideration of policy formulation, citing the potential of return migration to promote individual empowerment and collective social change. It has also highlighted the need for a more complex theory of return migration—one that honors the varied paths and stories of migrant lives—and that acknowledges return not as an endpoint, but as an ongoing process of transformation, growth, community building, and empowerment.