Socio-Economic Services for Addressing Effects of Xenophobic Attacks on Migrant and Refugee Entrepreneurs in South Africa: A Multi-Sectoral Perspective

Abstract

Despite the presence of strong international and regional instruments for protecting human rights and promoting social justice, migrant and refugee populations continue to experience gross human rights violations. Xenophobic attacks are a global phenomenon that have left foreigners and refugees vulnerable. This article uses a multi-sectoral perspective to explore the socio-economic services to address the effects of xenophobic attacks on refugee entrepreneurs in South Africa. A snowball sampling technique was used to select 10 participants for the study. Data were collected using one-on-one interviews. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the collected data. The findings revealed that multi-sectoral services should be provided to refugee entrepreneurs who are victims of xenophobic attacks. The paper also discusses the role of the government in providing aid and security, the role of social workers and civil society in facilitating community support, spiritual support, and support from fellow refugees, geared towards minimising the effects of xenophobic attacks. The conclusion is that social workers should coordinate relief programmes between the government and other service providers in the aftermath of xenophobic attacks. It recommends multi-sectoral and multi-disciplinary interventions to address the aftermath of the xenophobic attacks.

1. Introduction

Xenophobic attacks are a global phenomenon that leads to the displacement, torture, and, in some cases, death of migrants and refugees [1,2]. The socio-economic status of refugee entrepreneurs is affected when their livelihood and means of income are threatened and, in most cases, destroyed during xenophobic attacks [3]. Despite these highlighted effects, no significant studies have been conducted to explore the socio-economic services for addressing the effects of xenophobic attacks on refugee entrepreneurs. Ref. [4] advocate for more research on services required by refugee entrepreneurs affected by xenophobic attacks. This paper sought to explore the services needed by those affected by xenophobic attacks. This can contribute towards the development of policies and interventions to address and prevent long-term negative socio-economic consequences of xenophobic attacks. Socio-economic services refer to those services concerned with the material basis of the well-being of individuals and communities and are aimed at securing a basic quality of life for members of that community at large [5]. In other words, special focus is on people’s access to social and material resources, including their ability to actively participate in societal processes and decisions [6].

A refugee is defined by [7] as a person who has been forced to leave their home country due to a well-founded fear of serious human rights violations or persecution. The threats to their safety and life are so severe that they have no option but to seek safety in another country, as their own government is either unable or unwilling to protect them. Refugees are entitled to international protection. On the other hand, a migrant is defined as “A person staying outside their country of origin who is not an asylum seeker or refugee” [1]. Amnesty International notes that some migrants choose to leave their country to pursue opportunities such as work, education, or family reunification [7]. Others feel compelled to leave due to poverty, political instability, gang violence, natural disasters, or other severe conditions. While many may not meet the formal legal definition of a refugee, they could still face significant danger if they were to return home.

Xenophobia refers to the hatred against people based on their nationality and on being different. According to [1], “Some South Africans classified themselves as a homogeneous group (in-group) based on their national identity and citizenship, and foreign nationals as the heterogeneous group (out-group).” Since the outbreak of xenophobic attacks in 2008, it is estimated that 200 foreign-owned shops were looted [8]. Ref. [9] notes the following regarding xenophobic attacks in South Africa.

Xenophobic attacks resulted in 694 deaths, 5648 looted shops, and 128,849 displacements between 1994 and August 2025. In May 2008, attacks took place in at least 135 locations across the country. The perpetrators of such attacks did not target white people but rather migrants from other African countries and, to a lesser degree, from South Asian countries, whom they blamed for increased crime and the high unemployment rate in South Africa.

This study poses the following research question to elicit data: What socio-economic services should be rendered to refugee entrepreneurs who are victims of xenophobic attacks in Atteridgeville, South Africa? First, the paper discusses regional and national migration trends and the effects of xenophobic attacks at different levels. Second, it examines current legislation and policy responses to xenophobia, and the role of social work in dealing with xenophobic attacks on a micro, meso, and macro level. Legislative frameworks are fundamental for developing services and programmes that can be rendered to victims of xenophobic attacks by social workers. Third, it presents the research methods, findings, and the discussion of findings, followed by the conclusions and recommendations.

1.1. Xenophobia: Regional and National Trends

The dismantling of apartheid in 1994 marked a pivotal moment in South Africa’s history, ushering in a new era of peace, democracy, and relative stability. These developments positioned the country as an attractive destination for refugees and migrants fleeing political turmoil, conflict, and economic decline across the African continent [1,10,11]. Ref. [12] states the following regarding the number of refugees in of asylees, asylum seekers, and Migrants in South Africa.

7072 asylum applications by refugees were received in 2024 in South Africa, according to UNHCR. Most of them came from Ethiopia, Congo (Democratic Republic of Congo), and Somalia. A total of 13,139 decisions have been made on initial applications. Around 12% of them answered positively. 88 per cent of asylum applications have been rejected in the first instance. The most successful have been the applications of refugees from Cambodia and Palestine [12].

In 2024, a total of 2,631,100 migrants lived in South Africa, representing about 4.1 per cent of the total population. These are all residents who live permanently in the country but were born in another country. The numbers include granted refugees but no asylum seekers [12].

Hosting refugees has not been an easy task for most governments, including the South African government. African governments have not escaped the burden due to their internal economic and border security challenges. For instance, ref. [13] note that cases of mass violence against foreigners by the national body or local community in several African countries are either labelled as ‘ethnic cleansing’, ‘religious riots’, ‘communal clashes’, or ‘indigenous conflicts’, in addition to xenophobic attacks. Ref. [14] claims that Ghana is one of the first African countries to experience xenophobic attacks. Nigerians in Ghana were accused of stealing jobs and opportunities intended for Ghanaian citizens. For instance, in July 2025, there were riots in Ghana calling for all Nigerians to leave [15]. In other African countries like Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, xenophobic violence included the looting of foreign-owned shops by residents who accused foreigners of taking over all business opportunities in their area and using ‘muti’ (black magic) to boost their businesses and attract customers [16].

In the Southern African Development Community Region (SADC), xenophobic attacks have been reported in Botswana and South Africa against refugees from Zimbabwe and Mozambique. In Zambia, anti-Chinese sentiments, including “The Chinaman is coming just to invade and exploit Africa”, were shared by residents who displayed arrogance and hatred towards the Chinese, who were regarded as unpopular and untrustworthy [17]. In addition, Chinese nationals have been blamed for saturating the business sector by employing their citizens over local Zambians, even for minor jobs that can be done by local citizens, especially in the mining and agricultural sectors [17]. Overall, Africa is regarded as a continent with many challenges. Countries such as Somalia, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic face political challenges and civil wars that force people to flee their countries in search of peace and freedom in South Africa [16]. Unfortunately, some South Africans resent the presence of migrants and refugees.

Ref. [18] notes that South Africa has, at various points, hosted the highest number of asylum seekers globally. Its improved socio-economic environment drew significant migration flows from neighbouring states such as Zimbabwe and Mozambique, as well as from more distant nations, including Nigeria. Somali refugees, conversely, have emerged as the largest group of refugee entrepreneurs [16]. However, this influx has placed mounting pressure on scarce national resources, particularly employment opportunities, healthcare, housing, and municipal services, thereby exacerbating competition and fueling resentment between citizens and non-citizens. Such tensions have repeatedly manifested in xenophobic violence, often resulting in injuries, fatalities, and widespread displacement [1,2]. Ref. [8] provide an empirical overview of these incidents: in 2011, 154 cases were recorded, resulting in 99 deaths, 100 serious injuries, and the displacement of 1000 individuals. The numbers increased in 2012 to 238 incidents, 120 deaths, and 7500 displaced persons, followed by 250 incidents and 88 deaths in 2013 [8].

In recent years, anti-immigrant sentiment has been amplified by the emergence of street-level movements such as Operation Dudula (derived from a Zulu term meaning ‘to drive out violently’). This movement has contributed to the normalisation of xenophobic discourse and has further entrenched narratives portraying migrants as scapegoats for South Africa’s socio-economic challenges [1]. In the lead-up to the May 2024 national elections, anti-immigrant rhetoric became a prominent feature of political discourse, with parties such as the Patriotic Alliance openly advocating for mass deportations of foreign nationals [19].

The year 2025 witnessed a further escalation of anti-migrant vigilantism. In August, Operation Dudula initiated campaigns obstructing refugees, asylum seekers, and undocumented migrants from accessing public healthcare facilities, accusing them of overwhelming the healthcare system [20]. The group subsequently announced plans to bar children of foreign nationals from enrolling in public schools. As reported by [21], Operation Dudula publicly declared that “no foreign child will be attending a public school; they can rather take them to private schools.” These exclusionary actions have drawn widespread condemnation. In a press statement issued on 12 August 2025, the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa denounced the movement’s conduct as unlawful and contrary to constitutional principles, asserting that “South Africa is a country of law and order, and these should be strictly adhered to.” [22]. The effects of xenophobic attacks against refugees and migrants in South Africa are discussed below.

1.2. Effects of Xenophobic Attacks

Xenophobic attacks have serious negative effects on physical and psychosocial well-being. They destroy business operations, isolate victims socially, and disintegrate families [23]. For instance, children are often separated from their parents, through death or displacement—husbands from wives and homes, and oftentimes belongings are abandoned during flight [24]. Macro exposure to xenophobic violence affects several aspects of refugees’ socio-economic integration. In particular, they hinder the integration of refugees from targeted groups [25]. Many victims of xenophobic attacks are left to fend for themselves with no assistance from the government. Some either start a business or return to their countries of origin [14].

Ref. [26] observed that those affected by xenophobic attacks demonstrate anxiety and depression, which makes it difficult to lead a normal social life. The authors further note that foreigners and refugees in European countries tend to experience isolation and loneliness, making them easy targets for recruitment by radical groups for terrorist activities, who can provide material support and a sense of belonging [26]. Foreigners and refugees are socially excluded from accessing jobs, reducing their ability to pursue economic activities in the host country [2]. Ref. [18] asserts that previous outbreaks of xenophobic attacks in South Africa forced them to either go into hiding or leave their businesses unattended. There are ongoing concerns about economic enterprises being targeted during xenophobic attacks [27]. Businesses were destroyed in a matter of hours or days. After the xenophobic attacks, some refugee entrepreneurs found it difficult to re-establish themselves, with some opting to co-own businesses with fellow countrymen to pool finances to purchase stock or to operate businesses independently [28].

The xenophobic attacks not only affect refugee entrepreneurs but also harm the South African economy. Ref. [29] asserts that most refugee entrepreneurs contribute to South Africa’s value-added tax (VAT) through their bulk purchase of goods from major South African wholesalers. In addition, refugee entrepreneurs contribute to the local economy. They rent shops or trading spaces for periods ranging between two and five years to South African nationals, thereby contributing towards poverty alleviation and economic sustainability. Consequently, xenophobic attacks reduce VAT collections, lead to less income and poverty for property owners, and reduce their economic development prospects. The economic development and stability of the country depend on the unity and harmony of all people, including foreigners and refugees [14].

Xenophobic attacks are detrimental to economic development in a developing country like South Africa. This is because the country relies heavily on cooperation and good political standing with other countries. Most African states did not take the attacks against their countrymen in South Africa lightly. The Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, and Ethiopian Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, spoke out strongly against the attacks [10]. In addition, South African diplomatic relations with Nigeria came under strain when Nigeria recalled its diplomats from Pretoria [30]. In retaliation, a radical student movement called the National Association of Nigerian Students attacked the MTN (a South African telecommunications business) offices in Abuja, Nigeria, in 2015 [31]. Xenophobic attacks not only harm the South African economy but also the potential for local businesses to grow globally. The xenophobic attacks are making it difficult for international companies to explore business opportunities or operate in a volatile country. Ref. [32] emphasise that all businesses globally would like to invest and run businesses in peaceful countries, or in countries where their investments and resources would be safe and secure. As such, xenophobic attacks may discourage foreign direct investment due to images of a hostile and investment-unfriendly country. Foreign investors may become discouraged about investing in or coming to South Africa, thus placing the South African economy and development in limbo [14].

Tourism is a powerful social, economic, and cultural force, which provides employment opportunities and foreign exchange in social and cultural aspects [33]. Ref. [34] argues that xenophobia has hindered migrants from fully contributing to South Africa’s economic growth, undermining the achievement of the country’s national development plans. The author cites numerous xenophobic incidents in Johannesburg targeted at Bangladeshi and Pakistani nationals who own shops, leading to the destruction and looting of their businesses [34]. Countries such as China, Australia, and the United Kingdom warned their citizens not to travel to South Africa because of xenophobic attacks [35]. Most tourists value their personal safety and security [33]. Violent crime, such as xenophobic attacks in South Africa, has deterred potential tourists, thus threatening the economic growth that might emanate from the tourism sector [33]. Acts of xenophobia erode the ethos of ‘Ubuntu’, a principle grounded in the recognition of collective humanity and traditionally associated with South African values [2,36]. Countries need to ensure the safety and security of all people by developing and implementing the right policies and legislation.

1.3. Legislative and Policy Responses to Xenophobic Attacks

There is a need for host countries to adopt specific measures to counter xenophobia, social, and cultural stereotypes that can contribute to discrimination and victimisation of foreigners and refugees [37]. Various international, regional, and national legislation and policies were adopted to safeguard humanity against human rights violations, such as xenophobic attacks.

The 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa seeks to protect human dignity, promote equality, and advance human rights and freedoms. The South African state is obliged to respect the basic human rights of any foreigner who is in the country, and to ensure that they receive the full spectrum of fundamental rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights [38]. The Constitution is there to ensure that the human rights of those who live in South Africa, permanently or temporarily, are protected [14]. Further, South Africa is a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. However, exclusionary and restrictive government policies have resulted in undocumented and unprotected asylum seekers who now struggle with food insecurity, housing, unemployment, and xenophobia [39].

2. Materials and Methods

The goal of this study was to explore the socio-economic services required by refugee entrepreneurs who were victims of xenophobic attacks in Atteridgeville, South Africa. Atteridgeville, established in 1939, is a historically Black township located within the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality in South Africa. The settlement was created as part of the apartheid government’s spatial segregation policies, which displaced Black residents from areas designated for White occupation [1]. Geographically, Atteridgeville lies approximately 12 kilometres west of Pretoria and spans an estimated 28.7 hectares [40]. According to recent data, the township is home to around 64,425 residents and records an unemployment rate of 11.9% [40]. Like many South African townships, Atteridgeville contends with persistent socio-economic challenges, including high unemployment, elevated crime levels, and inadequate municipal service delivery. In recent years, the area has also experienced recurrent episodes of xenophobic violence, often directed at foreign-owned businesses. These outbreaks have involved both looting and physical attacks against foreign nationals [41]. The incidents are usually increased by a perception that migrants and refugees are responsible for the poverty, unemployment, and deteriorating socio-economic conditions of Atteridgeville, with some community members plainly calling for the removal of foreign nationals from their township [41].

The study employed a qualitative approach and exploratory design to understand the perspectives of refugee entrepreneurs on the services needed to address the xenophobic attacks. The study population consisted of refugee entrepreneurs in Atteridgeville. As it was impossible to study the entire population, sampling was conducted using non-probability sampling because the exact size of the population was unknown to the principal investigator (PI), due to the unregulated nature of informal entrepreneurial activities in South Africa. There was no predetermined sample size as the number of participants was determined by the principle of data saturation. The PI selected participants using the snowball sampling technique. The data got saturated after conducting the 10 interviews with male participants. Snowball sampling was used because the PI had limited knowledge of or access to refugee entrepreneurs. The study focused on only male participants due to their dominance in economic enterprises. The lack of female voices in this study indicates the cultural and gender barriers in entrepreneurship, which seem to favour men at the expense of women. It employed semi-structured, one-on-one interviews, without unnecessarily affecting participants’ business operations. Data were collected from October 2018 to January 2019. Since the participants were entrepreneurs, the PI conducted the interviews in a considerate manner that did not disturb the daily operation of their businesses. This included conducting the interviews in their business premises and taking short breaks when they were attending to customers. Although this was convenient for the participants, it posed a lot of challenges to the PI due to a lack of privacy, constant disruptions, and noise, which could have affected the quality of data. More information on how the location and context of the interviews may have influenced the data is noted in the limitations section of this paper.

The PI analysed the data using the steps described by [42]. 1. Data organisation—this step involved typing field notes, transcribing interviews, sorting, and arranging data into different marked files; 2. Reading and writing memos—this entailed reviewing the collected data and familiarising with it through composing short phrases and forming key concept ideas; 3. Describing, classifying, and interpreting data into codes and themes—this step entailed grouping significant statements into units of information and themes, which involved reducing the data into a small, manageable set of themes and sub-themes for the final report; 4. The interpretation of data entailed the development of codes, the formation of themes from the codes, and the organisation of themes into larger units or abstracts that helped the PI to make sense of the data; 5. Representing visual data—in this step, the lived experiences of the refugee entrepreneurs were demonstrated in the research report in a table that showed the biography of the participants, quotes, and discussions that document the empirical findings.

The quality of gathered data was ensured by enacting measures that ensured transferability, dependability, and confirmability. As part of reflexivity, it is imperative to note that the PI is a South African woman who has worked as a social worker for many years in the community of Atteridgeville. As such, the PI guarded against potential researcher bias by keeping a reflection journal that she used to do in-depth self-introspection and self-reflection, and consider how her prior knowledge of the xenophobia in Atteridgeville, values as a social worker, feelings, perceptions, and assumptions as a South African citizen might have impacted her ability to interpret and understand the experiences of participants. To ensure confirmability, the PI provided a detailed description of the methodological process and ensured that the data were well recorded. The PI tried to be objective, neutral, and to avert any potential bias by seeking the guidance and opinions of the study promoter to determine whether she agreed or disagreed with the PI’s analysis and interpretation of collected data.

While conducting the study, the PI adhered to all ethical considerations, including protecting participants, conflicts of interest, the role of the researcher, the principle of nonmaleficence, issues of social justice, sensitivity to vulnerable populations, and respect for dignity and privacy [43].

3. Results

The findings revealed that male refugees dominate entrepreneurial activities such as spaza shops. The findings further revealed that multi-sectoral services should be provided to refugee entrepreneurs who are victims of xenophobic attacks. These include services from the government in providing aid and security, services from civil society organisations in facilitating community support, spiritual support, and support from fellow refugees to minimise the effects of xenophobia on the socio-economic outcomes of entrepreneurial endeavours.

3.1. Biographical Profile of Participants

Table 1. Biographical profile of participants.

Participant	Age	Nationality	Number of Years in Atteridgeville	Type of Business
1	38	Ethiopian	7	Spaza shop
2	40	Nigerian	5	Spaza shop
3	35	Burundian	7	Spaza shop
4	38	Ethiopian	7	Spaza shop
5	36	Nigerian	7	Spaza shop
6	35	Ethiopian	10	Spaza shop
7	40	Congolese	9	Spaza shop
8	45	Ethiopian	8	Spaza shop
9	38	Congolese	8	Spaza shop
10	35	Ethiopian	6	Spaza shop

below presents a biographical profile of the participants.

Table 1 shows that all the participants were from different countries and had been living and conducting business in Atteridgeville for 5 years or more. All the participants ran spaza shops which were easily accessible and sold groceries ranging from bread to milk, grain staples, cool drinks, soap, cigarettes, and alcohol. The authors contend that the participants in this study engaged in economic enterprises due to their inability to access the job market in the host country. The table also shows that male refugee entrepreneurs predominantly run spaza shops in the township. As noted earlier, this indicates that the spaza shop industry is male-dominated.

3.2. Services from the Government

South Africa is a signatory to several international treaties and protocols that guarantee the protection of the rights of refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants. However, the participants indicated that the South African government failed to support and assist them. Below are the accounts of the participants’ experiences:

The South African government did not do anything. When the police come to that side [the place he used to operate his business], they just come to investigate. We do not see any help from the Government. (Participant 3)

They did nothing, someone said, I must go ask the Government. Now it is ten years, and I have nothing. The government is not saying anything. I see nothing from anybody, money, nothing. The police said nothing. You open the case with the Government, and nothing comes up. The Government has money but does not want to help us, like now, I have been waiting for assistance for many years. (Participant 1)

The findings are in line with [2] study, which found that legislation and policies are often flouted and violated by state officials. The lack of proper response, feedback, and follow-up from the police left the refugee entrepreneurs despondent. Some participants specified the kind of assistance they needed from the government. The majority preferred financial assistance or compensation more than any other material type of assistance. Below are some of the specific requirements they needed:

You see, if I had the money, I was going to open another one. Now, if the government can give me the money, I will go and open another shop. (Participant 3)

We are waiting for the government to try something for us, not only for me, but for everyone else. Maybe money to assist each one to start the business again. Now we don’t have power, and there is no money. (Participant 7)

The findings resonate with the work of [4], which recommends that the Department of Home Affairs should grant refugee businesses permits. This should also include financial assistance such as start-up funding for refugee entrepreneurs who employ residents, as well as support from the Department of Trade and Industry (as provided to all SMMEs (small, medium, and micro enterprises). Apart from the financial assistance, participants indicated that they would like the government to play a leading role in educating South Africans about foreign nationals and their plight:

I think the government must educate those people to also treat us like human beings. They must not consider us like animals, where they can take everything from us just like that. (Participant 6)

The findings show that the government has a major role in ensuring that refugees and foreigners are supported. Ref. [44] is of the view that support can be provided in the form of senior political leaders speaking more openly about the political and economic challenges faced by foreign nationals fleeing to South Africa with the view to amending legislation where necessary. Awareness programmes such as media campaigns, community forums, and communication opportunities between foreigners and community members—especially in communities where xenophobia is prevalent are particularly important. Locals should be encouraged to educate one another about cultural differences, practices, and expectations that exist amongst African nationals [45]. Changes in legislation were cited as a way of assisting with problems associated with asylum status for refugees. At the same time, tighter and stricter policies can be enforced to ensure that justice is done for those who feel wronged. One participant had this to say:

The government can pass laws that state that anybody practising xenophobia is going to be in jail for ten years or eleven years. (Participant 8)

The study’s findings revealed the views and expectations of refugee entrepreneurs regarding the services they require and what the government should do to protect their business interests. The findings are like those by [38], who revealed that little is being done to protect the rights of foreigners, and especially those affected by xenophobic attacks. This study also showed that support to those affected by xenophobic attacks should not only be limited to the government and its institutions but should also be extended to other role players such as NGOs, faith-based organisations, and the private sector.

3.3. Services from the CIVIL Society Organisations

In addition to government intervention, participants indicated that the civil society organisations could provide services to refugee entrepreneurs. Firstly, the civil society organisations could capacitate community members to support migrants and refugees in South Africa. Secondly, faith-based organisations could also play a crucial role in preventing xenophobic attacks and/promoting a human rights culture. Lastly, the community of foreign nationals could also be involved in fighting xenophobia. The different roles that could be played by different stakeholders are described below.

3.3.1. Community Support

Support from community members was cited as vital for immigrants and refugees to survive in the aftermath of attacks. Although some locals attacked refugee businesses, some assisted. The following are accounts of the participants:

You know, you people [the researcher as a South African] are not the same. There are people in South Africa who are good, you know. (Participant 1)

If I am surviving, it is because of the South African people. You see, I have left some of the family members at home, but here I am, and I have found kind, loving, and helpful people. (Participant 2)

Even from South Africans, for example, they can say: My friend, tomorrow do not go to work and take care of yourself. That is being caring. (Participant 9)

The findings revealed that there is a need for community members to embrace foreign nationals. This could be done in the form of Protection Working Groups at a community level to protect and assist those affected by xenophobic attacks [8]. The findings are in line with the principle of Ubuntu. Ref. [36] defines Ubuntu as the interconnectedness of human beings and collective respect for human dignity. Some locals displayed the principles of Ubuntu during this time. Refugee entrepreneurs indicated that not all South Africans were xenophobic, as some offered direct support. However, the lack of concerted and well-structured community-based responses, with clear programmes to alleviate the plight of victims of xenophobic attacks and ensure their integration into the communities, remains a huge concern. The government and community members cannot provide support alone; other stakeholders, such as faith-based organisations, can assist.

3.3.2. Spiritual Support

Participants had hope in faith-based organisations. They believed that the faith-based organisations could assist by highlighting the negative effects of xenophobia. The sentiments from participants regarding support from faith-based organisations are as follows:

We also want pastors to preach about it in the pulpit in the church, anywhere, whether you are a Christian or a Muslim. We want this to spread to everybody. Maybe when the pastor is preaching inside the church, they can spread the word outside. (Participant 2)

My church is supporting me, they teach me how to survive, how to take care of my brother, and not treat him badly, and to stay good. (Participant 4)

In the church, if you have a problem, the people support you. They offer things like food, and some will offer money to take care of your family, buy things for the family. (Participant 10)

Various faith-based organisations tend to support their congregants. While the government, community members, and faith-based organisations can provide support and assistance as and when it is required, refugees should also support each other.

3.3.3. Support from Fellow Refugees

There was a sense of brotherhood amongst the refugee entrepreneurs: Yeah, we support each other, especially when engaging with places like Home Affairs. When our applications are rejected, we meet up and support one another and analyse the reasons for the rejection. Bangladesh can only help Bangladesh; the Congolese can try to help the Congolese. That’s how it works. Malawi can help Malawi (Participant 4).

Like us Ethiopians, we have a group of people from Ethiopia, and we try to see that if someone needs something, we try to see how to assist them. (Participant 8)

I tried working for myself, but my friend told me: No, please come and work with me, you cannot stay at home. Even though your wife is working, come and work with me. I will give you something to eat, school, and transport. (Participant 9)

I advise my fellow refugees not to stay away from each other; everybody should stay in the township so that they are closer to their countrymen. When there are xenophobic attacks, we quickly circulate the information in our networks and say: Please don’t come to the shop today, please don’t come, people are attacking the shops. That’s what saved me that day. (Participant 5)

The above shows that the refugee entrepreneurs are supportive of each other, especially those coming from the same country of origin. Ref. [28] note that network operations like the Somali Community Board in South Africa provide support to their fellow countrymen while operating businesses in the country. This highlights how fictitious kinships forged by foreigners help them to survive in times of need and danger.

4. Discussion

The findings indicate that civil society organisations play a pivotal role in providing services to victims of xenophobic attacks. There are several legal advocacy groups, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and associations of migrants and refugees that have been established to deal with xenophobia. The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) is one of them. The CSVR offers psycho-social services to refugees and asylum seekers from Africa and abroad who are torture survivors, as well as those affected by xenophobic attacks in South Africa [24]. The Nelson Mandela Foundation is another organisation that organises social cohesion sessions and community dialogues in violence-affected communities across South Africa. The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) initiated the ‘One Movement’, which is a “…social change campaign that seeks to reverse attitudes that result in discrimination, xenophobia, racism and tribalism” [8].

Other initiatives and activities run by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Office for Southern Africa (UNHCR ROSA), aimed at protecting refugees and immigrants, were identified by [8]. These include peace education for refugees and local communities, and youth sporting activities. There are also working groups which include UN agencies, international and national NGOs, faith-based organisations (FBOs), trade unions, government, police representatives, and private donors [8]. Social workers play a pivotal role in addressing xenophobic attacks on refugee entrepreneurs. The promotion of human rights, social justice, and the eradication of poverty and other social ills is in the domain of social work [46]. In South Africa, the responsibility for social work services lies with the Department of Social Development and is regulated by the South African Council for Social Services Professionals (SACSSP) [45]. From an ecological systems approach, social workers render services at a micro, meso, macro, and chrono levels [47]. At a micro level, social workers should render services to individuals and families [47]. Ref. [46] points out that when dealing with vulnerable people, including refugees, the social worker must provide counselling services offered to all vulnerable people on a one-on-one basis. Normal intervention services in social work should be followed by a proper assessment that generates a comprehensive intervention plan, implemented and monitored before services are terminated, preferably over a lengthy period [45]. Additionally, social workers can advocate for refugee rights by linking them with key role-players such as lawyers/attorneys, civil rights movement leaders, and other interested bodies for assistance [46]. Victims of xenophobic attacks could be empowered through education on what to do when their rights are violated, and the perpetrators could also be educated about the cultural practices of foreigners and their differences [26].

At a meso level, social workers should render services through group work [47]. A human rights-based approach in social work is identified as an appropriate way to address issues such as xenophobic attacks. This approach argues for social justice and a fair world where people are offered services and resources, not because they deserve them, but because they are entitled to them, based simply on their humanity [36]. Another service provided by social workers to those affected by xenophobic attacks is victim empowerment and facilitating access to a range of services for all people who have collectively suffered harm, trauma, and/or material loss through violence [45]. At a meso level, the social worker is required to understand the roots of the injustice and be target-oriented when offering services; participate in public forums that address the nature, causes, and resolutions of injustice [47].

From a macro level, social workers should intervene at a community, institutional, and organisational level [48]. Social workers are encouraged to be at the centre of programme implementation to ensure that the legislative mandate is realised locally [49]. Awareness programmes such as media campaigns, community forums, and communication opportunities between foreigners and community members should be encouraged, especially in communities where xenophobic attacks are prone to take place, to educate each group about diverse cultural practices and expectations [11]. Public education of communities on the rights of foreign nationals, be they refugees or asylum seekers, is the most effective way forward [2]. Ref. [49] support a call to have social workers who are keen for knowledge about human rights and related treaties; provide services like advocacy and community development to advance better human relations. The South African Council for Social Services Professional (SACSSP) encourages social workers to understand what human rights are, and how they apply to the social work working environment; educate individuals, groups and communities about human rights whenever the opportunity arises; know where and how to report human rights violations; stand up for equality and non-discrimination for the clients and the community at large; and lastly to stand for social justice [50]. Ref. [45] opines that this can only be achieved if social workers are well-trained to deliver services related to the unique needs of those affected by xenophobic attacks.

Victims of xenophobic attacks are encouraged to use an inter-sectoral approach, which involves different governmental departments, such as the South African Police Service, Department of Education, Department of Home Affairs, Department of Health, South African Social Security Agency, and Department of Social Development [49]. Thus, social workers could be effective in a multi-disciplinary team that develops, allocates, manages, and monitors plans and resources to ensure easy access to emergency funds for equipment and support services for victims of xenophobia. Public consciousness should be elevated regarding the lives and predicaments of vulnerable people [11]. Public awareness could further encourage alliances with other bodies sharing similar interests, to influence the legislature on human rights cases relating to xenophobia [46].

The study participants are men who run spaza shops, which limits the full picture of the phenomenon and excludes the perspective of female refugees. In future, it would be worth taking into account the experiences of women and even young people. An additional comparative perspective, e.g., the situation of refugees in different regions of South Africa or in other African countries (e.g., Zimbabwe, Ghana), could broaden the perspective and strengthen this area of analysis. It is worth noting that this fact limits the possibility of transferring the conclusions to the entire refugee population.

5. Conclusions

Refugee entrepreneurs are left financially vulnerable after xenophobic attacks. Although being signatory to several international and regional conventions and treaties, the South African government failed to provide the necessary and expected support to the refugee entrepreneurs affected by xenophobic attacks. Government officials, such as police officers, did not provide services to refugees, especially in the aftermath of xenophobic attacks. The civil society organisations and faith-based organisations provided the support needed by refugee entrepreneurs; however, it was limited since it did not involve the much-needed financial resources. For the services to be holistic, they should be rendered from a multi-sectoral approach, which involves partnerships between the government, civil society organisations, faith-based organisations, refugee and migrant associations, and local community leadership. The services and functions of the social workers are a resource that could be tapped into in coordinating the multi-sectoral teams, organising and implementing interventions and programmes for refugee entrepreneurs affected by xenophobic attacks.

5.1. Limitations of the Study

A few limitations of this study are noted. Firstly, qualitative studies are dependent on the goodwill of the participants and on how much information they are prepared to share. Due to the sensitive nature of the subject matter, some participants found it difficult to openly and honestly share their experiences and challenges. Secondly, the location of the interviews posed a challenge to the PI. The interviews took place in areas where participants operated businesses. The PI opted to interview the participants in an environment they were comfortable and familiar with, which unfortunately posed a limitation due to constant interruptions during the interview process. Moreover, some interviews were conducted with refugees through locked security gates at their business premises, and some were conducted outside, where there was noise and constant interruptions from the customers and community members passing by. Thirdly, the study only has a very small sample and covered a small geographical area of South Africa; as such, the findings cannot be generalised to the entire country. Fourthly, participants were only male refugee entrepreneurs; as such, the voice of female refugee entrepreneurs is absent. Hence, future research should include female entrepreneurs to obtain a complete picture of the phenomenon.

5.2. Significance and Implications of the Study

The study found that social and economic services are needed to address the aftermath of xenophobic attacks in South Africa. Moreover, the contribution of refugee entrepreneurs to the economy of South Africa should be acknowledged and accentuated. The study underscores the need to adopt a multi-sectoral approach in rendering services to refugee entrepreneurs affected by the xenophobic attacks. Professionals working with refugee populations occupy a central role in promoting the socio-economic integration of refugee entrepreneurs in South Africa. Effective integration requires multi-dimensional interventions, targeting both structural and community-level factors. Public awareness campaigns, for instance, are essential in educating host communities about the structural and political factors that compel individuals to migrate, while simultaneously dispelling misconceptions that refugees are responsible for local socio-economic challenges. Complementing these initiatives, the integration of comprehensive modules on African migration into school curricula can foster early awareness of refugee experiences and contribute to the long-term mitigation of xenophobic attitudes. Taken together, these multi-layered interventions underscore the necessity of a holistic, context-sensitive approach to refugee integration, one that simultaneously addresses individual needs, fosters community cohesion, and engages structural mechanisms to uphold rights and social justice.

Guided by ecological systems theory, which conceptualises human experiences as shaped by dynamic interactions across multiple environmental systems [51], the provision of support to refugees necessitates a multilayered intervention framework. At the microsystem level, interventions should prioritise direct engagement with refugees and their immediate social networks through counselling, case management, and empowerment initiatives that draw on trauma-informed and strengths-based principles to enhance personal agency and psychosocial well-being [52]. Within the mesosystem, structured group interventions can facilitate relational support, knowledge exchange, and collective problem-solving among refugees, thereby reinforcing social cohesion and resilience within displaced communities [1]. At the exosystemic and macrosystem levels, broader advocacy, policy engagement, and community sensitisation are essential to influence institutional practices and sociopolitical structures that impact refugee livelihoods and integration [49,52]. Furthermore, consideration of the chronosystem underscores the importance of sustained structural transformation and the temporal dimension of policy implementation, ensuring that governments and other duty bearers remain accountable to the enduring rights and needs of refugees [1,53]. By embedding rights-based, trauma-informed, and strengths-oriented approaches across these interrelated ecological layers, a more holistic, contextually responsive, and sustainable model of refugee support can be achieved. Figure 1 below illustrates the different levels of service delivery to refugee entrepreneurs.

5.3. Recommendations

Multi-sector help desks should be established in the aftermath of xenophobic attacks to ensure proper support and assistance to those affected. Social workers should be at the forefront of packaging service delivery projects to migrant and refugee populations. Social work services should be more visible within the community. Relief programmes should be coordinated between the government and other service providers in the aftermath of xenophobic attacks. Different service providers, such as police officials and health practitioners, should be equipped with knowledge and regulations on how to provide adequate services to refugees. Other studies could focus on expanding knowledge on how different government departments perform when providing needed services to refugees, especially considering the different language barriers and cultural practices that exist between South Africans and foreign nationals. Other research studies could focus on the role of different embassies operating in the country in the aftermath of xenophobic attacks on their citizens. Moreover, future studies should make a deliberate effort to include the voices of female refugees and further interrogate the cultural and gender barriers in entrepreneurship. Since the study was qualitative in nature, it failed to provide quantitative data and statistics on the number of refugee businesses, the scale of losses that emerged from the xenophobic attacks, data on costs, economic impact, or forms of financial support. As such, a future study could use a quantitative research design to undertake a costing exercise of the forms of support needed by migrant and refugee entrepreneurs to address the effects of xenophobic attacks.