Parental Digital Illiteracy and Communication Paradox in Children’s Video Game Practices: Case Study from Malang City, Indonesia

Abstract

The issue of video games has become an important topic in the social sciences, particularly regarding age rating systems and content regulation. While these concerns have been extensively examined in developed nations, they remain underexplored in developing contexts such as Indonesia. This study identifies a socio-cultural paradox in digital parenting practices in Malang City, Indonesia, where many parents adopt reactive and restrictive supervision strategies while failing to evaluate the actual game content. A descriptive qualitative single-case study was conducted using semi-structured interviews with 26 parents and their children. The findings reveal that all participating parents were unaware of existing video game age rating systems and rarely assessed the content of their children’s games. Thematic analysis produced four typologies of parental mediation, with the Paradoxical Mediator Parent emerging as the key finding. This typology reflects the interaction between parents’ low levels of digital literacy and local cultural conceptions, sak karepe and ojo kakean dolanan gem, which together form a culturally embedded, low-cost parenting strategy. The study contributes to the expansion of the parental mediation theory by integrating non-Western cultural scripts and provides practical recommendations to address digital literacy gaps within families and communities.

1. Introduction

In recent years, video games have evolved from mere entertainment to a global industry with significant social and cultural implications for modern society. Of particular concern, video games are highly accessible to children due to their ease of access and affordability. However, many video games contain sensitive elements such as violence, explicit or implicit sexual content, and even disguised gambling features. Several studies have demonstrated that prolonged exposure may negatively affect children’s psychological well-being and behavior [1,2]. Concerns over these negative effects prompted the World Health Organization (WHO) to classify Gaming Disorder as a condition requiring serious attention [3,4]. Therefore, the issue of video games is not merely a matter of health and psychology but has also become an important social concern. Consequently, video games have become a critical social concern encompassing digital literacy, family communication patterns, and media regulation mechanisms, and psychological health.

To address these growing concerns, international institutions such as the Entertainment Software Rating Board (ESRB), Pan European Game Information (PEGI), the International Age Rating Coalition (IARC), and Indonesia’s local system, the Indonesia Game Rating System (IGRS), have developed age-rating mechanisms for video games. These regulations are fundamentally designed to guide parents in selecting age-appropriate games and to promote adequate supervisory behavior. Unfortunately, age-rating systems and parental monitoring mechanisms are not effectively implemented in practice. Unlike developed countries that possess well-established regulatory infrastructures and higher public awareness, developing nations such as Indonesia face systemic barriers, including political, economic, and social instability. These conditions limit the effectiveness of policy implementation, leaving many parents unaware of the purpose and function of the rating system. Such circumstances reflect a gap in parental digital literacy regarding risk mitigation.

Building on this contextual condition, most studies on parenting and digital supervision remain fundamentally grounded in Western frameworks, particularly those derived from Parental Mediation Theory, which may not fully capture the realities of non-Western societies [5]. Meanwhile, research from non-Western perspectives, especially in medium-sized cities in Indonesia, such as Malang, still limited. This condition creates both theoretical and contextual gaps, as Western-based models may not be fully applicable within developing country contexts such as Indonesia. In general, the dynamics of digital supervision in Malang City appear to be influenced by local cultural norms intertwined with a systemic lack of digital literacy. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of local culture and its role in shaping parental mediation and digital supervision mechanisms is essential, as such culturally embedded practices may be perceived as appropriate, even if not entirely effective. Consequently, the digital literacy gap in this context is not only systemic but also culturally embedded, constituting an important research gap worthy of investigation.

Building upon this identified gap, the present study seeks to address the underexplored dimensions of digital parenting by examining the paradoxes embedded within digital supervision mechanisms among families in Malang City, Indonesia. Malang serves as an ideal case study site. As an educational and cultural hub and the second-largest city in East Java, Malang recorded 69,646 elementary school-aged children in 2023 [6]. Crucially, according to the 2024 Indonesian Digital Society Index, the city scored 52.64, substantially surpassing the national average of 43.34 [7]. High digital access, weak enforcement of video game regulations, and low parental digital literacy contribute to parents’ limited understanding of video game risks. Field observations and preliminary interviews with parents in Malang revealed a general disregard for the titles or content of games played by children, suggesting that digital content supervision is not perceived as a fundamental parental responsibility. Interestingly, this phenomenon is crystallized by local cultural conceptions that render parental mediation and digital supervision mechanisms culturally specific and notably distinct from those observed in other regions of Indonesia.

Building upon this cultural context, Malang City was selected as the study site, as it exemplifies the challenges commonly faced by urban families in Indonesia, especially, high digital access accompanied by limited literacy, awareness, and parental supervision. Most previous studies have focused on major metropolitan areas such as Jakarta or Surabaya [8,9], while research in mid-sized cities like Malang remains scarce. Therefore, this study aims to examine the paradoxical patterns in digital supervision and parent–child communication regarding age ratings and video game content. This focus addresses a significant void in the current literature.

This phenomenon highlights a critical disconnect between digital literacy, supervisory practices, and communication behaviors within families. Furthermore, public campaigns regarding age rating systems have yet to be fully embraced by the prevailing parenting culture. As a result, digital supervision is often regarded as a domestic matter rather than a collective social responsibility. Consequently, a culture of responsible digital supervision has not yet been widely adopted, even in urban environments such as Malang.

In the interest of building upon the preceding discussion, the present study proposes two general research assumptions. (1) Parents, in general, possess insufficient knowledge about video game age rating systems as well as the content of the games played by their children. (2) The gap between parents’ limited understanding of the rating system, reinforced by local cultural conceptions in Malang City, and their weak digital supervision practices creates a paradox within the mechanisms of digital parenting. The findings of this study are expected to contribute to the broader conceptual understanding of parental mediation models and to inform culturally adaptive policy interventions aimed at strengthening family-based digital literacy in Indonesia, particularly in Malang City.

2. Parental Supervision, Digital Literacy and Cultural Context

The massive digital penetration, particularly the proliferation of video games, has intensified scholarly focus on regulatory mechanisms and the parental role in digital supervision. Generally, public concern about video games centers on the risks of sensitive content exposure, primarily violence and sexual themes, which potentially contribute to adverse effects on children’s social behavior and psychological well-being [10,11]. The primary objective of regulatory initiatives undertaken by various institutions, notably the ESRB, PEGI, and IARC, was to mitigate the aforementioned risks. These endeavors entailed the establishment of comprehensive age rating systems and content descriptors for the general public, with a particular focus on informing parents. The efficacy of these rating systems and digital supervision practices is contingent upon the level of awareness and understanding among parents. In the context of Indonesia, the presence of a local rating system, the Indonesian Game Rating System (IGRS) [12], does not guarantee effective implementation. This failure is often attributed to low parental digital literacy and inadequate supervision practices, creating a critical gap between formal regulation and real-world domestic practices.

In response to these challenges, the Indonesian government has developed a local age rating framework known as the (see

Table 1. Comparison of age rating system found in Indonesia.

Video Game Rating Institution	Jurisdiction	Age Rating Categories	Content Descriptions
ESRB (Entertainment Software Rating Board) [13]	North America	E, E10+, T, M, AO	An age-based rating system ranging from content suitable for all ages (E) to content intended for adults only (AO), with indicators such as violence, strong language, and sexual or pornographic material.
IARC (International Age Rating Coalition) [14]	International (digital games)	3+, 7+, 12+, 16+, 18+	An age-based rating system for digital applications and games or video games downloaded online. It assesses content based on violence, sensitive themes, and online interactions.
IGRS (Indonesia Game Rating System)	Indonesia	3+, 7+, 13+, 15+, 18+	Indonesia’s local age rating system classifies video game content by age, ranging from 3+ to 18+.

). This system was designed with the primary objective of safeguarding children from age-inappropriate or sensitive content. Furthermore, the Indonesian government has announced plans to strengthen the institutional status of the IGRS under the Ministry of Digital Communication by 2026. This reinforcement would grant IGRS greater legal authority to block games containing explicit pornographic or gambling content, reflecting a strong policy commitment to consumer protection, particularly for children [12]. Nevertheless, the social phenomena observed in this study occurred during a period when the implementation of the rating system remained underdeveloped. It is noteworthy that the majority of video games available in Indonesia have already been subject to rating by either the ESRB or IARC. This disparity highlights that comprehensive systemic reforms must be actively complemented by tangible enhancements in functional digital literacy at the family level.

However, despite these structural efforts, formal regulation still fails to operate as a practical guide for digital literacy or as a supervisory framework for parents in monitoring their children’s gaming activities. Consequently, the age rating system often operates merely at a normative and symbolic level, as a policy document, rather than being consistently implemented as a family-based practice of digital literacy and risk mitigation, particularly within the community of Malang City.

To better understand how such regulatory gaps shape parental behavior, this study draws upon the Parental Mediation Theory, the prevailing framework used to examine parental interventions in children’s digital media use. [5]. This theory conceptualizes parental mediation and supervision along two main dimensions, focus and frequency, which are further defined into four major typologies: Restrictive Mediation, Active Mediation, and Monitoring or Empowering Mediation [5,15]. The four typologies delineated herein provide the theoretical foundation and analytical anchor for this study, thereby enabling an examination of local realities as they manifest. Furthermore, leveraging these typologies is essential for developing a non-Western perspective [16,17].

In line with this theoretical rationale, it is important to recognize that although the Parental Mediation Theory asserts a strong claim of universality, variations in cultural contexts and levels of digital literacy may generate distinct dynamics in its application, particularly in developing countries such as Indonesia, and especially in Malang City. A multitude of studies from the Global South have yielded consistent findings, particularly with regard to the inadequate levels of parental digital literacy, which impede the adoption of active mediation or responsible digital supervision [8,16,18]. Consequently, when parents lack both general knowledge about age rating systems and the technical skills to analyze video game content, they tend to adopt the simplest form of regulation, restrictive mediation, by merely limiting playtime [19]. This reaction can be seen as a coping mechanism rather than a comprehensive and responsible form of digital supervision.

At a deeper level, the cultural scripts of parenting in Malang City play a crucial role. Common conceptions of digital parenting frequently overlook the deeply embedded cultural philosophies that shape parental attitudes and practices toward their children’s digital engagement. The Javanese cultural expressions sak karepe (“whatever they want”) and ojo kakean dolanan gem (“don’t play video games too much”), respectively, represent unstructured freedom and rigid time limitation. This reflects a cultural contradiction between traditional parenting norms and the nature of digital content consumption. This phenomenon reveals that the majority of parents predominantly engage in reactive control rather than fostering critical awareness regarding digital content.

Building upon this observation, this study posits that the intersection of low cognitive digital literacy and the influence of local cultural scripts generate a distinctive form of supervision that substantially deviates from Western ideals of digital parenting. Accordingly, this study proposes a non-Western typology of parental mediation as a necessary conceptual expansion to better understand the realities of parental digital supervision in Malang City within a non-Western cultural framework.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Design

This study employed a qualitative single-case study design [20,21,22]. This design was selected as the most suitable approach for enhancing conceptual understanding and theoretical development, as it prioritizes in-depth insight over statistical generalization [20]. The rationale behind our selection of this design is its exploratory and inductive character, which renders it particularly well-suited for the development of emergent concepts that are firmly grounded in field realities. To illustrate this point, we can consider the cultural phenomena surrounding digital parenting in the community of Malang City. In contrast to the testing of variable relationships through statistical means, this design allows for a more organic and context-specific exploration of emergent concepts. Therefore, this design was considered more appropriate than correlational or mixed-method approaches, which are generally aligned with deductive hypothesis testing [21,22]. Malang City was chosen as the study site because it represents a mid-sized urban area in East Java, Indonesia, characterized by high levels of digital penetration. This context made it an ideal location to observe the interaction between digital advancement and the evolving local cultural scripts of its residents. Consequently, the implementation of a qualitative single-case study design enabled the exploration of social phenomena in depth, as opposed to the pursuit of generalizations across more extensive populations.

3.2. Participants and Setting

This study was conducted in Malang City, East Java, Indonesia (see Figure 1). The participants comprised 26 parents (23 mothers and 3 fathers) who were interviewed together with their children (18 boys and 8 girls) with a mean age of approximately 7 years (M = 7.05; SD = 0.76). The preponderance of maternal figures aligns with the prevailing social norm in Indonesian families, where mothers typically assume the predominant role as mediators and primary caretakers in child supervision [23,24]. However, since this study focuses on the dynamics of digital parenting, the gender of the parents and their children was not treated as a distinguishing variable. Interestingly, some female children were found to play typically masculine video games, such as Mobile Legends (ML) or Downhill Domination (n = 2), indicating that game preferences are not strictly gender-dependent. Furthermore, the sample size (n = 26) was considered sufficient to achieve thematic and informational saturation, as the credibility of qualitative data is determined not by the number of participants but by the depth of information obtained [20,25]. Two expert informants, a child development psychologist and a medical doctor, were also involved to provide scientific validation regarding video games and the critical role of parents in supervision.

A purposive sampling technique was applied with the following three inclusion criteria: (1) parents residing in various areas of Malang City, such as Dieng, Karang Besuki, Dinoyo, Sengkaling, Muharto, Sawojajar, and Pakis (see Figure 1); (2) parents who have children aged around seven years who actively play video games at home; and (3) parents who engage in general forms of digital mediation and supervision. Sampling was conducted through personal approaches in neighborhoods with high child populations across Malang City to ensure data diversity and minimize location bias. Crucially, participants were drawn exclusively from the middle-class population of Malang City (see

Table 2. Participants’ demographic characteristics.

Demographic Categories	Sub-Categories	n (N = 26)
Occupations	Factory worker Housewife Private employee Teacher/educational practitioner Merchant	16 5 1 3 1
Educational attainment (highest)	High school diploma Bachelor’s degree Master’s degree	20 3 3
Family structure type	Nucleus family	26
Social class revenue rate (Malang City)	All participants’ revenue rate is IDR 2,500,000–4,000,000 (USD 160–250) *	26

* Exchange rate estimation: 1 USD ≈ 15,500 IDR.

). A salient issue is the digital divide among middle-class families, as many possess unobstructed access to digital technologies yet lack the necessary digital literacy skills. Therefore, the present study aimed to isolate socio-cultural and cognitive factors related to digital literacy within this social group by limiting the sample to middle-class parents.

Demographically, the participants in this study predominantly belonged to the middle or lower-middle social class in Malang City, with an estimated monthly household income ranging from IDR 2,500,000 to 4,000,000 (approximately USD 160–250). Similarly to families in other developing countries, most participants and their children lived within a nuclear family structure, as presented in Table 2.

3.3. Data Collection

The primary data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews, each lasting approximately 30 min. The interview design aimed to maintain a balance between question consistency and response flexibility in exploring emerging themes. The interview questions were developed around three main themes: (1) children’s video game habits, focusing on their daily routines and play frequency; (2) parental supervision mechanisms, aiming to understand how parents monitor and accompany their children during gameplay while exploring their level of digital literacy; and (3) communication practices, seeking to explore how parents negotiate and enforce gaming rules. Based on these themes, several key questions were formulated, such as “What are your child’s habits when playing video games?” and “How do you monitor or enforce rules when your child plays video games?” The data collection process was carried out by the researcher and a team of three trained research assistants. All research assistants had received prior training in qualitative interviewing and data recording techniques.

To complement these insights, non-participant observation was concurrently employed to examine the content of the video games played by the children and to record their corresponding age ratings. Furthermore, the validity and reliability of the data were ensured through triangulation. This process involved synthesizing the interview results, the researcher’s observations of the children, and the actual video games they played.

In addition to the primary data, secondary data were collected from relevant documentation [22], including demographic statistics of Malang City and official information regarding video game age rating systems from organizations such as the ESRB, IARC, and IGRS. The incorporation of secondary data served to strengthen the primary data findings, particularly with regard to demographic aspects and official regulations pertaining to video game ratings and content.

3.4. Ethical Considerations

This study received ethical approval from the Ethical Committee of Universitas Padjadjaran (approval number 2309051387, issued on 28 December 2023). The principles of the Declaration of Helsinki and the guidelines of the Office for Human Research Protection (OHRP) and the US Department of Health and Human Services (NIH-USA) were strictly adhered to in the conduct of this study. All participants signed written informed consent, thereby indicating their consent to participate in the study. Crucially, the confidentiality of participants’ identities and information was fully guaranteed, and all collected data were used solely for scientific purposes.

3.5. Data Analysis

All data analysis processes were conducted manually, adhering to Creswell’s (2014) thematic analysis procedures for qualitative data analysis. The stages of analysis included preparing all data for analysis, reading the entire dataset, performing data coding and categorization, and conducting interpretation and thematic discussion [26]. Additionally, source triangulation was employed in this study. This approach entailed the triangulation of interview results with parents, the child psychologist, and the medical doctor to ensure the attainment of valid and reliable data. Principles such as credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability were also integral to the assurance of data quality [22].

Building upon these quality assurance measures, the data analysis process was conducted manually, adhering to the thematic analysis procedures outlined by Creswell (2014) [26]. The analytical process systematically followed five steps. (1) Data Preparation and Organization involved verbatim transcription and the organization of field notes; (2) Reading and Familiarization was carried out to gain a general understanding of the data; (3) The coding and categorization phase involved the grouping of descriptive labels into major categories, such as digital parenting practices; (4) Theme Development and Review was performed to refine categories and construct broader conceptual themes; and (5) Interpretation and Thematic Discussion were undertaken to elaborate the findings and provide conceptual extensions [26]. This systematic process ensured that all qualitative data were rigorously examined and accurately interpreted.

Building upon this analytical rigor, the trustworthiness of the findings—which encompasses credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability—was further strengthened through explicit validation procedures [22,27]. Credibility of the study was established through a meticulous process of cross-verification, whereby interview data corroborated insights from three distinct sources: parents, a child psychologist, and a medical doctor. The transferability of the local context of Malang City within the framework of Javanese cultural values was established through a thorough description, thereby enabling readers to assess its applicability to analogous contexts. Dependability was maintained through thorough documentation at each stage of the research process, while confirmability was ensured by linking analytical interpretations and conclusions to verbatim quotations from participants. These measures collectively ensured the maintenance of transparency, traceability, and objectivity in all presented findings [27].

4. Results

The findings of this study are presented in two subsections. First, we report the results illustrating the violations committed by children when playing video games, particularly those that are not aligned with the officially designated age ratings. Second, we discuss the mechanisms of digital parenting and the emerging cultural paradoxes within the community of Malang City concerning parental supervision and digital mediation. This structured approach is adopted to provide a holistic and comprehensive understanding of the study’s findings, moving from empirical observation to conceptual interpretation.

4.1. Playing Without Permission: Content Transgression as a Normalized Practice

The pattern of findings indicates a sharp discrepancy between the age categories formally recommended by official video game rating systems, such as the IARC and ESRB, and the actual gaming practices observed among children in the field. Table 2 provides a synopsis of the most commonly played video games among children, accompanied by their respective age ratings. The table indicates that the majority of children engage in gaming activities such as Player Unknown Battle Ground (PUBG), Free Fire (FF), and Sakura School Simulator (Sakura), which are classified under teen and mature ratings (12+ and 18+). This condition underscores that the gaming activities of children around the age of seven have already exceeded the recommended age boundaries, thereby forming a transgressive practice that has become socially normalized within everyday family life.

Consistent with this observed normalization, interviews with parents and their children indicated that playing video games has become a routine part of leisure activities, particularly during free time or on weekends. An analysis of the interview data showed that the majority of children (n = 16) frequently engaged in video gaming, specifically games such as Player Unknown’s Battlegrounds/PUBG, Free Fire/FF, and Mobile Legends/ML, Roblox and Downhill Domination which were rated 12+ by IARC or T by ESRB [13]. A smaller proportion of children (n = 4) were found to play Sakura School Simulator/Sakura, which carries an 18+ rating from IARC [14], despite being only 6–8 years old. Meanwhile, only a few children played age-appropriate games (n = 6), such as Pazu Avatar World, My Talking Angela, Fall Guys, Minecraft, and Asphalt 9 which were rated 7+ by IARC [14]. This pattern shows that many children engage with content outside their designated age categories, primarily due to inadequate parental monitoring.

Building upon these findings, the interview results further revealed that the majority of the children (n = 14) described games such as PUBG and FF as more engaging to play, often giving similar responses such as, “great games, because it’s a shooting game”. An analysis of the content of PUBG and FF reveals that both games depict explicit shooting scenes using firearms. However, these games do not visually display blood or gore. This observation is consistent with the genre classification of these games as Battle royale/action shooters. Meanwhile, our observations of Sakura School Simulator content via YouTube revealed numerous sensitive scenes such as kissing, minimal clothing, implicit nudity, and explicit violence. In the course of interviews, children who played Sakura exhibited signs of embarrassment when asked to provide detailed explanations about the game. Consequently, no further descriptions about Sakura’s content were obtained from them (see

Table 3. Age rating system and video games description that played by children.

Age Rating Categories *	Video Game Titles	Genres	Video Game Description	Platforms	n	Σn
IARC 3+	Pazu Avatar World	Simulation	Life simulation with interactive avatars.	Mobile	1	3
	My Talking Angela	Simulation	Character customization and care with anthropomorphic style.	Mobile	1
ESRB E/IARC 3+	Fall Guys	Competitive platformer	Multi-player competition with obstacle courses; no explicit violence.	Fixed	1
IARC 7+	Minecraft	Adventure	Open-world exploration with building and creative interaction.	Mobile	1	3
	Asphalt 9	Action racing	High-speed street racing with multi-player competition.	Mobile	2
IARC 12+	Player Unknown Battle Ground (PUBG), Free Fire (FF)	Shooting/Battle royale	Multi-player combat with realistic weapons; contains explicit violence.	Mobile	10	16
	Mobile Legend (ML)	Massive Multi-Player Online Role Play Game (MMORPG)	Real-time 5v5 battle with team strategy; includes fantasy violence.	Mobile	4
	Roblox	Platformer	User-generated content ranging from simulations to mild violence.	Mobile	1
ESRB T	Downhill Domination	Action racing	BMX downhill racing focused on skill and competition.	Fixed	1
IARC 18+	Sakura School Simulator	Simulation	Life simulation with implicit violence, romantic themes, and sexual content.	Mobile	4	4
	N					26

* The PEGI and IGRS ratings did not provide age ratings for video games played by the children of the informant.

).

The analysis of field data further indicated that the majority of children played video games via mobile platform (n = 24), in comparison to other fixed platforms (n = 2). This indirectly reflects the high penetration of smartphones among children. The personal nature of smartphones allows children to play video games freely on these devices without adequate parental supervision. These findings reveal a significant implication: the unrestricted access of children to video game content rated 12+ to 18+ indicates a severe lack of parental supervision. This suggests that most parents engage in only minimal oversight without examining or understanding the content of the games. In other words, parental supervision tends to be merely procedural rather than protective or accompanied by meaningful guidance. This condition reflects a paradox in the way parents supervise their children’s digital activities.

4.2. The Parental Mediation and Paradox over Age Ratings Video Game

The interviews with parent participants revealed that the majority of them had very limited awareness of video games. While the majority of parents engaged in communication and negotiation with their children regarding playtime and duration, these interactions rarely addressed more substantive aspects. As a result, parental supervision tended to be technical and reactive, focusing primarily on limiting screen time rather than considering the actual content of the games. This phenomenon can be attributed to a deficiency in digital literacy among parents, particularly with regard to comprehending age rating systems and game content. Additionally, there is an absence of effective communication regarding supervision and the profound implications of video game engagement. These findings underscore a gap in digital parenting practices in Indonesia, especially regarding children’s video game consumption in the urban context of Malang.

In line with this gap, although international rating systems such as ESRB encompass a broad spectrum of risks, including gambling, alcohol, drug misuse, and strong language [13], the majority of parental concerns in Indonesia, particularly among the participants in this study, remained focused exclusively on issues of violence and sexuality in video games. Furthermore, the absence of discourse concerning alternative categories of digital risk reported by parents suggests that parental anxiety regarding video game content supervision continues to depend predominantly on conventional moral concerns that are more readily discernible. This tendency indicates a preference for addressing issues that are easily observable (e.g., violence or sexuality) rather than focusing on the broader, more intricate digital risks (e.g., strong language, gambling, or drug abuse) that are increasingly prevalent.

In alignment with these observed tendencies, the axial coding of the interview data revealed four typologies of parental mediation based on two primary dimensions: “content control” and “time control.” These dimensions represent a reconceptualization of the globally recognized concepts of active (content-based) and restrictive mediation [5], situated within the socio-cultural context of Malang City, where parental digital literacy remains limited. In this context, a “high” level of content control does not indicate a deep understanding of age rating systems or game content, but merely reflects parents’ awareness of the game titles their children play. Similarly, a “high” level of time control refers primarily to restrictions on play duration. Thus, these classifications serve to identify the spectrum of variation within the study population rather than to imply advanced digital literacy. In other words, when the majority of parents are entirely unaware of their children’s gaming activities, simply knowing the title of the game is considered a relatively “high” level of parental engagement in the local context, despite the absence of knowledge about age rating systems. Within this spectrum, the Paradoxical Mediator Parent category, parents who limit playtime but disregard or misunderstand the substance and age rating of the games, emerges from local Javanese cultural scripts, sak karepe (“whatever they want”) and ojo kakean dolanan gem (“don’t play too much”), as illustrated in

Table 4. Parental mediation categories and the influence of cultural scripts on children.

Category Code	Typology Classification	Empirical Justification	Dimensions and Characteristics	Cultural Script Influence	n
A	Paradoxical Mediator Parent	Content control: low/Time control: high	Communication: No discussion about game content; mediation focuses solely on playtime limits. Attitude: Parents perceive games as generally safe and therefore do not evaluate content, leading to limited risk mitigation. Practice: Supervision is reactive rather, reflecting low-cost mediation efforts. Literacy: No awareness of age-rating systems (IGRS, ESRB, IARC), preventing content-based guidance.	Strong influence of local cultural scripts: “sak karepe” (permissive) and “ojo kakean dolanan gem” (restrictive), resulting in a paradoxical digital mediation pattern.	9
B	Regulated Mediator Parent	Content control: high/Time control: high	Communication: Rules are negotiated with the child. Attitude: Gameplay is allowed if prior agreements are followed. Practice: Clear time limits are enforced, sometimes with task-based conditions. Literacy: No awareness of age ratings, but parents recognize game titles.	Cultural influence is moderate, supporting a balanced rule-based approach to gameplay.	7
C	Laissez-faire Parent	Content control: low/Time control: low	Communication: No rule negotiation or guidance. Attitude: All games are assumed appropriate for children. Practice: Children choose games freely, with parents providing mainly reactive supervision. Literacy: No awareness of age ratings or game titles.	Dominated by the permissive cultural script “sak karepe” (permissive).	7
D	Empowering Parent	Content control: high/Time control: low	Communication: Dialog is used to discuss playtime agreements. Attitude: Gameplay is allowed when agreements are met. Practice: Playtime and schedule are co-negotiated, aiming to foster the child’s self-awareness. Literacy: No awareness of age ratings, but parents recognize game titles.	Reflects rule-making through verbal agreement, with minimal influence from cultural scripts.	3

.

A small number of parents (n = 3), categorized as Empowering Parent (see Table 4, D), reported knowing the titles of the video games their children played and were relatively capable of establishing simple negotiations with their children regarding play duration and schedules to foster the child’s independence; however, these parents still lacked adequate digital literacy. This situation permitted children to engage in unstructured play without sufficient parental oversight. Consequently, children were able to access games not appropriate for their age, such as Free Fire and Roblox, both rated 12+, as highlighted by SA, one of the parent participants interviewed.

“I set limits for my child when playing video games, when it is time to play, then he can play, but when it is time to study, then he has to study. Sometimes my child refuses to stop, but I can redirect him. During Maghrib prayer time, it is not allowed, but after Maghrib until Isha there is some free time. Other than that, before taking a nap he may play video games or just watch YouTube.”

(SA, parent 02)

According to the statement provided by Parent 02, parents in the Empowering Parent category generally adopt a more moderate stance and attempt to foster their children’s independence while playing video games through various approaches, including negotiation and reactive forms of supervision. Nevertheless, not all parents in this category are able to establish consistent negotiation patterns. Parent 02 and Parent 23, for instance, developed agreements regarding play duration and schedules, whereas Parent 19 fostered independence through firmness and reactive monitoring. However, despite these varying approaches, all parents in this category continued to demonstrate limited media literacy; they generally knew the titles of the video games their children played but did not understand the age ratings or content classifications associated with them. This condition ultimately results in non-optimal digital supervision.

The majority of parents (n = 9), Paradoxical Mediator Parent (see Table 4; A), exhibited a divergent caregiving pattern. While generally unaware of age rating systems and the content of the games their children played, they attempted to negotiate clear limits on playtime. However, the findings of the interview also indicated that parents rarely provided guidance, explanations, or supervision during gameplay. This limited understanding of video game content allowed children to continue accessing age-inappropriate games, such as FF and PUBG (rated 12+) or even Sakura (rated 18+), despite restrictions on playtime. This situation was explicitly reported by Parents 01 and 03.

“My child often plays video games. When he meets his cousins, they play online games for a long time. … Usually more than two hours, but normally it’s about two hours. … But I only allow him to play on Saturdays and Sundays, not on other days. … He doesn’t insist on playing Monday to Friday. … Eh, what game do you usually play with your cousins? (his daughter answered briefly) Sakura. (His confirmed again) … Yes, Sakura.”

(GA, parent 01)

A similar pattern was also observed among several other parents. These parents-imposed restrictions on playtime but lacked understanding of the age rating system, the titles of the video games, and did not provide supervision during their children’s gameplay.

“My grandson plays video games twice a day, and each time is about two hours. On Saturdays and Sundays, he stays at his mother’s house. But when he’s with me, I take his phone away. When I say, ‘That’s enough, you can’t play anymore,’ he stops. He never gets angry. I also tell him, ‘Okay, son, put your phone down now, it’s time for your afternoon nap. What does he play… I don’t know.” (her grandson answered briefly) “Free Fire.” (We asked her grandson about Free Fire) “… it’s a shooting game.

(TS, grandparent 03)

These patterns of supervision suggest that parents are cognizant of the adverse consequences of excessive smartphone use; however, they remain unaware of the potential risks associated with the content of video games their children play. This phenomenon underscores that the majority of parents’ digital literacy is limited to setting time restrictions, whether for video games or smartphones, while their understanding of content and age-rating systems in video games remains very low. This reflects the weakness of parents’ advanced digital literacy.

The present findings further reveal an additional form of supervision. A number of parents (n = 7), Regulated Mediator Parent (see Table 4; B), were unfamiliar with video game age-rating systems, yet they knew the specific games their children were playing and clearly established time limits. In practice, these parents communicated explicit agreements with their children regarding both the schedule and duration of play, as well as the titles of the games being played. Nevertheless, they still overlooked the content of these games. Consequently, their children continued to play titles such as FF, PUBG, and Sakura, which are clearly inappropriate for seven-year-old children. In other words, these parents controlled only how long their children could play, without considering the game content or age rating. One notable exception was Parent 07, who allowed gameplay only after the child completed Quran memorization. This shows a variation in parenting practices, where playtime is linked to completing specific tasks rather than being restricted arbitrarily.

“Because he has a target from school to memorize Quranic verses, I ask him to recite one or two verses every day. So, whenever he plays video games, I ask him to stop and say, ‘Come on, recite the last verse you memorized at school. Which verse did you reach at school?’ In addition, I also instill a sense of responsibility when he plays games.”

(AKI, parent 07)

“Usually, after coming home from Quran class in the afternoon, my child plays on his gadget… But it’s not always games, sometimes he just watches YouTube. … When he uses the gadget, it’s about an hour each day. … I usually tell him to study, ‘That’s enough, Zi, stop playing games, your eyes will strain. Study first.’

(RS, parent 09)

An interview with the child of Parent 09 revealed a frequent engagement with the video game Free Fire (FF) Interestingly, the parent was unaware that FF carries a 12+ age rating, which is clearly inappropriate for children under the age of twelve. Furthermore, the interview findings indicated that Parent 09 neither explicitly prohibited their child from playing FF nor demonstrated an understanding of the game’s content. Instead, the parent perceived FF as harmless for their child. Parent 09’s statements focused solely on technical aspects, such as play duration, rather than on content or age appropriateness. This is reflected in the parent’s remark: “That’s enough, Zi, stop playing games, your eyes will strain. Study first.” (Parent 09). This particular form of communication can be characterized as technical-reactive, with a concentration on immediate physical effects, including eye strain, and the issuance of directives to transition to academic activities.

However, the reasoning is not substantive and remains unrelated to the game’s content. A similar pattern was also observed in Parent 12, as illustrated in the interview excerpt below.

“Usually, my child plays after Maghrib prayers, only for about 15 to 30 min a day. It’s when I leave him for a while. … I usually give him my phone so he won’t wander outside. … On weekends it’s the same as usual. … When I take the phone back, there’s usually a short negotiation. He says, ‘Just a bit more, Ma, I haven’t finished the game yet.’ … Yes, every day he holds the phone. … When he uses the phone, he usually plays Sakura.”

(SK, parent 12)

Both parents’ statements indicate an effort to restrict playtime and awareness of the specific game titles their children played. However, both parents, designated as Parent 09 and Parent 12, were unaware of the age rating system and the content of the video games their children engaged with. Interestingly, although Parent 12 set clear limits on playtime, in certain situations they still allowed extended play, particularly when working outside the home. In addition, negotiations between parent and child over additional playtime frequently occurred. This is reflected in the parent’s remark: “When I take the phone back, there’s usually a short negotiation. He says, ‘Just a bit more, Ma, I haven’t finished the game yet.’” (Parent 12). These negotiations reveal that playtime agreements were established through interactive processes, despite the child’s persistent requests for additional time. Unfortunately, the parents’ lack of knowledge regarding age ratings and video game content led them to permit their children to play any game as long as time limits were observed. This predicament was exacerbated by the dearth of parental supervision or guidance concerning the content to which their children were exposed. This lack of oversight enabled children to access games such as FF and Sakura, which, by all indications, are not commensurate with the developmental level of seven-year-olds.

The last group of parents interviewed exhibited a more permissive parenting pattern in comparison to the three preceding groups. These parents neither knew the age ratings nor the games their children played, nor did they set any time restrictions for their children. This group of parents (n = 7), Laissez-faire Parent (see Table 4; C), described their patterns of supervising their children.

“If I don’t remind him, he can play for a long time, more than an hour. He can play on the phone for a long time. I even get angry … because when he plays, he forgets to eat, forgets everything. … He usually stops when the battery runs out, or when I tell him it needs to be charged. I give him time, but after Maghrib, he has to study until Isha.”

(MZ, parent 04)

An interview with the child of Parent 04 revealed a preference for the game FF, playing, “FF is an incredible game, because it is a shooting game.” This condition suggests that the parent exhibited a tendency to neglect aspects of supervision, guidance, or negotiation regarding the time, duration, or titles of video games that could be played. Instead, the parent imposed inconsistent time restrictions, as reflected in the following statement: “… he can play for a long time, more than an hour. He can play on the phone for a long time. I even get angry … because when he plays, … he forgets everything.” (Parent 04). Thus, regulation of playtime and duration was applied only when the parent became upset (see Table 4). A similar pattern was observed with Parent 16, as reflected in the following interview excerpt.

“MA’s routine is mostly playing games, then going to school. … When he plays games, it can be around two hours every day. If I ask him to stop, I say, ‘Put down your phone. If I count to three and you haven’t put it down, watch out!’ So I have to count first, one, two… then he finally puts it down. But if I ask for the phone when his game isn’t finished, he gets angry, goes into his room, and cries.”

(IF, parent 16)

This condition indicates that parents in the final group displayed the most permissive parenting patterns. They neither regulated the titles of the video games their children played nor established clear limits on playtime duration. In fact, Parent 16 employed threats as a strategy to stop the child from playing: “Put down your phone. If I count to three and you haven’t put it down, watch out!” (Parent 16). While threat-based communication can be effective in certain situations, it is indicative of low levels of digital literacy and weak enforcement of consistent household rules. Such strategies prioritize emotional expression over constructive parenting methodologies. Additionally, parents in this group had little control over the video games their children accessed, resulting in children frequently playing age-inappropriate games.

Building upon this lack of effective oversight, the findings of this study reveal that digital parenting in Malang City is paradoxical. Parents appear to supervise their children, yet they are unaware of what they are supervising or how to conduct supervision. This indicates that the cultural concepts of sak karepe and ojo kakean dolanan gem continue to function as dominant parental scripts in digital supervision practices. More specifically, the sak karepe model manifests as permissive supervision, in which children are allowed to play any video game without oversight or consideration of age rating systems. Consequently, children can easily access games intended for adolescents or adults (12+ or 18+). Meanwhile, the ojo kakean dolanan gem model represents a restrictive approach, wherein parents intervene only when children are deemed to have spent excessive time playing. Furthermore, most interviewed parents believed they had provided sufficient supervision merely because they had set time limits, issued reprimands, or lock their children’s gaming consoles. However, this type of supervision is technical and reactive, conditioning children to comply only with time-related restrictions while failing to prevent their exposure to violent or sexual content. Thus, violations of age rating systems do not stem from deliberate resistance by children, but rather, they emerge as a structural consequence of low parental digital literacy.

In line with these structural limitations, while some parents communicate through negotiation, the content of these interactions tends to be superficial, failing to address the substantive aspects of digital supervision. Statements such as “your eyes will strain” or “study first” demonstrate that communication is largely transactional rather than grounded in shared values. These exchanges do not convey moral or educational meaning, resulting in children developing autonomy without an adequate ethical framework. However, value-based agreements are essential for fostering awareness and responsible independence, especially regarding video game use. Ultimately, digital parenting cannot be reduced to mere access control over technology; it requires intergenerational understanding within the digital ecosystem. Without a comprehensive improvement in parents’ digital literacy, supervision will continue to remain paradoxical at a substantive level.

5. Discussion

This study reveals the emergence of paradoxical patterns in the realm of digital mediation and supervision within familial structures. While most parents believe that they are adequately mediating and supervising their children’s video game activities, their efforts are primarily limited to restricting the duration and frequency of playtime. They rarely engage with the content of the games or consider the age ratings associated with them. The imbalance between behavioral control and cognitive awareness produces what we identify as the Paradoxical Mediator Parent typology (see Table 4; A), characterized by high restrictive mediation but low active mediation. A notable finding is the relative prevalence of this typology (n = 9) among parents in Malang City, which contrasts significantly with the distribution observed in other mediation models. In the context of Parental Mediation Theory [5,19], these findings underscore that parenting and digital mediation practices in Indonesia, particularly in Malang, substantially deviate from Western models [16,23,28,29,30], which generally advocate for a balance between restriction and active discussion.

Building on this divergence from established Western frameworks, this paradoxical mediation pattern emerges not only from supervision mechanisms but also from a combination of low parental digital literacy and influential local cultural scripts. Low digital literacy limits parents’ understanding of game rating systems such as ESRB, IARC, and IGRS, leading them to recognize only visible risks such as violence and sexuality, while ignoring other risk categories, like gambling, profanity, alcohol, and drug use, explicitly outlined in international rating systems like ESRB and PEGI [13,31]. This discrepancy underscores the necessity for heightened parental awareness regarding rating systems and their pertinence to child protection. Concurrently, Javanese cultural scripts exert a notable influence on parenting practices in Malang. The permissive script sak karepe reflects a tendency to maintain familial harmony by avoiding conflict between parents and children. Conversely, the restrictive script ojo kakean dolanan gem represents a simple form of behavioral control focused solely on playtime duration rather than game content. The combination of these two contradictory orientations gives rise to a pragmatic and easily implementable strategy that has come to be known as “low-cost parenting.” This strategy involves the substitution of content supervision, a process that requires cognitive engagement, with an easier time-based control.

Reflecting the implications of this shift, this pattern exemplifies a distinctive form of parental supervision that does not fully align with Western mediation models. While some studies in Europe and North America have reported comparable patterns in certain communities [32,33], these tend to occur within contexts where digital literacy is already high, making such phenomena relatively localized and exceptional. In contrast, in Malang and other developing regions [34,35], digital literacy remains low despite widespread exposure to the internet and digital media. Consequently, children are often permitted to engage in video gaming activities, provided they adhere to time constraints and the content is not deemed unsuitable for their age. This predicament engenders a delicate equilibrium between autonomy and constraints, whereby the cultivation of children’s digital autonomy occurs not through parental guidance and active mediation, but rather through protracted exposure to digital content itself.

This tension is further exemplified by the communication process within the Paradoxical Mediator Parent typology is particularly noteworthy, as it reveals a fundamental contradiction between freedom of content use and unilateral control of playtime. Most parents in this category do not engage in negotiation or establish mutual agreements with their children regarding video game rules. Consequently, children are normatively granted the freedom to choose and play any video game they prefer, without parental guidance on content or age ratings—and often without parents even knowing which games their children play. At the same time, parents impose unilateral time restrictions, often through spontaneous directives such as “You’ve been playing for two hours, it’s time to sleep,” or “You can only play on weekends,” without prior agreement. This pattern of communication places children in an ambiguous position: they experience complete freedom in content selection but are subject to strict temporal control, without a dialogical mechanism for negotiation. In other words, the communication process demonstrates that parents are primarily concerned with limiting playtime unilaterally, while remaining unaware of what their children actually play, resulting in a form of regulation that operates without negotiation, literacy, or reasoned understanding.

As a result of this unmediated supervision, interviews with a child development psychologist and a medical doctor indicate that video games can positively contribute to children’s cognitive and emotional growth; however, exposure to content beyond their developmental stage can have adverse psychological and behavioral effects. This statement is consistent with the findings of previous studies that have demonstrated that video games can exert either positive [36,37,38] or negative impacts [1,39,40,41], contingent upon the content, frequency, and duration of exposure. Therefore, the parental role in enforcing video game regulations and ensuring appropriate supervision remains crucial. The two experts who were interviewed both emphasized the significance of parental involvement in the realm of digital monitoring and mediation. As noted by the child development psychologist in our interview:

“In general, most parents in Indonesia are very negligent about age-rating rules, whether for movies or video games. Age-rating enforcement is also very loose here, … The same happens with video games, where many children play games that are not appropriate for their age classification.”

(Children development psychologist)

Meanwhile, a medical doctor we interviewed expressed a similar statement.

“Indeed, when we talk about video games, we cannot entirely blame children for playing them. What really needs improvement is parents’ knowledge and understanding of video games. This way, parents can actively accompany and educate their children while they play.”

(Medicine doctor)

All expert statements reaffirm that the parental role in supervision, caregiving, and digital mediation is essential. Consequently, it is imperative for parents to acknowledge their responsibility in guiding their children’s moral development, rather than delegating this duty to external factors such as video games.

In light of this responsibility, this perspective underscores that parental digital literacy is not merely a matter of technical knowledge or skills; rather, it is inextricably linked to the moral foundation of child supervision. Similarly, the age rating system should not be regarded merely as a formal regulatory tool, but as a communicative and protective mechanism that facilitates negotiation between parents and children. In this context, the local cultural concept sak karepe should no longer be interpreted as absolute passive permissiveness. Instead, it can be redefined as a form of responsible freedom, where children are allowed to play age-appropriate video games under active parental guidance. Meanwhile, the concept ojo kakean dolanan gem functions as a proportional control mechanism that balances content supervision with playtime duration.

To further situate these findings, cross-cultural comparisons offer a valuable perspective, illuminating nuances that may not be readily apparent within a single cultural context. In developed countries, violations of video game age rating systems are typically individual in nature and occur within environments characterized by high levels of digital literacy. In contrast, in Indonesia, such violations tend to be structural, rooted in parents’ low digital literacy, reactive communication patterns, and the lack of integration of digital values into everyday mediation and caregiving practices. This fundamental difference indicates that parental mediation frameworks developed in Western contexts cannot be fully applied without considering the profound cultural and literacy contexts of local societies, such as in Malang City, Indonesia. The majority of Western studies on parenting are based on populations that already exhibit high levels of digital literacy [42,43].

In response to this contextual limitation, the present study contributes to expanding the conceptual and theoretical scope of parental mediation by situating it within the socio-cultural context of Malang City, Indonesia. The Paradoxical Mediator Parent typology identified in this study provides an empirical basis for understanding that strict behavioral control often coexists with cognitive neglect of digital content. This duality highlights the need for a more culturally responsive mediation framework. Integrating local wisdom such as sak karepe and ojo kakean dolanan gem into digital parenting models through dialogical, participatory, and value-oriented approaches.

Extending from this integration of local wisdom, the findings of this study suggest the need for cross-sectoral collaboration among the government, academia, and communities to enhance parents’ digital literacy knowledge and understanding. It is imperative that such endeavors not only concentrate on mastering the technical aspects of digital media, but also on fortifying moral reasoning and interpretive engagement in parenting and mediation practices. Consequently, digital supervision and mediation can evolve from reactive, time-based actions toward reflective processes grounded in collective participation, where children are no longer positioned merely as objects of supervision but as integral contributors to building responsible digital oversight.

6. Conclusions

This study describes that the paradox of digital supervision in Indonesia, particularly in Malang City, does not solely arise from children’s misconduct. Rather, it is rooted in a misalignment between parental freedom and restriction. In practice, parents tend to allow their children to play video games without considering content or age rating systems, while simultaneously imposing relatively strict time limits. This pattern stems from parents’ low level of digital literacy combined with strong cultural conceptions such as sak karepe, which serves as a representation for freedom, and ojo kakean dolanan gem, which represents restriction. These cultural conceptions are often applied without a clearly defined interpretive framework that considers the potential risks and benefits associated with video games.

This limitation suggests that the study’s results indicate that the efficacy of digital supervision is not exclusively determined by technical control or parental presence. The notion of meaningful supervision is predicated on the premise of dialogical engagement between parents and children, with the objective of fostering a shared understanding of the content and values that are embedded within video games. This approach emphasizes that digital parenting is not merely a technological issue but a process of cultural integration that requires empathy, knowledge, and collective parental awareness. The findings of this study provide an important contribution to developing parenting and mediation models rooted in the socio-cultural context of Malang City, Indonesia.

Based on the study’s findings, this research proposes several implementable steps to strengthen digital literacy among parents and children. (1) Policy intervention: The government should redefine the local age rating system (IGRS) into a format that is easily understandable for parents and teachers, and regularly disseminate it through community organizations, schools, and public media channels. In addition, collaboration with retailers, game centers (arcades), and online app stores is recommended to promote the IGRS age-rating guidelines through attractive and educational posters or e-posters. (2) Family and school intervention: School committees should organize training programs for parents focused on strengthening parent–child digital literacy. Moreover, practical manuals should be provided to guide parents in selecting age-appropriate video games and managing children’s playtime effectively. (3) Academic–community collaboration: Universities and community organizations are encouraged to develop community engagement programs that establish digital literacy classes for parents and provide evaluation tools, such as a digital literacy checklist. Collectively, these three initiatives are expected to promote more dialogical, literacy-based, and measurable forms of digital mediation in families.