Beyond Stereotypes: Qualitative Research on Roma Community Values in North-East Romania

Abstract

Background: Stereotypes and prejudices about the Roma community are common due to the fact that little information has been documented in a scientific way, as this population is difficult to access and study. Aim: Through this study, we aimed to investigate and disseminate the values by which members of a Roma community in Northeastern Romania live their lives, to be the first to provide written documentation of the values of this ethnic group, and to make this information available to anyone interested. Method: 28 participants of Roma ethnicity, aged between 19–52 years old, took part in the study. The study design is qualitative, and data were collected through three focus groups, based on a semi-structured interview. Results: The values of the Roma community that emerged as representative were family, care and sacrifice for others, respect, unity, responsibility, fidelity and faith in God. Any change in their lifestyles is seen as a betrayal, a departure from family and culture, which makes the integration of new values and customs difficult. Conclusions: These data are an important source of up-to-date information from which state institutions can benefit and adapt their actions in relation to Roma ethnic groups.

1. Introduction

When two people with different values and traditions interact, misunderstandings and even conflicts can often arise [1]. The same happens when two cultures interact. Starting from the basic principles of The cultural mismatch theory, double standards and conflicts arise when minorities, who are brought up culturally different, approach things in a way that conflicts with the majority’s approach [2]. Intercultural interactions often become sources of tension because people interpret the actions of others through their own cultural norms and value systems, leading to misinterpretations, labeling, or even stigmatization [3].

Thus to avoid misunderstandings, or even the undermining of human dignity, it is essential to know, understand and accept the differences that exist between us. What causes us to adopt different points of view in social issues, predispose us to favor one ideology over another and to behave in a certain way are our values. Rokeach [4] defines values as multifaceted standards that guide behavior in a variety of ways. These standards are used for evaluating or criticizing the self as well as for evaluating and judging outsiders. Values function as standards that guide thought and action [5,6,7,8], and cultural values, specifically, are ideals that shape the beliefs and actions of individuals and groups in culture [9]. While individual values are observable constructs through individual behavior, cultural values are abstract constructs [10] that manifest themselves in different forms, ranging from written artifacts to knowledge that members of culture communicate with each other [11]. Cultural values represent shared beliefs within a community that persist across generations and form the foundation of cultural identity. These values are transmitted through socialization processes, oral traditions, shared practices and community rituals, influencing both private and public life [11].

When considering values research, we can expect to identify cultural differences, especially in the importance attributed to values [9]. The most striking ethnic differences in values are those that evaluate individualistic versus collectivistic orientations. One trend observed in the literature is that people of European origin tend to value values associated with individualism (self-directedness, hedonism, stimulation) more highly than people of Asian, African and Hispanic origin, for whom values associated with collectivism predominate. However, a pattern of preferences cannot be delineated, as there are both differences and similarities across ethnic groups and personal value hierarchies [12]. Research in intercultural psychology shows that value hierarchies cannot be generalized without taking into account socio-historical background, cultural resilience, identity strategies, and minority-majority relations [13].

Among the ethnic groups that continue to attract the attention of both researchers and policymakers, the Roma occupy a distinctive place due to their complex history, cultural diversity, and persistent marginalization across Europe. The Roma are one of Europe’s oldest and most diverse ethnic minorities, tracing their ancestry to groups who migrated from India to Southern Europe in the fourteenth century [14]. Traditionally, Roma identity was understood as stable and uniform, rooted in shared origin, the use of the Romani language, community solidarity, and adherence to moral norms structured around the concepts of purity and impurity. This code of conduct, known as romanipen, expresses belonging and defines the “true Roma way of life.”

More recent interpretations emphasize that Roma identity is relational and dynamic, continuously shaped by historical interaction with non-Roma populations and by changing social contexts [14]. Within the Roma population, there are several clans, each with its own traditional occupation, social organization, and cultural norms [15]. Among these groups are the Blacksmiths, Fiddlers, Florists, Goldsmiths, Spoitori (tin-coaters), Bearers, and Rudari (woodcarvers). The Căldărari (Korturari), for instance, are traditionally known as tinsmiths and coppersmiths, their craft being passed down through generations. These occupational specializations not only provided economic subsistence but also helped maintain cultural identity, social cohesion, and community recognition among Roma groups [15].

However, when it comes to the Roma ethnicity, scientific literature exploring their cultural values is scarce [16], although many studies focus on poverty, discrimination, or social exclusion. Less attention has been paid to understanding the cultural logic behind Roma social behaviors—their own value system and identity norms [17]. This gap contributes to the maintenance of stereotypes that portray Roma identity in deficit terms, rather than as a culturally coherent system. Understanding Roma cultural values remains essential because many challenges faced by Roma communities, including unequal educational outcomes, are tied to widespread misunderstandings about their cultural practices. Research shows that educators often hold deficit-based assumptions about Roma families and students [18,19], while limited cultural awareness can affect communication with Roma parents [20]. Documenting Roma values directly from community members contributes to addressing these gaps and supports the development of culturally informed professional practices. Moreover, our study also responds to the limited availability of qualitative research exploring Roma values from an emic perspective, offering insights grounded in participants’ lived experiences.

We will encounter different cultures in every country around the globe and certainly Roma people in every country in Europe, considering the fact that they are the largest ethnic minority on this continent, with an estimated population between 10 and 12 million people, of whom around 6 million live within the European Union [21]. However, their cultural identity remains one of the most misunderstood in Europe, largely due to historical marginalization, systemic discrimination, and the lack of accurate scholarly representation [3,22].

The social inclusion of this ethnic group is one of the most important issues on the agenda of the European Parliament, without notable results so far [23]. One of the factors that may underlie the majority’s difficulty in achieving this goal is the insufficient understanding and recognition of Roma cultural values by majority institutions and policymakers [2]. Stereotypes frequently dominate public narratives about the Roma, because they are often associated with deviance, dependency, and resistance to integration [21,24], while their strong community values, resilience mechanisms, and identity practices remain overlooked.

In general, Roma are refractory towards the majority as a result of the history of persecution and violence carried out against them since they migrated to the European territory [25], which has fostered marginalization and misunderstanding on both sides. These experiences contributed to a collective strategy of cultural preservation, where family, tradition, and group honor act as protective factors [17]. Their tradition and culture has been transmitted rather through stories, riddles, fairy tales told by the wise elders of the communities [26], remaining hardly accessible to the majority. This explains also why much of Roma cultural knowledge is under-documented in academic literature [26,27].

Roma are particularly known for their nomadic lifestyle, but also for their traditional occupations, such as blacksmithing, locksmithing, shoemaking and ironwork [28]. They are also known for traditional crafts and informal economic practices, as well as for a value system centered on family honor, respect for elders, community solidarity, and faith in God [14,25]. Some of the most salient difficulties they face are also well known: living in disadvantaged areas, poverty, low levels of schooling and low access to the labor market [29]. However, reducing Roma identity only to socio-economic problems reinforces a deficit perspective and misses the cultural depth of this community. Between stigmatization and romanticization, there is a need for scientific work that documents Roma values accurately and beyond stereotypes [3,30].

Unfortunately, much about their history and culture is unknown and not documented in a scientific way [25], partly as a result of the fact that the mode of information transmission has been by word of mouth, but also because they are an extremely difficult population to access and study [16]. Understanding Roma cultural values is essential not only from an academic perspective but also for improving social cohesion and designing culturally informed policies [31]. Research that gives voice to Roma communities can support mutual understanding between majority and minority, challenge prejudices through evidence, and contribute to reducing discriminatory narratives [24,27]. Despite being the largest ethnic minority in Europe, Roma cultural knowledge is still fragmented in scientific literature, and their own value system remains underrepresented in empirical research [16]. This is particularly true for the Romanian context, where Roma represent the largest ethnic minority [17], yet cultural research about them is still scarce compared to studies on discrimination or social exclusion.

Therefore, this study aims to explore and identify the cultural values that guide the social life of members of a Roma community in North-East Romania, using an inductive qualitative approach. By documenting these values based on participants’ own perspectives, this study contributes to the scientific understanding of Roma cultural identity beyond stereotypes and provides empirically grounded insights that may inform future social and educational inclusion initiatives.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Design

The Roma population is extremely difficult to access and therefore to study [16], as they are not used to filling in questionnaires, which is why we opted for a qualitative exploratory design. Given that the cultural values of Roma communities are predominantly transmitted orally and are poorly represented in academic research [16], a qualitative approach was necessary in order to capture subjective meanings and cultural nuances [32,33]. This method also made it possible to explore how values are negotiated within the group context, and how collective meanings are constructed through dialogue.

2.2. Participants

The study included 28 participants aged between 18 and 65 years (M = 41.5), all residing in an urban area of North-Eastern Romania. North-East Romania was selected because it hosts one of the largest and most culturally cohesive Roma communities in the country, with long-standing traditions and active local associations that facilitate access and community engagement. All participants identified themselves as Roma. The group included individuals with diverse educational backgrounds, from middle school to higher education, and slightly more than half were married. At professional level, some of them have traditional professions being barkeepers and shopkeepers, while others work in local public administration, are school mediators or health mediators. Although the sample does not represent the entire Roma population, it reflects a segment familiar with intercultural dialogue and willing to communicate openly about cultural identity. As also noted in previous studies, members of Roma communities who engage with educational or community initiatives are generally more accessible for research participation [3].

2.3. Instrument

Data were collected through a semi-structured focus group guide developed by the authors for the purpose of this study, aiming to capture the values that respondents consider to be central to their culture. They were applied in three focus groups, with the average interview lasting approximately 60 min. Each focus group was audio and video recorded.

Through questions such as “What matters most to Roma?”, ”What values are most important in Roma families?”, “How are children taught what is right and wrong in your community?”, and “How important, if at all, is faith or religion in your community?”, we aimed to identify participants’ subjective views [34] and extract the values that define them. In addition to the central question, probing questions were used when necessary to encourage elaboration and clarify meanings (e.g., “Can you give an example?”, “Why is this important?”, “How is this value transmitted in your community?”). Probing questions are frequently used in qualitative research to facilitate depth and to help participants articulate culturally embedded meanings [35]. The development of the guide followed the recommendations for exploratory qualitative research in cultural contexts, ensuring openness and avoiding the imposition of preconceived categories [36]. No evaluative or suggestive questions were used in order to minimize researcher bias and allow values to emerge inductively from participants’ narratives. The questions were formulated in simple and accessible language, considering the cultural specificity of the community and aiming to create a safe space for open discussion.

2.4. Procedure

We relied on purposive sampling, a suitable strategy for accessing marginalized communities and ensuring that participants had direct experience with the topic [37]. Data were collected over the course of 2023. We invited to take part in this study the beneficiaries of the services of Pro Roma Association, whose main activity is the writing and implementation of projects with the aim to support and integrate socially and professionally Roma people from North-Eastern Romania. Those who accepted our invitation were informed about the main objective of the study, as well as the fact that they could withdraw at any stage of the research, without this having any repercussions on them and the quality of the services they receive in the association. The focus groups were held in one of the association’s rooms, which meets the necessary conditions for the smooth running of such a research project, lasted approximately 60–75 min and was moderated by the first author. The discussions were audio-video recorded with the informed consent of participants, in order to ensure accuracy during transcription. The moderator used active listening and neutral facilitation to avoid influencing participants’ responses and to support a safe climate for expression. After completion, all recordings were transcribed verbatim and anonymized by replacing real names with initials. Data were stored securely and accessed only by the research team.

2.5. Ethics

The study complied with ethical standards for research involving human participants. Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences, University… (Approval No. 311/27.02.2023). Participation was voluntary, and verbal informed consent was obtained from all participants before data collection. Confidentiality and anonymity were ensured throughout the research process. No personal identifiers were included in transcripts or reports.

2.6. Data Analysis

The qualitative data obtained from the four focus groups were analyzed using inductive content analysis, a method appropriate for exploratory research where categories and themes emerge from the data rather than being imposed beforehand [38]. This approach was chosen because the study aimed to identify the cultural values expressed by participants, without using predefined theoretical classifications. The analysis followed several stages.

First, all focus group recordings were transcribed verbatim to preserve the authenticity of participants’ expressions. The transcripts were read multiple times to gain familiarity with the data and to identify meaningful units of analysis related to cultural beliefs, norms, and shared values. During this initial stage, open coding was applied by highlighting and annotating relevant participant statements [39]. In the second stage, codes with similar meanings were grouped into preliminary categories, which reflected shared cultural ideas discussed within the groups. These categories were not predetermined but were generated inductively from the participants’ own words. Throughout this stage, the researchers compared codes within and across focus groups to ensure that categories were consistently supported by the data. Also, the authors of the study independently coded the data and then compared interpretations in peer debriefing sessions [40]. Differences in coding were resolved through discussion until consensus was reached, minimizing subjectivity and allowed the final categories to reflect shared agreement rather than individual assumptions. After categorization, the final stage of analysis consisted of refining categories into broader themes, representing the dominant cultural values expressed by participants. Throughout the analysis, the research team maintained a reflexive stance to minimize potential bias. The authors acknowledged their outsider position relative to the Roma community and took measures to ensure cultural sensitivity during interpretation. Decisions regarding coding and theme development were made collaboratively, and interpretations were continuously compared with the raw data to avoid imposing external assumptions [41].

3. Results

Before presenting the thematic findings, it is important to provide an overview of the participants’ socio-demographic characteristics.

Table 1. Socio-demographic characteristics of the participants.

Characteristic	Categories	n	%
Age (years)	Range: 18–65; Mean: 41.5	—	—
Residence	Urban area, North-Eastern Romania	28	100%
Ethnic self-identification	Roma	28	100%
Education level	Middle school	2	7.1%
	Secondary education	10	35.7%
	Students (higher education in progress)	7	25.0%
	Higher education completed	9	32.1%
Marital status	Married	15	53.6%
	Unmarried	13	46.4%

summarizes key information about age, education, marital status, and residence of the 28 Roma participants included in this study.

The Roma community values that emerged as significant in this study are family, caring and sacrifice for others, respect (especially for the elderly), unity, responsibility, loyalty and faith in God (Appendix A).

• Family

The value that stands out for its importance and the frequency with which it has been brought up is the family. The family in the Roma community means not only husband, wife and children, but includes the whole extended family, with parents, uncles, aunts, first cousins, second cousins, etc. The family is the place where a child develops and where values, Roma tradition, religion are transmitted to him/her: “the splinter does not jump far from the trunk” (S. M, 48 years old).

Among the 18–25 age group, even if family is what would make them fulfilled, there was also a rather obvious career tendency. However, they claimed that one cannot live without family. Even if they claimed that the financial aspect was important, it would still be used for the purpose of starting a family. For the other two age groups (25–40 and 40+), the family is the most important and the most beautiful thing that a person could have and without which he or she could not conceive of living. The family is founded regardless of financial situation and social status.

The participants in this study stated that “the family is the support, the orientation, the motivation to live, the strength to fight, to go on” (M., X years old), which is constituted by marriage, in this way young married people “are bound by love, by God and by vows” (V. G., 52 years old). As far as the qualities of a wife were concerned, at the top of the list was that of being a housewife (i.e., managing the house, income, childcare), respecting her husband, being well cared for and, above all, being a virgin before marriage. Young people expressed a certain tolerance towards this aspect, in the sense that they would not be so demanding, but they want to be good. The other age groups argued that “the woman is the emblem of the man” (V.G., a 52 year old Roma man), that they would not be able to present to the world a wife whose morality would be questionable, and that she would not have the respect she deserves in Roma society. As for the qualities of the husband, all participants, regardless of gender and age, stated that he should be mature, resourceful and the pillar of the house.

• Respect

Respect is the most important aspect after family. Respect is the basis of the couple’s relationship, the relationship with the extended family, with society. In the Roma community, respect means not to contradict, not to contradict, not to offend, to take into account and respond to the needs of others, to help: “They (my parents) always told me not to disturb, to speak as nicely as possible. Even if someone upsets me, I should not say offensive words directly to their face, that’s how I was brought up” (N.G., 38 years old)

A respected family in the Roma community is the one that is known to be honest, that is good, that is good, that can be trusted, with morals. This respect is something that everyone receives and seeks to maintain. If you have lost the respect of your family or community, you have lost everything. Respect is especially demanded from the wife towards her husband, “if she respects her husband, she will never raise her voice to him” (T.G., 49 years old) and from everyone towards the elderly. The hardest word to say is the oldest. The advice of the elders, and the decisions taken by them, are faithfully obeyed: “… in the spirit of respect for parents, elders…” (V.M. 45 years old).

The same thing happens with inheritance; elders leave verbal legacies and are respected by the whole family. There is no need for anything in writing. The Roma trust the “purisani, the elders” (G. G. 19 years old), and do not question their decisions, they respect them.

• Loyalty

Loyalty is another important value among the Roma included in this study. The wife’s loyalty, in particular, is essential to maintain the couple: ‘To be loyal’ (I.Ș., 34 y.o.). In all focus groups and all ages, it was expressed that fidelity is very important and the only reason for divorce would be the wife’s infidelity. A husband is not necessarily unfaithful, but would have “slips”; one participant (A.I., 47 years old) says “the man cheats, he lifts his hat but it passes because the woman loves”, while one participant is of the opinion that “when the man cheats, he wipes it with a sponge” (V.G., 52 years old). Divorces are very rare in Roma communities, they are not well seen, and they are hardly accepted. In all focus groups this was emphasized; divorce carries stigma. The couple is encouraged by the family not to divorce, including the extended family.

To the Roma, loyalty refers to fidelity to family, faith, and the identity one is born with—these are aspects expressed by Roma in all focus groups and more strongly by those over 30. If an individual no longer maintains fidelity to their lineage, faith, or traditions, they are considered a negative example in the community: “For example, we have a mutual friend called C. In the community he did not respect his tradition in the sense that he was supposed to marry a Roma woman and he didn’t do it, he is practically at war with his family” (I.T., X years old)

• Unit

Another aspect that stood out among respondents was family and community unity. Participants pointed out that community unity has been substantially diminished due to the disappearance of traditional trades: “the community was much more united, the family was close around old people who learned the trade, everyone lived from that trade” (T.G., 49 years old).

Traditional crafts not only developed the community economically, but more importantly, they created close bonds, stability and values. This unity is tried to be maintained at the family level, through meals together, gatherings, celebrations and trying to find solutions to problems together.

Another way to foster unity is to eat together: “For example, when mom makes the food, even if the others are at their homes she still calls us and says come and eat because mom made the food” (A.L., 47). Food is shared not only with family members, but with the whole community:

”To complete L., my grandparents used to sit at the station and, as it is at the station, people come from all over and they stop at my grandfather’s and tell my mother to make a bigger dumpling to sit there on the table because she doesn’t know who is coming through the door”.

(T.G., 47 years old)

• Care and sacrifice for others

In the focus groups conducted, in all age groups, care and sacrifice for others was expressed, noting, however, that in the 18–25 age group, care for family members was mentioned more. The Roma care for each other and focus also on the extended family: “…Gypsies are also interested in second cousins, they would give their lives for them” (S.M., 47 years old).

Care for others is manifested especially towards the elders, who are considered the “saints” of the family; they have the greatest authority and the greatest respect from everyone, their word is the most important in the family, and it is considered that the elder speaks it out of concern for the family. Parents are willing to support their children all their lives, and children also support their parents, which is why they often live together: “For example, my father died 10 years ago and now the only reason I want to stay with my mother is that she is 70 years old and I want to enjoy her, to have her around as much as possible” (S.I., 32 years old).

• Shared responsibility

Another value that emerged to characterize those in this study is shared responsibility. The Roma, besides being responsible for children and the elderly, do not respond individually or respond too little individually. They involve the whole family and are responsible for any material or moral damage that one of the family may have done: ‘The whole family is responsible, they are blamed’ (V.G., 52 years old). In all groups the participants claimed that the responsibility in this regard is shared: “Romanians are answerable individually, Gypsies are answerable by all” (V.M., 45 years old).

• Faith in God

When asked about religious values, the respondents brought up the fear of God, a proof that faith is the most important value in terms of religion: “I think that religious values are very important, because Roma see in God a refuge, but also fear” (G.M., 37 years old). Roma are guided by this fear of God and trust in the other is built on the oath and this fear: “In general, we Roma are the most faithful. Aren’t the Roma the most fatalistic? The Roma usually swear a lot and have this great fear of God. When they swear, it is holy” (V.G., 52 years old). Roma swear frequently, it is even a habit, and out of fear of God they do not break their oath. If this happens, the person is considered unworthy, without honor, without fear of God and is marginalized.

Moreover, the Roma consider that the relationship with God is related to the relationship with the family: “…almost all of us have said that we want a family and I think that this is a beginning, a relationship with God is to some extent by the fact that you want a family” (C.B., 22 years old).

4. Discussion

The main objective of this study was to extract, through qualitative methods, data about the culture and values of some members of the Roma community, in order to contribute to the literature, but also to bring to the attention of all those interested information that will help them to know and understand the Roma and, for those who have this responsibility and power, to build and implement appropriate programs and policies. The findings of this study reveal that the value system expressed by the participants is strongly rooted in family solidarity, community interdependence and faith, confirming that Roma culture places a high emphasis on collective rather than individualistic orientations. These results are consistent with previous observations that describe Roma communities as belonging to the “traditional cultural sphere” [2,42], but they also offer deeper insight into how these values are practiced, transmitted and protected within everyday life. Unlike many existing studies that focus predominantly on the socio-economic challenges faced by Roma communities, this research contributes to the literature by documenting their value system based on their own voices, providing an emic perspective that is largely missing from current scholarship. While the values are presented as distinct categories for analytical purposes, in reality they intersect and overlap, forming a coherent network of interdependent meanings that structure Roma community life.

As reported by the participants in this study, Roma children are brought up with values such as respect, caring and responsibility to share everything they have with others, which contradicts the individualistic view often characteristic of the majority [2]. The family is a fundamental value for Roma, and its interests will take precedence over individual ones [43]. This centrality of the family is a cultural mechanism of continuity that ensures the preservation of Roma identity across generations despite historical marginalization [44]. Unlike in more individualistic societies, where autonomy and self-realization prevail, in Roma communities decisions are negotiated in relation to collective interests, and individual choices are evaluated through the lens of their impact on family honor [43]. Maintaining family cohesion thus functions as a protective factor against external threats, contributing to cultural resilience and social survival. The family is also the decision-making pole, and the gatherings of elders is the place where what is wrong or right, good or bad is determined [45]. One of the most important lessons that Roma children learn from their children is the importance of family solidarity and protection [46]. Another reason why the family is so important for Roma is also the fact that it is the main channel for perpetuating their tradition and culture.

In a Roma family, the most respected and authoritative are the elders. The elders in the Roma community are the wise men of the community, the ones who intervene in making decisions that affect the other members, as well as the ones who know and pass on the culture, values, stories and traditions of the ethnic group [26]. The respect granted to elders ensures the intergenerational transmission of values and strengthens community cohesion. Previous studies also emphasize that in Roma communities, social status is acquired through life experience and contribution to community well-being rather than economic or educational capital [47]. For the Korturari, for example, elderly women have the power and prestige, and not fulfilling their wishes is tantamount to committing a mortal sin [48].

In order to preserve the unity of the community, Roma marry only among themselves, prohibiting intercultural marriages [48]. Whoever marries a non-Roma person is shunned by the family, considered to have brought shame to the family [25]. Most often, Roma marry people from the same community, as social similarity is important [49]. The emphasis on endogamy reflects the importance of group boundaries as a cultural protection mechanism. Marriage is not only a personal decision but also a social act that ensures continuity of traditions, identity, and family honor [44]. By discouraging marriage outside the group, Roma communities reinforce internal cohesion and protect themselves from cultural assimilation, a fear rooted in long historical experiences of discrimination and exclusion [3]. In Roma communities, partner choice has historically favored endogamy, which reinforces group cohesion and cultural continuity, even if this may externally be interpreted as resistance to integration [47]. However, exceptions exist, particularly among younger generations or Roma who live in mixed urban settings, where interethnic marriages occasionally occur, as reflected in the testimony of one participant in this study who is married to a non-Roma Romanian.

Another way of preserving community unity is the practice of traditional crafts, which allowed the assignment of a role to each member, as well as frequent interactions between them. The sharing of food, described in studies of Roma communities, including in Roma American, as a sign of trust, appreciation, and belonging [20] also serves the same purpose among Roma in Europe.

Problems within a family are treated as public issues [48], and responsibility is also shared. In the case of marital problems, for example, they are also dealt with publicly, within assemblies of elders, which mostly offer solutions for reconciliation, since divorces are extremely rare [48]. These findings highlight the collective nature of responsibility in Roma culture, where conflicts are addressed through communal mechanisms rather than individual negotiation. Public conflict resolution reinforces social cohesion and prevents escalation, as the goal is restoration of harmony rather than punishment [45]. A council of elders or a discussion between families is used to resolve disagreements. In more compact communities this gathering of elders is called Stabor (Gypsy judgment). Usually, in order to please the injured party, fines (money) are paid, which are quite substantial depending on the damage suffered, or the claims of the injured party. The whole family participates in paying these or repairing the damage so that there is no retaliation.

A Roma person is defined by the family ties they have [44], and responsibility is shared. Responsibility, combined with the spirit of sacrifice for others, make any member of the family always willing to take responsibility for the wrongdoing of another family member and to expect the same from others [43]. Caring for others and sacrifice are values passed down from childhood, when young children are encouraged to take care of younger siblings or to participate in household chores [2]. This emphasis on shared responsibility is strongly linked to the collective identity of the Roma. Taking responsibility for one another is perceived as a moral obligation rather than a personal choice and contributes to strengthening solidarity within the group [43]. In this context, sacrifice is not seen as a burden, but as a demonstration of loyalty and honor toward the family. Similar findings are reported in other studies, which describe responsibility as a central social expectation in Roma communities, rooted in mutual support and family honor [3,44].

Roma must remain faithful to their culture and traditions. When it comes to loyalty in relationships, things depend on gender. While it is absolutely compulsory for women to be loyal in a relationship, things are different for men. Infidelity on the part of a Roma man is not even a reason for misunderstandings in a couple, whereas infidelity on the part of a woman leads to divorce and ostracization from the community. The Roma woman is a good wife if before marriage she was a virgin, a housewife, obedient and faithful, having the essential role of maintaining harmony in the family [49]. Virginity, a subject that in the 21st century is no longer topical, is still a factor that is still taken into account among Roma. Even if in the current social context this expectation has diminished, a young woman’s maidenhood is a requirement, and she is accorded much respect if she fulfills it. These findings illustrate that gender roles in Roma communities are strongly regulated by cultural norms, and moral expectations differ based on gender. Although loyalty is presented as a shared value, women are expected to embody it to a higher moral standard, as their behavior is strongly linked to family honor [49]. The control of female sexuality and the emphasis on premarital virginity still function as mechanisms of social regulation in some Roma groups [48]. These practices are often interpreted externally as signs of oppression, yet within the community they are framed as traditional norms linked to morality, respectability, and family reputation.

Roma tend to appropriate the religion of the place where they settle [50]; in this case, the study participants were Orthodox-Christians, like the majority of the Romanian population [29]. Religion is an important source of Roma identity and well-being, with Roma demonstrating a high level of religiosity [16]. Roma believe that all people must serve God, who is omnipresent and omnipotent, and that they are equal before Him [51], fearing the repercussions that a behavior that displeases God could have on them. Faith makes Roma eliminate vices from their lives, be more supportive and responsible [52]. The relationship with God is also built and maintained by starting a family. Far from being only a spiritual dimension, faith has a strong social function: it legitimizes moral norms, reinforces respect for parents and elders, and encourages prosocial behavior such as helping others and avoiding conflict [52]. In contexts of historical marginalization, religiosity also serves as a coping strategy that provides meaning, emotional security, and hope [16]. This confirms that religiosity among Roma is not superficial but integrated into cultural identity and transmitted intergenerationally together with other core values.

One of the causes of marginalization and intercultural conflicts is the lack of knowledge and understanding of minorities. Taken together, the values identified in this study—family solidarity, respect for elders, shared responsibility, community cohesion, loyalty, and religiosity—shape a distinctive cultural logic. While many of these values also exist in other cultures, what differentiates them in the Roma context is the intensity with which they are practiced and their deep connection to group belonging and cultural survival. These values are not only personal beliefs, but social obligations supported by collective expectations and cultural norms. This explains why changes perceived as threats to tradition are often resisted, as they may endanger group identity. Understanding this cultural logic is essential for interpreting Roma behavior in social, educational, or institutional contexts without resorting to stereotypes [53]. While we could identify some values as central to the participants’ narratives, they should not be understood as static or isolated traits. Rather, they evolve over time as part of a broader process through which Roma communities negotiate identity, belonging, and adaptation within changing socio-political contexts [14].

Thus, on the basis of the existing data in the literature, supplemented by the present study, campaigns can be organized by institutions and various organizations to promote Roma culture and values. This information could also be passed on in schools, through subjects such as civic culture, which could also strengthen Roma children’s sense of inclusion. Interventions and campaigns targeting Roma could provide opportunities for them to practice their family and religious traditions, thus making them more attractive to them and more effective in fostering a sense of belonging and respect. The results of this study also have practical relevance for social and educational policies. Many intervention programs targeting Roma communities fail because they are designed based on majority cultural assumptions, without taking into account the value system that guides Roma social life [53]. For example, school programs that engage Roma parents by appealing to family honor and collective responsibility are more likely to succeed than those based only on individual motivation [3]. Also, our study is particularly relevant in this context, as research on Roma education has shown that many of the difficulties faced by Roma students are linked to teachers’ perceptions and cultural misunderstandings. Previous studies indicate that deficit-based assumptions about Roma families and students’ abilities can negatively affect school engagement [18,19,54]. These attitudes often stem from limited cultural awareness, highlighting the need for professional development in culturally responsive teaching [55,56]. Moreover, scholars note that teachers’ misconceptions about Roma cultural values also shape how they interpret Roma parents’ views on schooling, contributing to lower participation in formal education [20]. These findings also align with the cultural mismatch theory, which suggests that tensions arise when the cultural values of minority communities differ from those embedded in mainstream institutions such as schools. Against this background, our study provides essential empirical insights into the values that structure Roma family and community life, offering knowledge that can help reduce educational bias and better align school interventions with the cultural realities of this group.

The results of our study are consistent with broader analyses indicating that Roma cultural values evolve in response to social and economic transformations. Following Romania’s accession to the European Union, Roma identity has undergone processes of reconfiguration that balance continuity and adaptation [45]. Brüggemann [57] argues that Roma values are continuously negotiated in response to expectations from both inside and outside the community, highlighting the dynamic and adaptive nature of cultural identity. Traditional values such as family cohesion and respect for community hierarchy often serve as a refuge that ensures social stability and cultural survival, while younger generations increasingly reinterpret these norms to align with education, mobility, and interethnic interaction. The cultural values identified in this study should be interpreted within the broader historical and socioeconomic context that has shaped Roma life. Centuries of marginalization, poverty, and discrimination have fostered adaptive norms emphasizing family cohesion, solidarity, and mutual support. However, our findings may have significant implications for policies targeting Roma communities. For example, one of the values identified in this study, faith in God, can also be observed through religious engagement, which functions as an expression of both identity and resilience. Recent research among Roma communities in Central and Eastern Europe showed that higher levels of religiosity are associated with increased motivation for education and social participation [58]. These findings suggest that religious engagement can serve as a valuable resource in designing inclusion and integration policies, helping to strengthen community-based initiatives and promote equitable access to opportunities.

This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the research was conducted within a single urban Roma community, which may not fully represent the cultural diversity that characterizes Roma groups across regions and sub-groups. In addition, the study relied on a relatively small sample (28 participants), which, although suitable for qualitative inquiry, limits the breadth of perspectives represented. The participants were recruited through a local Roma association, which might have resulted in a sample that is more socially connected and civically engaged than other Roma populations, particularly those living in isolated or highly marginalized settings. Another limitation concerns the educational profile of our participants, as more than half had completed or were pursuing higher education. Prior research shows that university attendance can influence individuals’ value orientations, sometimes fostering more liberal or cosmopolitan perspectives [59]. Similarly, studies on value change during higher education indicate that educational environments may shape or shift value priorities over time [60]. Therefore, different results might emerge in Roma communities with lower levels of formal education, and future comparative studies could explore this variation further. Furthermore, although qualitative methods allowed an in-depth understanding of participants’ perspectives, the findings are not intended to be generalized to the entire Roma population. Future research could focus on Roma groups in other parts of Europe in order to identify their differences and similarities in values. Also, linking values to certain Roma behaviors, such as attending formal education, could provide the missing answers to the low effectiveness of Roma schooling programs. Last but not least, values could also be explored in relation to the choice of trades and professions by this population, which has a high rate of unemployment.

5. Conclusions

Following the paradigm developed and thoroughly researched by Inglehart and Welzel [61], the Roma community is in the traditional sphere, representing a community based on principles such as respect for the institution of family and marriage. Other values such as respect, loyalty, unity, care and sacrifice for others, shared responsibility and belief in God are fundamental. Valuing family and being faithful to Roma culture are important resources that help Roma cope with the challenges of being an ethnic minority. Any change in their lifestyle is seen as a betrayal, a distancing from family and culture, which makes the integration of new values and customs difficult. The study challenges deficit-based narratives that reduce Roma identity to poverty, marginalization or criminality. Instead, the findings show that Roma culture is structured around coherent moral principles such as family unity, collective responsibility, loyalty and spirituality. These results go beyond stereotypes and reveal Roma values as meaningful cultural resources that shape resilience, social cohesion and identity continuity. The results of the research are an important source of up-to-date information from which state institutions can benefit and adapt their actions in relation to the Roma. In this way, stereotypes and prejudices about the Roma community would be diminished, or even blurred. A harmonization of this minority with the majority population is also possible through an accurate presentation of the community.