Evictions, Foreclosures, and Global Housing Speculation in Palma, Spain
Round 1
Reviewer 1 Report
The article is very interesting, well written and based on very rigorous research. For non-experts of Spain's housing system it would be helpful to include more details about social housing in Spain, e.g. how can it be that social housing tenants/owners are subject to eviction and foreclosures? Has social housing in Spain always been private or was it privatised at some point in history? Another question that I had and that remains unanswered is what happens to people that have been victims of evictions or foreclosure? What is the social impact (beyond quite obvious impoverishment)? Any type of social assistance? What housing trajectories follow evictions and foreclosures? If possible, I would suggest to the author to add ad a few comments on these topics, even though the article is perfectly publishable also without such additions.
Author Response
Thank you for the opportunity to revise my manuscript for LAND. I thank for your very pertinent comments and suggestions, which have helped to improve the article. I respond to the reviewer's questions or suggestions:
1) How can it be that social housing tenants/owners are subject to eviction and foreclosures?
This point has been addressed. The answer to your question is that this housing was subsequently privatized. The council/social housing under study in Son Gotleu was built in the 1950s and 60s. Depending on the social housing system to which the buildings were subject, generally speaking, the housing was “declassified”–that is, liberalized–30 years later. As a result, these homes are no longer subject to price restrictions and they can be bought and sold. I have included an analysis of this in the manuscript.
2) Has social housing in Spain always been private or was it privatised at some point in history?
This point has been addressed. As commented above, in studies of 1950s to 60s council house developments, it is important to note that this housing was privatized 30 years after it was first made available (although in the case of some specific social housing systems–for instance, subsidized housing or limited-income housing–, privatization occurred even earlier). Under current Balearic legislation (the 2018 Housing Act and the 2017 Urban Planning Act), publicly protected housing cannot be liberalized. In Spain, the future Right to a Home Act will follow this same line. I have included an analysis of the issue in the manuscript.
3) What happens to people that have been victims of evictions or foreclosure?
This point has been addressed. These people lose their homes and they must seek their own solution to the problem. Through some social policies, particularly municipal ones, there is provision for social assistance or aid in certain circumstances or for people in situations of special vulnerability (e.g. victims of domestic violence or single-parent families), but there is no policy or strategy at a state or regional level aimed at providing a response to the problem. A change might occur with the future Right to a Home Act (2022). This aims to transform the current temporary anti-eviction mechanism–which restricts eviction proceedings filed as a result of non-payment of rent–into a structural one, as well as extending protective safeguards for mortgage holders in mortgage proceedings. This protective instrument would enter into play when the affected person was in a situation of financial vulnerability. If the social services were able to corroborate this fact, the self-governing region would be forced to seek some kind of decent accommodation for them, (foreseeably, a home). I have drafted and included an analysis of this issue in the manuscript.
4) What is the social impact (beyond quite obvious impoverishment)? Any type of social assistance?
This point has been addressed. Given the lack of statistics in Spain, it is hard to study the social impacts, although in certain neighbourhoods (not Son Gotleu), one consequence is gentrification. In impoverished neighbourhoods like this one, speculative investment funds play a very important role (although there is no official data either). Following tenant evictions, investment funds purchase these homes from banks for speculative purposes, keeping them empty for years (i.e. off the real estate purchase/rental markets) until they rise in value. I have explained and analysed this in the manuscript.
From a social point of view, increased segregation can be noted, particularly ethnic segregation (which is also financial), with an increase in the number of immigrants from Third World countries and the constant social stigmatization of the neighbourhood and its inhabitants. These are important factors in Son Gotleu, as analysed in different parts of the paper.
As for social assistance, in addition to the role of the social services attached to the regional, island and municipal authorities, the activities of the Anti-Eviction Office in Palma must be noted, together with the work of the Anti-Eviction Platform (PAH according to its Spanish acronym). Reference has been made to this in the paper.
5) What housing trajectories follow evictions and foreclosures?
This point has been addressed. This is a very good question, which we cannot currently answer although we are investigating it. In Spain, there are no statistics of this kind and neither is any such data gathered by public and/or statistical services. The approach that we will take is to conduct surveys of people who have been evicted from their homes. The hypothesis is the existence of two possible trajectories: either displacement to neighbourhoods with cheaper housing, which reproduces and continues to fuel poverty, or, alternatively, these people are taken in by relatives. We cannot provide any data on this. A paragraph has been included to explain this.
Thank you
Reviewer 2 Report
Although this topic is a narrow one, drivers of inequality in Palma Spain, the article focuses on inequality, which is an important topic that is relevant to urban life. The papers examines the housing speculation, evictions and foreclosures –
The paper is well documented, filled with references that motivate the importance of the topic. It then uses a case study approach to examine the capital of the Balearic Islands, a popular Spanish tourist destination. The hypothesis of the paper is clearly laid out: “evictions and, in particular, mortgage fore- 91 closures impact specifically on poor neighbourhoods and in times of crisis.”
The paper is too long on the case study approach – too much detailed descriptions. There is only one table that is interesting, but I think the reader would like to see more. Figures 8 and 9 are photos of poor housing conditions; unfortunately, this is common in many cities. The paper needs more context in comparing Palma, Spain to other cities in Spain or elsewhere. How does evictions and foreclosures compare in other regions in Spain – this is relevant as the reader has to be convinced this paper conclusions apply elsewhere. Further, how to the laws of evictions and foreclosures differ in Palma compared to other regions? Thus, we need to compare what is going on in Palma to elsewhere to assess whether this problem is endemic in most Spanish or European cities. How do squatters compare to other cities? Is it worse in Palma? Why?
Author Response
Thank you for the opportunity to revise my manuscript for LAND. I thank the reviewer for your very pertinent comments and suggestions, which have helped to improve the article. I respond to the reviewer's questions or suggestions:
1) The paper is too long on the case study approach – too much detailed descriptions.
There are numerous publications on cities and metropolitan areas. What are less frequent are case studies of neighbourhoods with specific problems (both in their incipient state and due to current situations of impoverishment, and as the “containers” of marginalized immigrant populations), like Son Gotleu. In such case studies, an understanding of the neighbourhood’s origins and socio-urban structure plays an important role in diagnoses of the said district and its problems.
2) There is only one table that is interesting, but I think the reader would like to see more.
This point has been addressed. In the first version, there was just one table, but there were numerous maps. These provide substantial data and they territorialize the information (mortgage foreclosures, rental evictions, the age of housing, income levels, housing rental prices etc.). We territorialize the data in order to offer a better insight into processes and to analyse internal neighbourhood dynamics, even at a housing block level. In this second revised version, I have added two new tables.
3) Figures 8 and 9 are photos of poor housing conditions; unfortunately, this is common in many cities.
This is true. I still believe that it helps readers to understand the neighbourhood better, both through one of its more impoverished, neglected social housing developments (Figure 8) and through numerous examples of the doors of homes. These are indicators of illegal squatters or protection against entry by squatters (Figure 9). This might be typical of other neighbourhoods, but it is particularly characteristic of Son Gotleu.
4) The paper needs more context in comparing Palma, Spain to other cities in Spain or elsewhere. How does evictions and foreclosures compare in other regions in Spain – this is relevant as the reader has to be convinced this paper conclusions apply elsewhere.
This has been addressed. Because this is a case study of one of Palma’s impoverished neighbourhoods and the one with the highest evictions, I have contextualized the data mainly in relation to the city of Palma and not so much with regard to other cities. Articles on neighbourhoods are not so common in Spanish literature. However, I have taken into account the interesting comments by the reviewer and I have added 2.5 pages of further analysis, focused on contextualizing the case in relation to other Spanish cities and regions, including the logics of their spatial distributions, and bibliographical references have been added.
5) Further, how to the laws of evictions and foreclosures differ in Palma compared to other regions? Thus, we need to compare what is going on in Palma to elsewhere to assess whether this problem is endemic in most Spanish or European cities.
This has been addressed. This paper does not aspire to make a comparative analysis of the protective measures or mechanisms available to impoverished debtors who are unable to keep up with their home rental or mortgage payments and are hence on the brink of vulnerability and social exclusion. This would entail new objectives and new methods. Nonetheless, I would like to add that, in this case, Spanish legislation prevails. I have drafted a long paragraph on this in the new version.
6) How do squatters compare to other cities? Is it worse in Palma? Why?
This has been addressed. The aim of the paper is not to quantify squatters in Son Gotleu. We simply approach the issue from the perspective of a process and further problem of the neighbourhood. We do not claim that this problem (squatters) is more serious in Palma than in other Spanish cities, among other things because it is not possible to demonstrate this. There is no data for Palma. There are no statistics or comparative analyses that can be used to answer this interesting question. A sentence has been added to the new version of the paper to explain this to readers.
Thank you
Reviewer 3 Report
Based on the evolution and distribution of foreclosures and evictions and on the complex situation of the property market, the author(s) mapped inequality and diagnoses the underlying causes of impoverishment in Son Gotleu. This study provides a good explanation of the relationship between impoverishment and Evictions, Foreclosures, and Housing Speculation in Son Gotleu.
However, I think that the theoretical analysis of the paper is weak. It is suggested that the author(s) could theoretically present a general framework for the relationship between housing crisis (foreclosure and eviction), market speculation and community impoverishment in the section two of the manuscript.Author Response
Thank you for the opportunity to revise my manuscript for LAND. I thank the reviewer for your very pertinent comments and suggestions, which have helped to improve the article. I respond to the reviewer's questions or suggestions:
1) It is suggested that the author(s) could theoretically present a general framework for the relationship between housing crisis (foreclosure and eviction), market speculation and community impoverishment in the section two of the manuscript.
This point has been addressed. Although I think extensive, important analyses had already been made in the paper, I have added four new paragraphs to round them off.
Thank you
Reviewer 4 Report
The article presents an interesting topic on evictions, foreclosures of housings
determined by different factors at the regional and local scales.
In the abstract, it stated that Son Gotleu is a particular case related to social inequalities. The findings are not clearly expressed in this regard. It is an interesting article containing more information but quite difficult to follow and need to be more focused.
The introduction provides a background to the subject. A focus on the social environment, the planning history of the neighbourhood and the network of social actors involved might be useful in this section. (One can find this information later on, in the article)
A significant input to the paper could be a critical perspective on evictions and foreclosures. The author could provide more explanations on the social worlds of evictions and foreclosures if the social inequalities are driven by impoverishment,
social segregation, and gentrification.
Figure 2 is not very clear: does it reveal the distribution /structure/of the population in the neighbourhood?
The maps using Google maps are redundant (average income per person versus spatial layout of the social housings)
Idem figure 4.
Figure 5 is adapted on a cited source, but it is not clear what it means (spatial layout, statistical variables, method applied.)
The qualitative approach/section could be more developed. The section related to the ten semi-structured interviews with local residents and business owners is lacking
Please, explain, in this context, what means intensive fieldwork (lines 188-
“We have mapped inequality” (lines 173): need to be rephased (it means the analysis of the statistical specific indicators to render social inequalities).
Author Response
Thank you for the opportunity to revise my manuscript for LAND. I thank the reviewer for your very pertinent comments and suggestions, which have helped to improve the article. I respond to the reviewer's questions or suggestions:
1) In the abstract, it stated that Son Gotleu is a particular case related to social inequalities. The findings are not clearly expressed in this regard. It is an interesting article containing more information but quite difficult to follow and need to be more focused.
In my opinion, numerous analyses of Son Gotleu’s situation of impoverishment and social inequality were made in the paper, both in relation to the city of Palma and in terms of internal inequalities (by social sectors) within the neighbourhood itself. I started out by explaining that this inequality can be traced back to the neighbourhood’s origins or initial development (section 4.1.), before going on to make a social analysis and outline of the foreign population there (4.2.). This was followed by an analysis of evictions and mortgage foreclosures in section 5 (with the most negative indicators in the city, which, in turn, point to inequality and impoverishment), and, in my internal analysis of the neighbourhood, I compare this with other variables, such as income or the situation of the real estate market.
2) A significant input to the paper could be a critical perspective on evictions and foreclosures. The author could provide more explanations on the social worlds of evictions and foreclosures if the social inequalities are driven by impoverishment, social segregation, and gentrification.
This has been addressed. I believe that a very critical analysis of evictions and mortgage foreclosures was made. In the case of Son Gotleu, the cause of the evictions is not gentrification but impoverishment, segregation, and a foreign population from a low social class with a low economic level (from Africa, above all). I think that this has been explained and demonstrated in section 5. Due to a lack of data or relevant statistics, what I cannot do is to include the income and nationality, for instance, of the evicted people. I have clarified this point in the manuscript.
3) Figure 2 is not very clear: does it reveal the distribution /structure/of the population in the neighbourhood?
This has been addressed. The figure shows the percentage of foreigners living in Son Gotleu by nationality during the course of three different years: 2008, 2013 and 2019. This helps to offer an insight into the neighbourhood’s social structure and, although there has been a drop in the African share of the total number of foreigners living there, the ratio of Africans (64 out of every 100 foreigners) is still worthy of note. Two sentences have been added to clarify this. 4) The maps using Google maps are redundant (average income per person versus spatial layout of the social housings). Idem figure 4.
We used Google maps as a base (layer 1) so that the neighbourhood’s urban structure and types of buildings (blocks) could be visualized in the thematic maps (age of buildings, evictions and foreclosures, income etc.). This is the case of Figures 6, 7 and 10. I think they are clear and that they are a good way of demonstrating the outlined processes. I would be grateful if you would maintain them in the paper.
5) Figure 5 is adapted on a cited source, but it is not clear what it means (spatial layout, statistical variables, method applied)
This has been addressed. Figure 5 is a spatial representation of the number of foreclosures and evictions in Palma in 3D. The statistical variables are the same as those used in the other maps, based on data gathered by the Palma judicial district’s Notification & Seizure Service (Servicio Común de Notificaciones y Embargos). I have amended the heading of the said figure.
6) The qualitative approach/section could be more developed. The section related to the ten semi-structured interviews with local residents and business owners is lacking. Please, explain, in this context, what means intensive fieldwork (lines 188-
This has been addressed. I have explained and developed the section in more detail.
7) “We have mapped inequality” (lines 173): need to be rephased (it means the analysis of the statistical specific indicators to render social inequalities).
This point has been addressed.
Thank you
Round 2
Reviewer 2 Report
The revised manuscript is considerably improved and largely addressed my concerns. I think it should be accepted