The Labor Market Challenges and Coping Strategies of Highly Skilled Second-Generation Immigrants in Europe: A Scoping Review

Abstract

This scoping review investigates the labor market challenges and coping strategies of highly skilled second-generation immigrants in Europe who, despite their educational and professional accomplishments, face persistent barriers related to ethnic, cultural, and religious identities. Synthesizing existing literature, the review examines obstacles to the economic integration of highly educated children of immigrants, highlighting both their perceptions of these barriers and the adaptive strategies they employ. A systematic search was conducted across Scopus, Web of Science, and EBSCOhost to identify studies published between 2010 and 2024. The selection process followed a structured five-stage framework, including defining research questions, identifying and selecting relevant studies, charting the data, and synthesizing findings. A total of 1192 records were initially identified, with 1022 retained after duplicate removal. After applying inclusion and exclusion criteria, 68 studies were included in the review. Findings indicate that hiring discrimination, occupational segregation, and exclusion from elite professional networks remain key barriers, particularly for those of Muslim background. Despite achieving professional success, many continue to encounter symbolic boundaries that limit career advancement. In response, second-generation professionals adopt various coping strategies, including ethnic niche formation, entrepreneurship, and transnational mobility, to navigate labor market disadvantages. Challenging traditional assimilation narratives, findings reveal that professional success does not guarantee societal acceptance, as ethnic and cultural identities continue to pose significant barriers. The review concludes by identifying key research gaps, advocating for further exploration of organizational practices that perpetuate ethnic inequalities within high-skill professions, and examining transnational mobility as a coping strategy for second-generation elites. Future research should explore how gender and ethnicity intersect to shape career trajectories for second-generation women. Additionally, expanding research beyond the predominant focus on Muslim professionals to include other religious and ethnic groups would provide a more comprehensive understanding of how identity markers influence labor market outcomes. Finally, as demographic shifts reshape European labor markets, comparative studies should assess how different institutional and cultural frameworks influence patterns of inclusion and exclusion for highly skilled second-generation professionals.

1. Introduction

For decades, research on children of immigrants has predominantly concentrated on the challenges of integration of those who begin at low or very low socioeconomic positions [1,2]. These children often come from families where parents have little formal education and limited proficiency in the national language, creating significant barriers to adapting to educational systems not initially designed to accommodate their needs [3]. The attention to issues such as educational underachievement, dropout, unemployment, discrimination, criminality, and residential segregation has largely shaped the discourse on migration such that it focuses on integration-related problems. This problem-focused narrative has reinforced the view that the second generation continues to occupy a weaker overall socioeconomic position compared to its non-immigrant peers, with significant social mobility remaining the exception rather than the rule.

In contrast, this scoping review seeks to shift the focus by examining a different demographic—European-born children of immigrant descent who have pursued and obtained upward mobility and achieved professional success. By studying these immigrant-origin “elites”, the review aims to shed light on the persistent challenges that even the most successful among them face, despite their achievements.

The growing significance of second-generation immigrants in Europe is reflected in their rapidly evolving demographic and professional landscape. As of 2023, they account for 7.2% of the European Union’s population aged 15 to 74 [4]). Their educational achievements are particularly noteworthy: 38.5% of non-EU and 36.2% of EU-origin second generation have completed tertiary education compared to only 30.9% of native-origin individuals [5]. This demographic is increasingly establishing itself in critical professional sectors such as healthcare, technology, and finance, where specialized skills and innovative perspectives are increasingly valued [6,7].

While some scholars highlight a “second-generation advantage” in intergenerational mobility, indicating the high educational attainment of certain immigrant groups [8,9], others emphasize the role of immigrant selectivity in shaping these outcomes [10,11]. Research on second-generation mobility in the United States has been instrumental in shaping theoretical understandings of immigrant integration, illustrating how educational attainment and economic mobility vary across ethnic groups. They have documented, for example, high levels of educational attainment among Asian-origin immigrants [2], whereas Black and Latino second-generation individuals often face systemic barriers that hinder their mobility [2,11]. In Europe, similar trends are observed: second-generation individuals make notable strides in the education and professional sectors, yet these achievements do not always lead to full inclusion [12,13]. Those of non-Western and Muslim origin face distinct challenges related to their religious and cultural identities, which often impede their social mobility in both professional and social spheres. As a result, a persistent “Muslim penalty” in employment outcomes is observed, even when controlling for factors such as ethnicity and education level [14,15,16]. This enduring disadvantage, coupled with the growing proportion of Muslim-origin individuals in Europe [17], has led migration scholars to focus predominantly on Islam as a key barrier to integration.

Although extensive research has documented labor market inequalities between second-generation immigrants and their native-born counterparts, most studies focus on access to employment or wage disparities. Far less is known about what happens after success—how professionals of immigrant descent progress in the high-skilled professional sphere and the extent to which structural and organizational barriers continue to shape their careers. This review addresses this gap by examining the factors that influence the long-term career trajectories of high-skilled second-generation professionals. Rather than focusing solely on employment access or earnings disparities, it investigates how workplace structures, professional norms, and informal exclusionary practices affect career advancement. Building on this framework, the review explores the following questions: (i) What barriers do highly skilled second-generation immigrants in Europe encounter in the labor market? (ii) How do they interpret and respond to these challenges? (iii) What strategies do they develop to advance in their professional careers?

Whereas socioeconomic attainment is often regarded as a critical indicator of successful assimilation [18,19], cultural aspects, such as a sense of belonging and acceptance by the native majority, have traditionally been viewed as natural consequences of upward mobility across generations [2,19]. However, research increasingly challenges this assumption, revealing a significant gap between theoretical expectations and the lived experiences of many second-generation professionals [12,20,21,22]. Despite being born and educated in their host countries, mastering the language, and excelling in high-skilled professions, second-generation immigrants continue to encounter barriers rooted in ethnic, cultural, and religious identity.

The first conceptual approach of this review addresses the structural dimensions that influence the mobility pathways of second-generation individuals, such as occupational attainment, discrimination, and perceived discrimination [13,14,22,23]. The second approach emphasizes the cultural aspects of assimilation, such as a sense of belonging and acceptance by the native majority [2,12,19,24,25]. Finally, this literature review emphasizes the coping mechanisms of second-generation elites, such as ethnic niches, entrepreneurship, and geographic mobility [20,21,26,27]. By doing so, this analysis contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex interplay between professional accomplishment and cultural identity, showing that integration remains a multifaceted challenge even for those at the peak of their career.

The following section introduces the theoretical framework and the review questions. The next portion specifies the review paper’s methodology. The findings are then discussed in detail, including (1) challenges to the economic integration of highly educated children of immigrants in Europe, (a) the way they perceive these challenges, and (2) the strategies they develop to overcome these challenges. The review concludes with an examination of research gaps and future directions.

2. Theoretical Framework

Classical assimilation theory suggests that discrimination against immigrants should diminish as they successfully integrate into mainstream society [18,28]. This perspective is grounded in the assumption that enhanced language proficiency, cultural adaptation, and improved economic status should blur intergroup boundaries, consequently reducing experiences of discrimination [2]. Building on this premise, neo-assimilation theory explores how institutional structures, cultural beliefs, and social networks shape the integration trajectories of immigrants and their descendants [2,18]. This theory further acknowledges that while integration may enhance socioeconomic mobility, it does not necessarily eliminate ethnic distinctions or the perception of discrimination among both immigrant and native populations [12,18,19].

The interplay between how second-generation immigrants are perceived by the mainstream community and how they perceive themselves significantly influences their labor market experiences. Boundary literature emphasizes that symbolic boundaries—everyday distinctions between “us” and “them”—are crucial for understanding why upward mobility does not always translate into full social acceptance [12,24,25].

Neo-assimilation theory, while initially focusing on material inclusion and equality of life chances, often neglects the cultural dimension of group membership and identity [12]. Assimilation’s endpoint, as theorized, argues that a cultural sense of belonging, which symbolically defines group membership and fosters feelings of similarity, is integral to full integration [12,25]. However, the persistence of symbolic boundaries and stigmatization suggests that assimilation is often incomplete, impacting the labor market experiences and acculturation dynamics of ethnic minorities [29].

Whereas neo-assimilation emphasizes economic and structural integration as key indicators of assimilation, the concept of cultural membership provides a more nuanced understanding of how second-generation professionals are evaluated within elite professions and mainstream institutions [24,29,30]. Thus, even when highly skilled second-generation immigrants meet conventional markers of success, their experiences suggest that integration remains conditional and contested. The integration paradox illustrates this tension: despite their professional achievements, second-generation individuals frequently report heightened awareness of discrimination and social exclusion rather than a decline in such experiences [22,31]. This paradox directly challenges the assumption that assimilation inherently reduces discriminatory experiences. Instead, increased engagement with mainstream institutions such as workplaces and educational settings may heighten awareness of discriminatory practices rather than diminish them [22,31].

In response, highly skilled second-generation professionals develop adaptive strategies to navigate professional environments while managing perceptions of belonging. Some engage in entrepreneurship as an alternative to corporate or salaried employment [13,32,33]. Others leverage ethnic capital and transnational networks [34,35,36], and others pursue strategic career mobility, relocating to international labor markets where their ethnic background is perceived as an asset rather than a liability [20,21,27]. Rather than signaling a failure of integration, these responses illustrate how second-generation professionals actively negotiate their positions within professional hierarchies while navigating entrenched exclusionary dynamics that reproduce ethnic inequalities.

3. Methodology

A scoping review method was used to systematically identify and summarize relevant literature addressing the labor market challenges, coping strategies, and acculturation dynamics experienced by second-generation elites in Europe. Scoping studies are valuable for mapping the scope of research conducted on a specific topic and summarizing the current understanding within that area of research. This approach was selected for its effectiveness in providing a broad overview of the existing research landscape, thereby facilitating the identification of gaps in the current literature on the subject [37,38]. Scoping reviews are particularly valuable in fields characterized by complexity and diversity, as they offer comprehensive mapping of research activities, clarify essential concepts, and highlight areas where further investigation is needed. To ensure systematic and thorough exploration, this review adhered to all PRISMA chart requirements and followed a structured five-stage process: defining research questions, identifying relevant studies, selecting appropriate studies, charting the data, and finally, collecting, summarizing, and reporting the findings.

In the initial stage of this review, the following research questions were selected to conduct the search procedure: What are the labor market challenges of highly skilled second-generation immigrants in Europe? How do they perceive these challenges? What kind of strategies do they develop to navigate these challenges?

In the second stage, relevant studies aligning with one or more of the review questions were identified. A time-frame parameter was set to include publications that appeared between 2010 and 2024 to ensure that the literature reflects recent developments. This focus was essential for capturing up-to-date and relevant findings.

The review concentrated on peer-reviewed journal articles relevant to second-generation immigrants in Europe. The search was conducted across several major databases, including Scopus, Web of Science, and EbscoHost, to identify the relevant titles of publications by using a set of keywords. These included terms such as: “second-generation elite”, “high-skill second generation”, “labor market discrimination”, “ethno-religious penalties in the labour market”, “identity of second-generation immigrants”, “ethnicity and class”, “second generation cultural identity”, “national belonging”, and “second-generation immigrant and Islam”.

This comprehensive search strategy ensured the inclusion of a broad spectrum of relevant studies. Studies were selected based on their alignment with the research questions and criteria. Articles meeting the inclusion criteria were downloaded into the citation management software, Mendeley, for further review and selection. In the third stage, in order to identify whether a publication is relevant for the study, inclusion and exclusion criteria were defined, aligning them with the research questions and objectives of the review (

Table 1. Study eligibility criteria.

Criterion	Inclusion	Exclusion
Population	Second-generation immigrants High-skilled second generation	Refugees, asylum-seekers, non-skilled second-generation immigrants, first-generation immigrants
Concept	Organizational practices, discrimination, belonging, ethnic niches, entrepreneurship, and geographic mobility	N/A
Context	Europe	N/A 1
Study Design	Empirical study published in a peer-reviewed journal	Commentaries, editorials, opinion pieces, and non-peer reviewed articles
Language	Studies published in English-language	N/A
Date of Publication	2010–2024	N/A 2

¹ The review focused on studies examining the European context. However, articles from other regions were not systematically excluded if their relevance to the research justified their inclusion. ² The primary inclusion period was 2010–2024, reflecting the focus on recent research. However, earlier publications were incorporated when they provided essential theoretical foundations or empirical insights necessary for a comprehensive analysis.

). The general inclusion criteria for this scoping review revolved around the economic coping strategy and acculturation dynamics of migrant-origin elites.

To assess the scholarly significance and impact of the selected publications, a forward screening was conducted using Google Scholar’s “cited by” feature, enabling the identification of highly cited and influential works in the field. Journal impact factors were reviewed to evaluate the reputation of publishing venues, while citation counts were recorded to measure a study’s influence in academic discourse. These impact measures complemented the inclusion criteria, ensuring the selection of high-quality studies that contribute meaningfully to the understanding of labor market challenges and coping strategies among highly skilled second-generation immigrants in Europe. Table 1 presents the study inclusion and exclusion criteria, structured according to the Population, Context, and Concept (PCC) framework [38].

Consequently, the exclusion criteria encompassed (1) refugees as well as asylum-seekers, (2) non-skilled second-generation immigrants, and (3) first-generation immigrants. Only studies published in English-language, peer-reviewed journals were included. For the examination of religious affiliation, this study concentrated specifically on research pertaining to Muslim populations. Special attention was given to including studies that investigated discrimination, cultural identity, and mobility strategies within the labor market. The review predominantly focused on literature pertaining to the European context; however, studies from other regions were not systematically excluded if their findings were directly relevant to the research questions. Similarly, while the primary inclusion period was 2010–2024, earlier publications were included when they offered foundational theoretical perspectives or empirical insights necessary for understanding long-term trends and contextualizing more recent studies. Abstracts were initially screened to determine relevance, and full-text articles were retrieved for a detailed evaluation when abstracts were insufficient. As presented in Figure 1, a total of 1192 records were initially identified through database searches. After removing duplicates, 1022 articles remained for further consideration. At the screening stage, the abstracts of 559 records were reviewed to assess their relevance, leading to the exclusion of 338 articles that did not meet the study’s criteria. Following this, 221 full-text articles were assessed for eligibility based on predefined inclusion criteria. At this stage, 153 studies were excluded. This rigorous process ensured a comprehensive and accurate selection of studies. Following the application of inclusion and exclusion criteria and the removal of duplicates, a total of 68 publications were included in the review, and their characteristics were systematically summarized (See Table S1 for a summary table of all articles included in this study).

In the final stage, essential data from the selected studies were charted. An Excel database was employed to capture full citations, keywords, abstracts, research objectives, methodologies, geographical locations, findings, and additional notes. The synthesized data facilitated the identification of significant themes and gaps in the literature, and detailed results and insights are presented in the sections that follow.

Figure 2 synthesizes the main challenges faced in the labor market alongside the coping mechanisms adopted by individuals to navigate these difficulties. The diagram categorizes labor market challenges into three key dimensions: organizational practices, discrimination, and a sense of belonging, highlighting the structural barriers that individuals encounter within professional environments. In parallel, it identifies three coping mechanisms: establishing ethnic niches at the top, entrepreneurship, and geographic mobility, which reflect strategic responses to counteract labor market adversities. These elements illustrate the dynamic interaction between labor market constraints and individual agency, emphasizing how individuals adapt and develop strategies to maintain or improve their professional trajectories despite systemic challenges.

4. Findings

4.1. Labor Market Challenges

The initial segment of the literature review explored research addressing obstacles to economic integration faced by highly skilled second-generation immigrants in Europe, considering both their actual experiences and perceptions. Actual experiences concentrate on the structural reproduction of labor market inequalities, such as segregation and discrimination, while perceived experiences emphasize perceived discrimination, feelings of rejection, and stigma.

4.2. Organizational Practice

Organizational practices in European labor markets often reinforce segregation, typically benefiting individuals from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. Stereotypes significantly impact worker evaluations and compensation, leading to compensation disparities, even when tasks are identical, due to differences in employment status [39,40]. These disparities are further entrenched through organizational mechanisms favoring those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds and stereotypes that influence worker assessments and compensation, and even identical jobs can have varying compensation based on employment status [39,40,41]. Research has shown that professions are structured to preserve elite status, defining the “ideal professional” as male, white, and class-privileged [40,41]. Mechanisms such as “cultural matching” reinforce these exclusions by advantaging individuals from privileged backgrounds and maintaining symbolic boundaries that restrict access for racial and ethnic minorities [12,30,42,43].

Inequality persists within organizations through mechanisms such as opportunity hoarding, devaluation, and segregation, where certain tasks are reserved for specific worker categories, marginalized groups receive lower rewards, and women and minorities face restricted roles in similar job positions [44,45]. The persistence of these barriers manifests in “glass-ceiling effects”, where career advancement for second-generation immigrants is impeded by stereotypes and discriminatory practices based on ethnical background, physical appearance, or names, even as they achieve educational and professional experience [13,14].

Although research has documented that in some elite professions, such as medicine and law, minority individuals may experience a “sheltering effect” once they enter the field [7,46,47], others have found that prestigious professional sectors often exhibit self-recruitment practices, where family lineage is favored over formal qualifications or proven expertise [48]. As a result, systemic disadvantages are reinforced, restricting minorities’ access to leadership and high-status professions.

Thus, despite upward occupational mobility, second-generation immigrants continue to face challenges stemming from the differences in social, economic, and cultural resources that shape their labor market access and career trajectories [13,49]. They are excluded or restricted based on perceptions of gendered and racialized bodies, placing second-generation immigrants and ethnic minorities into roles considered “appropriate” for their social identities [30,39,41]. Their significant social mobility further intensifies their experience of being “othered” in educational and professional settings, making them susceptible to exclusionary dynamics that affect their career paths [13,49].

4.3. Discrimination and Perceived Discrimination

Discrimination in the labor market often manifests as a divergence from merit-based evaluations, involving differentiation, exclusion, or preferential treatment based on religion or ethnicity rather than actual qualifications. This differentiation is predominantly categorized into two forms—taste-based and statistical discrimination.

Taste-based discrimination stems from personal biases or prejudices of employers against certain ethnicities or foreign backgrounds [50]. It reflects a preference among majority group members to interact with individuals from their own group, driven by animosity or a desire for homogeneity [51,52]. This form of discrimination can be overt, such as explicitly excluding minority candidates from consideration [53], or subtle, involving behaviors like maintaining physical distance or asking fewer questions during interviews with minority applicants [52].

In contrast, statistical discrimination arises from incomplete information about an individual’s productivity [54]; this type of discrimination occurs when employers rely on stereotypes or generalized assumptions about ethnic group qualifications due to limited data on actual applicant performance. This reliance on incomplete information often leads to the undervaluation of minority candidates compared to their native counterparts [52]. While the theory suggests that statistical discrimination should decrease as employers gain more detailed information about applicants, stereotypes can persist and continue to influence hiring decisions [54,55].

Extensive research has demonstrated the significant impact of phenotypic traits, ethnocultural markers, and religious background on hiring outcomes [14]. Discrimination against ethnic minority workers is prevalent across many countries and persists beyond the initial recruitment stages [14,23]. Cross-national comparisons further illuminate that these disadvantages vary notably across labor market contexts [56]. This disparity persists regardless of immigrant generation; some groups, such as Muslims and individuals of Middle Eastern origin, face particularly severe penalties [14]. In Belgium, for example, job applicants with North African names are 30% less likely to receive an interview invitation than those with Belgian-sounding names, even when their qualifications are identical [14]. Similarly, studies in Germany, Norway, the Netherlands, and Spain demonstrate how ethnic minorities systematically receive fewer callbacks than native candidates, illustrating the persistence of hiring discrimination across different European contexts [56]. While some studies suggest that ethnic hiring discrimination may be lower among highly educated job applicants [23], others indicate that pay gaps between immigrants and natives are more pronounced in white-collar occupations [57,58].

Beyond overt discrimination, research has documented subtle forms of stigma faced by immigrant professionals. These include experiences of being singled out, exoticized, or essentialized as part of a stigmatized group [13,49,59]. For instance, a woman wearing a headscarf may find that casual conversations with colleagues frequently shift toward her religious practices, with questions about whether she has considered removing it—subtly framing her identity as something unusual or open to scrutiny [59]. In professional settings, biases also surface in seemingly lighthearted interactions, such as jokes or remarks that, while often dismissed as harmless, reinforce stereotypes and remind ethnic minorities that their presence continues to be viewed through an ethnic lens [49,59]. As such, the persistence of both overt and subtle forms of discrimination, even among highly educated immigrant-origin individuals, challenges assumptions about meritocracy in professional environments. As they navigate intricate social hierarchies, they must carefully balance their skills and qualifications with their ethnic identities, often downplaying the latter to secure their position within existing professional structures.

The Integration Paradox

The concept of perceived discrimination has gained considerable attention in social science research, focusing on the effects of discrimination perceptions rather than confirming actual discriminatory events. It is crucial to distinguish between perceived and perpetrated discrimination, as the two are not always aligned [60]. Research has demonstrated that self-reported assessments of discrimination predict not only one’s quality of life but also work commitment and job satisfaction [61,62].

A vast array of research in Europe has further explored the extent and determinants of perceived discrimination among immigrants and their children [22]. They have found higher levels of self-reported discrimination among highly educated ethnic minorities and those in high-status occupations [22,31] than those in lower-status occupations. For instance, in Germany, approximately one in four (25.08%) highly educated migrants reported experiencing at least one act of discrimination since moving to the country, compared to less than one fifth (18.85%) among those with lower levels of education [31]. Perceptions of discrimination also arise in career progression, as individuals feel that colleagues with similar qualifications advance more quickly, leading them to question whether their ethnic background influences professional opportunities [13,59].

This paradox, known in the literature as the “integration paradox”, suggests that contrary to expectation, educational and professional accomplishments do not necessarily shield individuals from actual or perceived experiences of exclusion [13]. As such, highly educated individuals from immigrant backgrounds, particularly those with higher labor market success, may be more likely to report experiences of discrimination and exclusion compared to their counterparts with lower educational levels [13,22,31,59]. The reason for the higher prevalence of experienced discrimination is because as individuals become more integrated, they are more likely to compete directly for jobs and leading positions with peers from non-immigrant backgrounds, potentially increasing the likelihood of encountering discrimination and stereotypes [22,31,63].

Despite the growing body of research supporting the integration paradox, it is not universally accepted. Schaeffer and Kas [22] emphasize in their meta-analysis that there is significant variability in findings concerning this phenomenon. While educational attainment appears to be a consistent predictor of the paradox, other indicators of integration, such as length of stay in the host country, immigrant generational status, and labor market success, yield less definitive results. Furthermore, they argue that the integration paradox may pertain predominantly to immigrant groups with distinct, easily identifiable characteristics, such as those defined by race (skin color) or religion (distinct name, dress), as opposed to less easily identifiable immigrant groups [22].

As such, the integration paradox illuminates the relationship between socioeconomic achievement and perceived discrimination, revealing that the path to social inclusion is far from linear. As immigrants and their descendants climb the socioeconomic ladder, they may paradoxically encounter new forms of exclusion and heightened awareness of their minority status.

It should be noted, however, that most empirical investigations into the “ethnic” labor market penalty have focused primarily on disparities in employment, occupation, and wages between individuals of foreign and native origin through the lens of hiring discrimination [14,23]. Some studies have begun analyzing the ethnic penalties within occupation across countries (see, for example, Hermansen et al. [64]), yet with no particular emphasis on second-generation immigrants or on high-skill occupations. Some have analyzed the effect of segregation on the ethnic penalties of immigrants [65]; here too, however, emphasis on second-generation immigrants and high-level occupations is missing.

Recent empirical research on inequality emphasizes the value of approaching data from the perspective of occupation [66]. It seems, however, that principal organizational practices, including role allocation, promotion, compensation, and structural arrangements, which are instrumental in perpetuating inequality, have received limited attention in previous research. This omission carries significant weight, as it directly affects the understanding of its impact on ethnic wages, determining whether greater emphasis should be placed on addressing discriminatory hiring practices or on ensuring equitable wage determination processes. Thus, future research should not only focus on access to employment or wages in general but should delve into the intricate mechanisms underlying specific patterns of ethnic inequality in the labor market once immigrants’ offspring are employed.

4.4. Stigmatization and Belonging in High Professional and Social Spheres

The experience of second-generation immigrants in Europe reveals a spectrum of subtle stigmas and forms of exoticization in professional and social contexts. This phenomenon reflects a pervasive issue across a range of European countries, impacting the lived experiences of these individuals in both personal and professional spheres [12,13,59]. Central to academic discussions is the question of whether children of immigrants will be able to integrate into the mainstream and what opportunities they have for social mobility [2,18].

The concept of symbolic boundaries provides a crucial framework for understanding how these elites are racialized and othered in mainstream society [12,30]. These boundaries represent everyday distinctions that shape common-sensical notions of “us” and “them”, potentially expanding to include immigrant-origin populations as they achieve upward mobility [24,25]. The ongoing, complex process of negotiating these boundaries often results in a sense of “double consciousness”, where individuals simultaneously feel part of and apart from mainstream society. This duality can lead to internal conflicts and a constant need to reaffirm one’s belonging in various social and professional contexts [12,16]. This process seems to be neither linear nor guaranteed, even for the most successful individuals with an immigration background. Despite their achievements, the persistent salience of stigmatization and the ontological insecurity experienced by these individuals indicate that the assimilation process within mainstream society remains incomplete [1,2,12,16].

In response to these challenges, many second-generation elites adopt strategic approaches to integration. These strategies include emphasizing personal merit over ethnic identity and actively working to establish their position within existing social hierarchies [12,33]. For example, Konyali [49] describes how Turkish professionals in corporate settings highlight their skills while downplaying ethnic solidarity, whereas Yanasmayan [67] examines how highly educated Turkish migrants seek to position themselves within existing ethnic hierarchies in Western Europe. Such tactics demonstrate proactive negotiation of inclusion in high-status educational and occupational spaces, rather than passively fitting in [49,67]. These strategies often involve a careful balancing act, as individuals navigate between maintaining connections to their cultural heritage and adapting to the norms and expectations of mainstream society. This dual process allows second-generation elites to make sense of their experiences and develop responses to the challenges they face in their search for belonging [29,68].

In terms of class dynamics, the social mobility experiences of second-generation immigrant elites share similarities with those of working-class individuals without migration backgrounds [7,69]. However, they face additional complexities due to a lack of inherited cultural capital [68]. The concept of cultural capital is particularly relevant in understanding the specific challenges they encounter, as it encompasses not only formal education but also the subtle cultural knowledge and behaviors often taken for granted in elite spaces [12]. Even with occupational upward mobility, second-generation elites struggle with disparities in these resources, class biases, and emotional dislocation [48]. In France, for example, elite firms primarily recruit from specific grandes écoles, where second-generation students of non-European origin remain underrepresented. Even for those who graduate from these institutions, the absence of familial networks facilitating entry into top firms reinforces structural disadvantages in elite labor markets [27,28].

The integration challenges are particularly pronounced for Muslim immigrants, who have garnered significant attention in academic literature [14,15,16]. The “Muslim penalty” phenomenon highlights the pronounced economic disadvantages faced by Muslims compared to other religious groups, even when controlling for factors like ethnicity [14,15,16]. These challenges are also faced by second-generation Muslim elites and are not limited to the labor market but extend to broader social and cultural spheres [12,70]. Socioeconomic success, therefore, does not necessarily translate into a stronger sense of national belonging, particularly when individuals continue to face discrimination or feel their religious or cultural identity is not fully accepted by mainstream society. Many report growing difficulties in articulating religious practices in daily life, with increasing pressure to downplay or conceal their religious identity in public and professional settings [12,70]. This pressure can lead to a sense of cultural alienation and internal conflict, as individuals struggle to reconcile their religious beliefs with the demands of secular European society [12,16,70].

Future research on the cultural dimensions of assimilation holds significant promise, as underscored by Statham and Foner [71]. However, there is a pressing need to direct more attention toward highly skilled second-generation individuals. While these elites are making notable strides in their professional careers, they still face substantial challenges that stem from their ethnic and cultural backgrounds. These barriers, though often subtle, can impede their full integration and advancement in society. Consequently, a deeper exploration of how cultural identity influences their professional trajectories is essential for understanding the complexities of assimilation among this group.

4.5. Coping Strategies

4.5.1. Ethnic Niches and Entrepreneurship

The concept of ethnic niches reveals how ethnicity can function as a resource within various segments of the labor market. Ethnic niches demonstrate how ethnic affiliations can influence occupational clustering, especially in low-wage sectors [72]. Immigrant niches are maintained through network recruitment where workers often hire others from their own ethnic group [36,73]. However, immigrant niches do not depend as much on ethnic social capital, and their benefits can vary. Some niches offer significant advantages while others may trap individuals in low mobility [74]. Research primarily addresses ethnic niches in lower labor market tiers; as the number of highly educated second-generation professionals increases, however, it is essential to explore whether they contribute to ethnic niche formation in higher labor market tiers as well.

Elite professions, such as law and medicine, characterized by their exclusivity, often restrict access to a select few. Some professions, such as licensed occupations, offer some protection against ethnic wage discrimination due to legal restrictions on service provision. Thus, ethnic minorities have chosen more and more of such occupations [7,47]. The literature also emphasizes that some ethnic minority individuals leverage their minority background as a strategic asset in the labor market [34,35,36]. Ethnic niche formation can also occur within mainstream firms [6]. In these cases, tasks may be allocated based on ethnic origin, such as managing relations with markets in the country of origin of one’s parents or serving clients from one’s ethnic group.

Another significant aspect of ethnic niche formation is ethnic entrepreneurship. Here, second-generation professionals establish businesses that cater to co-ethnic markets, often in response to blocked opportunities and subtle forms of discrimination [13,32,33,73]. Moreover, studies on ethnic entrepreneurship demonstrate that immigrant entrepreneurs often benefit from self-employment and exporting opportunities [75]. Studies on highly educated children of Turkish migrants in Europe, for example, reveal that these individuals sometimes use their ethnic background strategically to create their own businesses or establish niches within mainstream firms [49,67].

Although Portes and Zhou [76] argue that to circumvent the challenges of discrimination, self-employment is the main route to social mobility, research literature has demonstrated that self-employment is not the only strategy that can shelter the second generation from experiences of exclusion.

4.5.2. Transnational Mobility

In recent years, literature has begun focusing on the pattern of strategic use of geographical mobility as a means of advancing elite minority careers and mitigating experiences of discrimination [20,21,27]. This trend is observable among immigrant communities, including those of Maghrebi, Turkish, and other backgrounds in countries such as France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and beyond. The concept of a “travelling habitus” [77] provides a useful framework for understanding these mobility patterns. For many second-generation immigrants across Europe, international experience has become not merely a professional necessity but also a means of social distinction. This perspective aligns with broader neoliberal work ethics that prioritize international labor circulation as a pathway to successful careers [27,78]. Indeed, the experience of discrimination appears to be a significant driver of emigration desires among second-generation immigrants across various European contexts [79,80]. As these individuals progress through elite educational trajectories, they often come to realize that despite their achievements, they continue to be regarded as “others” in their societies of residence [28]. For instance, research on children of Maghrebi immigrants studying at prestigious institutions revealed that aspirations for international careers were often framed as a way to avoid the threat of discrimination, microaggressions, and damage to self-esteem that only departure from the country they grew up in could hope to alleviate [21]. Thus, for some, time spent abroad becomes a way to access more valued positions upon return to their countries of residence [81]; for others, it is a permanent decision as a response to the rejection they experienced in the hosting country of their parents—their native homeland [20,21].

The choice of destination for these mobile elites is often strategic and multifaceted. Anglo-Saxon countries, perceived as more open and opportunity-rich, are particularly favored by those who have experienced discrimination in their initial European destinations [79,80]. The United Arab Emirates, particularly Dubai, has emerged as a popular destination for European Muslims, not only from France but also from Belgium and the Netherlands [20,27].

As an alternative to the self-employment strategy highlighted by Portes and Zhou [76], these geographical mobility strategies represent a different approach to leveraging ethnic and cultural capital. Rather than creating business opportunities within their home countries, second-generation immigrant elites are increasingly looking to international markets where their multicultural backgrounds and multilingual skills can be seen as assets rather than barriers [20,21,27]. As research in this field continues to evolve, it will be crucial to consider these aspects and their implications for both sending and receiving societies across Europe and beyond.

Thus, the emergence of geographical mobility as a key strategy among second-generation immigrant elites in Europe represents a significant shift in the dynamics of social mobility and integration. This trend not only challenges traditional narratives of immigrant success but also reshapes our understanding of transnational identities and global labor markets [78]. As these individuals leverage their multicultural backgrounds and multilingual skills in international contexts, they are effectively redefining notions of belonging and success. Their experiences highlight the ongoing challenges of discrimination and exclusion in European societies, while simultaneously demonstrating the resilience and adaptability of immigrant communities. Moreover, this phenomenon raises important questions about brain drain, cultural exchange, and the future of diverse societies; these should receive focus in subsequent research.

5. Discussion

This scoping review provides a comprehensive analysis of the literature on the labor market integration of highly skilled second-generation immigrants in Europe, challenging conventional narratives of assimilation and success. While traditional theories suggest that upward mobility should lead to a reduction in discrimination, the experience of these individuals tells a different story. Despite mastering the language, excelling in their fields, and achieving significant professional milestones, second-generation elites continue to confront barriers deeply rooted in their ethnic and cultural identities. This review reveals that even at the height of professional success, these individuals face persistent exclusion, questioning the very idea that integration can be fully achieved through socioeconomic advancement alone.

The persistence of symbolic boundaries—those subtle but powerful distinctions between “us” and “them”—plays a significant role in shaping the labor market experiences of second-generation immigrants [1,12]. Despite their upward social mobility, these individuals often encounter barriers that are not solely economic but deeply cultural and symbolic [9,12,16]. These boundaries affect how second-generation immigrants are perceived by others and how they navigate their professional environments, often reinforcing feelings of exclusion despite their achievements [12,16]. Moreover, as organizations select and promote individuals based on “cultural matching”, they reinforce class, racial, and ethnic hierarchies, further marginalizing minorities [30,42,43]. This process confines second-generation professionals to less lucrative roles and limits their access to high-value tasks and strategic responsibilities. While significant research has examined gender-based organizational inequalities, the impact of ethnic and racial distinctions on workplace dynamics remains an emerging area of inquiry [12].

Research highlighted in this review also revealed that highly skilled individuals from minorities frequently report heightened levels of discrimination [13,14,22,23]. This observation challenges the notion that greater assimilation naturally leads to less discrimination. Instead, as these individuals become more embedded in mainstream institutions, they may become more attuned to subtle forms of bias and exclusion, which can intensify their experiences of discrimination.

The intersection of class, ethnicity, and religion introduces additional layers of complexity to the labor market experiences of second-generation elites, particularly Muslim professionals [12,16]. The “Muslim penalty” phenomenon, where Muslim individuals face pronounced disadvantages in employment outcomes, underscores the significance of religious identity as a critical factor in labor market inequality [15,56]. This penalty persists regardless of their professional achievements, indicating that success in the labor market does not necessarily shield individuals from discrimination rooted in religious and ethnic identities.

In response to these challenges, the review identified various coping strategies employed by second-generation elites. Among these strategies are the formation of ethnic niches within high-status professions, entrepreneurship, and the strategic use of geographical mobility [20,21,26,27,75]. Ethnic niches allow these individuals to leverage their cultural and linguistic backgrounds as assets within specific professional contexts, creating spaces where they can thrive despite the broader exclusionary practices they may encounter [20,21,27,33]. Geographical mobility, on the other hand, provides an avenue for escaping persistent discrimination by seeking opportunities in more inclusive environments [20,21,27]. Such mobility is not just a matter of career advancement; for many, it represents a critical strategy for finding acceptance and belonging that may not be felt in their countries of origin.

5.1. Implications

The significance of this study lies in its contribution to a deeper understanding of the labor market integration processes of second-generation immigrant elites. These individuals are often regarded as exemplars of successful integration, achieving high levels of accomplishment in their respective fields. However, this review highlights that even those who attain considerable career success continue to face challenges regarding a full sense of belonging and acceptance within mainstream society. Their experiences underscore that professional achievements do not necessarily equate to overcoming the barriers of ethnic and cultural distinctions. The paper also makes a theoretical contribution by advocating for a broader perspective in understanding labor market segregation. By applying assimilation theory, the integration paradox, and boundary literature theory, it illustrates how stereotypes associated with various aspects of an individual’s identity exacerbate labor market disparities. Furthermore, by emphasizing the persistent nature of these barriers in the integration process, this study challenges the notion that success is synonymous with full societal acceptance.

This review also makes a crucial contribution by shifting attention from conventional analyses of labor market entry to the internal dynamics of organizations where inequalities persist and evolve. While most research treats organizations as neutral entities governed by rational structures, this study reveals how organizational mechanisms—including task allocation, promotion patterns, and structural arrangements—actively shape the professional trajectories of high-skilled second-generation immigrants. By examining these internal organizational dynamics, the study provides a more nuanced understanding of how ethnic inequalities are maintained and reproduced within professional spheres, even among those who have achieved significant educational and professional success.

Beyond these theoretical contributions, this review carries significant policy implications for European institutions and organizations seeking to foster genuine inclusion in professional spheres. By synthesizing evidence of persistent barriers faced by even the most professionally successful second-generation immigrants, it challenges the effectiveness of current integration policies that primarily focus on educational and occupational achievement. The findings suggest that policy frameworks need to extend beyond traditional metrics of economic integration to address specific organizational patterns of exclusion.

5.2. Limitations

While this review provides valuable insights, it is essential to acknowledge its limitations. The focus on highly skilled second-generation immigrants may not fully capture the experiences of other immigrant groups, such as those with lower educational attainment or different socioeconomic backgrounds. The challenges faced by second-generation individuals in low-wage or informal sectors may differ significantly, as they experience distinct forms of labor market segmentation, job insecurity, and discrimination. While this study focuses on high-status professions, it does not account for how structural barriers shape career mobility in middle- and low-skilled occupations, where access to stable employment and advancement opportunities may be even more constrained. Another limitation lies in the broad categorization of second-generation immigrants, which does not fully reflect the specific challenges faced by different ethnic and religious minority groups. Broadening the focus to include a broader range of immigrant categories could offer deeper insights into how economic class and other factors influence the challenges faced by various immigrant communities.

Additionally, this scoping review addresses the labor market challenges faced by second-generation elites in Europe on a general level. Future research could benefit from focusing on gender in this context, as the experience of highly skilled second-generation women is likely to be different from that of men [14]. Studies could explore how gender moderates the relationship between ethnic identity and career advancement, testing whether second-generation women face compounded disadvantages or develop unique strategies to navigate both gender and ethnic barriers. Through an intersectional lens, researchers could examine how second-generation women in elite professions manage the interplay between gender roles, cultural attitudes, and professional demands. Such studies could reveal the specific challenges faced by highly skilled minority women, providing a deeper understanding of how gender roles and cultural expectations shape their labor market integration.

5.3. Conclusion and Further Research Opportunities

Moving forward, several promising avenues for future research emerge from this review. Despite increasing attention to labor market inequalities in Europe, the role of race and ethnicity in access to elite professions remains underexplored. Unlike in the United States, where research has extensively examined racialized barriers to professional mobility, European studies have historically prioritized socioeconomic explanations while often overlooking how racial and ethnic distinctions structure career trajectories [82]. Future research should, therefore, examine how organizational practices contribute to racial and ethnic inequalities in high-status professions, with particular attention on exclusionary mechanisms, such as cultural matching, informal recruitment networks, and professional socialization, and their role in maintaining ethnic and racial hierarchies.

This review also reveals a significant imbalance in the literature’s focus on Muslim second-generation immigrants, potentially overlooking the experiences of other religious and ethnic groups in Europe. While the emphasis on Muslim experiences is understandable given Europe’s demographic composition and contemporary social dynamics, there is a pressing need to examine how other groups navigate professional spaces and identity negotiations. Future research could investigate whether Jewish professionals, Christian second-generation immigrants, or secular individuals from Muslim-majority countries face distinct patterns of discrimination or develop different coping strategies. Such comparative studies could test whether the “religious penalty” operates differently across faiths, whether certain groups benefit from positive stereotypes in professional settings, or whether the intersection of religious and professional identities varies significantly across different faith communities.

Given the increasing share of second-generation individuals in Europe’s skilled workforce, future research should further investigate how different institutional and cultural frameworks shape their long-term professional trajectories. While both Europe and the United States exhibit patterns of intergenerational progress alongside persistent disparities [3,9,18], the mechanisms that sustain exclusion at the highest levels of professional attainment remain underexplored. As demographic shifts continue to reshape labor markets, it is crucial to examine whether these distinct frameworks produce different long-term outcomes and whether structural and symbolic barriers evolve over time. Expanding the comparative dimension in integration research will not only refine existing theories but also provide a more comprehensive understanding of the conditions under which professional success translates—or fails to translate—into full inclusion. Moreover, there is an urgent need for further exploration of specific coping mechanisms, particularly transnational mobility, as this phenomenon raises important questions about brain drain, cultural exchange, and the future of diverse societies in an increasingly interconnected world.

In exploring the persistent challenges faced by these individuals, this review sheds light on the ongoing struggle for acceptance and belonging in the labor market. These findings emphasize that the path to true integration is not solely about professional success but also about navigating and confronting the enduring boundaries that continue to define and limit the experiences of second-generation immigrants. The review challenges us to rethink the meaning of integration and recognize that, for many, the journey toward acceptance and belonging is far from complete, even for those who appear to have reached the summit of success.