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Article

Non-Wood Forest Product Extractivism: A Case Study of Euterpe oleracea Martius in the Brazilian Amazon

by
Emilly Pinheiro de Oliveira
1,
Lucas Cunha Ximenes
2,3,*,
João Ricardo Vasconcellos Gama
1,3 and
Thiago Almeida Vieira
1,3
1
Institute of Biodiversity and Forests, Federal University of Western Pará, Santarém 68040255, Brazil
2
Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of Pará, Itaituba 68183300, Brazil
3
Graduate Program in Society, Nature and Development, Federal University of Western Pará, Santarém 68040255, Brazil
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Sustainability 2025, 17(2), 464; https://doi.org/10.3390/su17020464
Submission received: 19 November 2024 / Revised: 26 December 2024 / Accepted: 7 January 2025 / Published: 9 January 2025
(This article belongs to the Section Social Ecology and Sustainability)

Abstract

Euterpe oleracea Martius is the main palm tree species that contributes to the Amazonian economy and its pulp is a widely sought-after product in the market due to its nutritional and health benefits. However, high market demand has stimulated changes in land use practices of native stands, including management models that increase fruit productivity. Thus, we aimed to evaluate the socioeconomic aspects involved in the extractivism/local management practices of this species in a community in the Brazilian Amazon. We interviewed 10 families from the 15 ones that participate in the productive chain of this species in the community, with questions related to the socioeconomic aspects, management practices, and commercialization of E. oleracea. Its fruit collection in the community is an important activity that provides family income, with the majority of production being for pulp. Family labor is of fundamental importance for the maintenance of production and is presented in all steps of the production chain. The main advantage in Santa Luzia is its location near the main consumer markets, so community members should take advantage of this more effectively and stimulate the strengthening of the community’s local processing unit, mainly for the commercialization of the pulp, which constitutes the greatest contribution.

1. Introduction

The extraction of natural resources in the Amazon is a fundamental economic activity due to a high diversity of Non-Wood Forest Products (NWFPs), which form the food resource base of many communities [1], and are the principal income source for extractivist families [2]. Furthermore, this extraction of natural resources stimulates economic activity in regional and local markets and is an important cultural aspect of many local communities [3].
Açaí is one of these important NWFPs, and there are 49 species distributed from Guatemala to Argentina, with 10 species in Brazil, including Euterpe oleracea Mart. [4], which has many versatile uses, and is one of the most-used palms for food, tools, and construction [5]. Additionally, its leaves, fruits, and oil stand out for their large number of pharmacological activities such as anti-inflammatory, antioxidant, antimicrobial, antinociceptive, anticancer, anti-atherogenic, and healing activities; protection against metabolic syndromes such as diabetes, hypertension, and hyperlipidemia; and protection of organs such as the lungs, kidney, liver, heart, and nervous system [6].
This species occurs on soils ranging from várzea floodplains, flooded forests (igapó), and in upland (terra firme) areas, principally when near topographic depressions that have persistent high soil moisture levels [7], referred to as grotas [8].
The harvest of E. oleracea fruits sustains several types of family-based traditional communities, such as those along riverbanks and maroon communities [9,10]. Its extraction in native forests represents an important production chain in Brazil, with 221,646 tons of fruits harvested in 2018 [11], and therefore it is an agroforestry product that has had great success in the Amazon region [12].
During the last three decades, the demand for E. oleracea has increased considerably in the state of Pará, with its production and marketing attaining a high degree of importance in more than 20 municipalities in Pará, Brazil, involving approximately 25,000 families in agroforestry management and conservation activities, including the processing and sale of its fruits [13]. In 2018, for example, Pará was responsible for more than 66% of the production of E. oleracea fruits produced in Brazil [14] and is the state that has the largest natural occurrence of this palm [15].
However, high market demand has stimulated changes in management practices of native E. oleracea stands, as the incorporation of management models that increase fruit productivity, including techniques such as thinning of competing woody species and enrichment planting [16]. Additionally, changes in harvesting methods by traditional populations have been incorporated wherein instead of harvesting a small plot of land just for subsistence; these populations now harvest and commercialize açaí on a larger scale [17].
The process of E. oleracea harvest is influenced by seasonality, such that during the period between harvests (rainy season in the Amazon), this activity becomes insufficient for sustaining families, and therefore these populations must seek out complementary sources of subsistence [18]. In this context, we aimed to evaluate the socioeconomic aspects involved in the extractivism of Euterpe oleracea fruits in the community of Santa Luzia, in the Brazilian Amazon, to understand how the management practices applied by a traditional population influence the local fruit market.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Area

This study was conducted in the city of Santarém-Pará, in the lower Amazon region. Santarém is the third largest city of Pará and is an important economic center due to its location at the confluence of the Tapajós and Amazon Rivers and between the cities of Manaus and Belém [19]. In Santarém, açaí is frequently consumed, often together with products based on manioc, such as tapioca flour, as well as animal-based protein, such as fish and shrimp [20].
At a local scale, this study was performed in the community of Santa Luzia, located in an upland area, where 25 families live and 15 of these are involved in the extraction and commercialization of E. oleracea fruits. This community is located within the area of the Agroextractivist Settlement Project of the National Institute for Agrarian Reform, along the western side of the Everaldo Martins (PA-370) highway, about 15 km from Santarém (Figure 1) with the only access to the community being by dry land [21,22].
The region has a hot and humid climate, with rainfall concentrated from January to June. The average temperature ranges from 25 °C to 27 °C and the average humidity is 86% [23]. The annual rainfall is between 1500 mm and 2000 mm, presenting the Am4 climate type [24].
Santa Luzia is characterized by large Euterpe oleracea native stands that occur along the edges of forest streams that surround the community (Figure 2). The large area covered by the E. oleracea stands is a driving force for the community to use these palms as a source of income, including an annual festival for this species, for which the entire community mobilizes itself in preparation for the event during the first week of November [25].

2.2. Sampling and Data Collection

We obtained data through interviews conducted with 10 families from the 15 ones that participate in the productive chain—extraction and commercialization—of this species in the community, which represents 66.7% of the total. The families were informed of the nature and objective of this research, and permission was given by the community through a signed Free and Informed Consent Form (FICF). Additionally, this research was registered with the Genetic Heritage Management Council for the Management of Traditional Knowledge, under access register number A263C92.
Qualitative methods, such as semi-structured interviews, offer the possibility to understand the perceptions and culture related to the use of knowledge [26]. Additionally, interviewing seems to be the most popular method to collect data on local knowledge [27], as seen in several studies [28,29,30,31,32,33,34,35].
The interviewees were selected through non-probabilistic sampling, using a snowball sampling technique [36]. This method has the objective of indicating the participants to be interviewed, and these indicate other people, who, upon repeating the information obtained from the previous interviewees without adding new quantitative or qualitative information, result in the attainment of the study objective [37].
The interviews consisted of questions about social and economic aspects of the activities associated with the E. oleracea production chain. Concerning economic aspects, the type of product that was marketed, either in natura—raw seed—or processed—pulp; the sale price; the weekly quantity collected and frequency of collection; the harvest and between-harvest months (high and low production, respectively); and the type of labor used for each activity in the açaí production chain were taken into account.
Concerning social aspects, the questions included were related to family participation in the production, as well as age, education level, system of community organization, alternative income sources, and situation of land ownership of the harvested areas (Figure 3).

2.3. Statistical Analysis

Data were processed using electronic spreadsheets and the results were organized in figures and tables and analyzed by descriptive statistics.
As data collection was conducted in 2017, the values in R$ (reais) informed by the interviewees were corrected and converted to US dollars (US$) at that time. The conversion was based on the quotations and bulletins of the Central Bank of Brazil, in which US$ 1 represents R$ 3.30.

3. Results and Discussion

3.1. Interviewee Profile

A total of 80% of the people interviewed were masculine, but women and children contribute to these activities and are oftentimes considered assistants or helpers.
The majority of the interviewees are native to Santarém, with an average age of 46, varying between 20 and 66 years, and 40% are 60 years or older; 50% have an average age of 37, and 10% of them have an average age of 20. Concerning educational level, 60% of the interviewees have completed high school and the average time that all participants have been working with E. oleracea production is 12 years. A total of 40% began working in E. oleracea production during the last 10 years, and this might be associated with the large increase in demand for açaí during recent years.
In this study, there are three main participants in the E. oleracea production chain: extractivist, producer, and harvester. Furthermore, the interviewees are divided into distinct groups in the production chain, namely: extractivist and seller of pulp and fruit in natura (10%); extractivist and seller of pulp (30%); producer and seller of pulp and fruit in natura (20%); producer and seller of pulp (20%); and extractivist/harvester (20%).
The characteristics of the labor used by the interviewees vary according to the type of work conducted in the E. oleracea production chain (Figure 4), demonstrating the importance of family labor for certain groups in providing help with these activities.
However, among the typical management activities, such as cultural treatments, harvest and threshing, processing, and commercialization, the harvesters participate only in the phase of harvest and threshing, since the majority of these people do not own areas with E. oleracea stands or are younger people that are contracted specifically for this function.
Furthermore, harvesters participate only in the extraction of fruits and have less participation in the steps preceding processing, steps that are the responsibility of the family that owns the E. oleracea stands [38]. The fruit processing, in this case, is carried out to obtain the pulp by inserting the fruits in a pulping machine or by rubbing the fruits and adding water, with the pericarp separated from the seed with part of the seed coat.
Family labor in E. oleracea cultivation involves the participation of more than one person from a residence, and this contrasts with individual labor, which is the involvement of just one member of a residence in cultivation activities of this species.
E. oleracea harvest can be conducted by several profiles of workers, such as landowners, hired labor, or harvesters that collect it in stands owned by a third party [39]. Most harvest activities include hired labor because 60% of the landowners are above 40 years old, and this may represent a barrier to participation in this arduous activity. Participation of people from this age group would most likely require help from additional people, and this would reduce the efficiency of the harvest.
Moreover, climbing up the stem of an E. oleracea palm requires great force and skill, and even more so on the descent of the stem with the açaí fruit cluster, and for these reasons, younger and more agile people are needed to conduct this step [40,41].
An alternative for the reduction of hired labor would be the acquisition of simple equipment that can be used in the harvest and which dispenses the need to climb up the palm stem. These tools are long and thin wooden poles that have an apparatus on the end which is used to remove the fruit cluster from the palm with minimal loss of fruits, and these poles may also be made from aluminum which telescopes into itself [42].
Concerning the storage and processing steps, 62.5% depend on family labor, and this is divided into 50% women, 25% men, and 25% younger people. Furthermore, 37.5% of the interviewees that participate in these steps process the fruit in a place in the community built specifically for this purpose, which is part of the “Life, Nature, and Agroecology Project”, which besides being a point of reference for E. oleracea processing, offers courses on the management of community enterprises. The remainder (62.5%) of the interviewees conduct this step at their residences since they possess their own fruit pulping machines.
Similar results shown by [43] corroborate that E. oleracea processing to obtain pulp in the Amazon region occurs primarily in private residences, with these people having an average or low level of technical ability.
Commercialization of the final product (fruit in natura or pulp) and labor is divided between 62.5% family and 37.5% individual labor. The proportion of individual labor can be explained by the number of people in a residence, which on average is two, and just one of these participates in this activity. In contrast, for family labor, the average number of residents in a home is five, with three people participating in this activity.
The diversification of labor in the commercialization of the final product also occurs in the region of the Capim River, Pará, where labor is predominately family-based, but where outside people are hired principally for cultural treatments and during the harvest [44]. This diversification has the effect of influencing the prices for these activities in a community, where for cultural treatments such as cleaning, the daily rate is $US 15.15 per person.
The harvest in Santa Luzia is conducted using the “lata” (an 18 L metal can) as a base, which corresponds to 7 kg of fruit, where the interviewed harvesters are paid $US 4.54/lata, with the exception of one harvester who is paid $US 2.12/lata, because he is hired through family labor and is referred to as “labor paid at the rate of cost”. One interviewee is paid for fruit processing by the number of days worked at a rate of $US 6.06 /day, with the help of two people. Fruit in natura and pulp are commercialized by the interviewees and their families, with no costs incurred through hiring third-party workers, but there is a cost that is not included in the value of the final product, which is the cost of labor provided by family members.
All interviewees affirmed that economic activity associated with E. oleracea is not the only source of individual or family income during the year and that there are other sources to supplement income, principally during the period between harvests (February to August). These other income sources range from salaried jobs to services paid daily, retirement, and other family agricultural activities.
The necessity of supplementing income is directly related to seasonal variation that affects production, principally during the period between harvests, requiring extractivists to engage in other activities to complement their income [18,45]. This is one reason why 60% of the interviewees stated that the low production during the inter-harvest period represents financial uncertainty, and for this reason, they need to look for other sources of income. This result is in agreement with those from [41], in which the authors discuss that the E. oleracea harvest is an activity of great importance to rural communities but is not essential for survival due to seasonality.
Among the complementary activities reported by the interviewees, retirement and fixed salary were the sources that most contributed to monthly income for E. oleracea extractivists—29.85% and 25.37%, respectively (Figure 5). Despite this, activity associated with E. oleracea extractivism is still the most important source of monthly income for 39.48% of these families, even though this activity occurs for less than four months during the year, compared to other activities.
The Rural Technical Assistance and Extension Agency of Pará conducted a study on the development plan for the agroexctractivist settlement project along the Everaldo Martins highway. This study related that within these settlements, fixed salaries are the largest income source, with most residents engaging in paid activities in Santarém [46]. These activities are associated with the fact that although the community of Santa Luzia has 25 families, only 15 are associated with E. oleracea extraction activities.

3.2. Fruit Collection Area

The community is situated in an agroextractivist settlement, wherein economic activities are based on the sustainable extraction of natural resources through the participation of community members and incorporated by the decree nº 268 of October 23 [47].
In Santa Luzia, the E. oleracea stands are generally located about 8 m from residences, except for two interviewees who possess areas that are, on average, about 100 m distant from their homes. Since most stands are near residences, the distance needed to collect the fruits is covered on foot, manually carrying the metal cans used in the harvest, and sometimes using a wheelbarrow; one exception was a participant who had hired a harvester that used a motorcycle to transport the fruit in sacks for later processing. The manual transport method is ideal because since the distance is short, this reduces costs.
Most of the extractivists and producers—owners of the area and of the production—harvest in areas of native and enriched E. oleracea stands (87.5%). This enrichment consists of the planting of seedlings by land owners, and 12.5% of the harvesting is carried out in areas that are just native E. oleracea stands.
The process of enrichment of E. oleracea stands is a function of the widespread recognition of its nutritional benefits [48], associated with the growth in the economic value of its production. The modification of native E. oleracea stands is carried out using management techniques that include enrichment with the objective of satisfying market demand [49,50].
The enrichment process does not generate additional costs for the community because seedlings and seeds are collected on the properties or are donated by the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (EMBRAPA) and by the Rural Technical Assistance and Extension Agency of Pará; to date, 57.14% of landowners in Santa Luzia who have adopted the enrichment process have collected fruit from E. oleracea stems planted through enrichment. The interviewees also mentioned that problems associated with irrigation make the stands dependent only on rainfall, and this has reduced seedling survival and caused public funding agencies to be cautious about offering funding for the installation of new plantation areas.
The interviewees affirmed that they did not undertake management continuously and did not engage in activities such as cutting and removal of clumps of E. oleracea stems, but that all landowners, whether extractivists or producers, remove weeds and vegetation from the palms. This cleaning of vegetation occurs, on average, twice during the summer, and 37.5% of these landowners use a mechanized weed rotary cutter in this work. Additionally, one interviewee related that the thinning of forest vegetation is carried out in his area to increase sunlight penetration, which also increases the production of the E. oleracea stands [51].
The cleaning of the stands is of fundamental importance to achieve high fruit production through the reduction in competition for light and nutrients [52]. Furthermore, the periodic cleaning of these stands conducted by community members, when associated with other income-generating activities—such as fixed salary jobs—is characterized as a moderate management regime [53].

3.3. Characterization of the Harvest and the Production Period

The process of fruit harvest occurs from September to January (Table 1), with an average of 35 kg collected per day (five metal cans), 3 days per week.
According to the interviewees, the harvest period has peaks of production during November and December, and January has the lowest production, but fruits can be collected during all harvest months. Additionally, E. oleracea harvest in the state of Pará normally occurs between July and December, depending on the region [15].
The inter-harvest period occurs between February and August, with no fruit collection during these months, and E. oleracea fruit is purchased from other communities such as Murumuru, and other municipalities such as Alenquer, in Pará. However, this process does not occur consistently due to variations in fruit quality and an elevated cost of acquisition due to the need for transport. Furthermore, during the inter-harvest period in Santarém, communities involved in the E. oleracea production chain buy fruits from other municipalities in western Pará or do not work at all due to a low level of acceptance by the consumers of fruits from nearby regions [54].
This can be explained because the flowering of this species is concentrated during the rainy period (January to May), which coincides with the period of lowest production, with its fruitification occurring during the dry months (September to December), which is the period of greatest production [55].
Average fruit production during the 2017 harvest was 11,760 kg, with collection during September through December having a total of 11,004 kg, and in January, the harvest was 756 kg (lowest production), with an average of 9828 kg destined for fruit processing (83.6%), and a final pulp production of 8424 kg. These yield data show how many kilograms of the pulp can be obtained from 1 kg of fruit in natura and according to the data provided by the interviewees is a ratio of one metal can (7 kg) which yields 6 kg of processed pulp, including the addition of water.
Most of the E. oleracea production is destined to become pulp because of the high aggregated value of this product [56], which creates the possibility of higher incomes. This situation justifies that there were no interviewees who were extractivists and producers that commercialized only E. oleracea fruit in natura, most likely because they had determined, through experience, that the sale of just fruits would not meet their financial goals.
Additionally, the sale of fruit in natura brings a low price to producers, and it is necessary to process the raw material into pulp to aggregate value and increase profit margins [57]. In contrast, fruit in natura is the principal product preferred by E. oleracea processers, whether these be industrial or private residences [38], as is the case with the Santa Luzia community. This is most likely explained by the fact that knowledge of the initial condition of the raw material and the use of processing methods deemed adequate by each processor will lead to a better-quality final product.

3.4. Characterization of the Production Circuit

In general, the production circuit in the community, which is the steps taken from the beginning to the end of E. oleracea production, begins within the stand (with or without enrichment) with fruit extraction and threshing. For those who directly sell their product in natura, the fruits are threshed, packed in sacks, and transported to market, or when the objective is to make pulp, the fruits are subjected to a selection process, washed and crushed, and then transported to the final consumer.
The fruit harvest begins by scaling the stem, with the aid of an object, popularly known as “peconha”—material that is wrapped around the feet of the climber that is made of vines, rope, or palm leaves and that aids in climbing up the thin stem [9]—and a machete to remove the fruit clusters. The time that fruits are collected is in the morning (87.5%), a result that is in agreement with [58], the authors of which related that collection should not be conducted in the afternoon because that is generally when there is a greater incidence of rainfall, and this makes the açaí stems very slippery and difficult to climb. Furthermore, temperatures are lower in the morning, making harvest activity more agreeable, and there is a much lower chance of a climber suffering a burn on his feet from stems that have been excessively heated in the hot afternoon sun [59].
Additionally, by harvesting in the morning, time is used more efficiently because there is time in the afternoon for washing, packing, and transporting the fruits [38], and this is especially important when fruit in natura is the final endpoint of processing.
In Santa Luzia, E. oleracea threshing occurs simultaneously with the harvest and is also carried out exclusively by men when the labor is hired. For families that use only family-based labor for this phase (30% of the interviewees), the participation of women and younger people is 28.57% for each of these groups, and 42.86% for men. After the clusters are threshed, the fruits are placed in metal cans or on a plastic tarpaulin, which is done at the harvest site or in the residences of the community members.
The methods used for the harvest and threshing of E. oleracea in Santa Luzia are those recommended by the Ministry of the Environment [60], by conducting the harvest traditionally (climbing up the stem) without placing the fruits in contact with the soil, thus avoiding contamination.
When the fruits are sold in natura, they are stored in 14 kg onion sacks for a maximum period of 24 h and are then sent to the owners of the processing sites. The maximum time allowed between packing and sending the E. oleracea fruits to the processing site is dependent on the ambient temperature, since this species is a highly perishable product [58]. Additionally, the use of ventilated crates is a suggestion for improving air circulation and promoting the protection of the fruits from mechanical damage during transportation, in addition to increasing their hygiene and sanitation.
The sale price of fruit during the period of highest production is $US 1.51/kg and 14 kg of fruits cost an average of $US 21.21; during the period of low production, the price reaches $US 2.16/kg, with 14 kg reaching an average price of $US 30.30.
The sale price of E. oleracea is directly related to seasonal variation, wherein the months between August and December (the harvest period) have lower prices compared to the inter-harvest period (January to July), when the price significantly increases due to its scarcity [61]. In order to obtain its pulp, the first step is to store the fruits in natura in buckets, containers, or large water basins; certain producers store them using containers, considered more adequate, such as stainless steel tanks. During this period of storage, the washing phase of açaí is conducted. The types of equipment needed for this step are a pulping machine and a freezer.
For 37.5% of the participants, fruit processing occurs 24 h after harvest because the fruits are left to soak in water at the harvesters’ residences to facilitate the pulping process. In contrast, 62.5% of the harvesters process the fruit on the same day of the harvest, and they related that this is carried out to guarantee the best fruit quality possible.
The market price of E. oleracea pulp can be as low as $US 3.94 during the period of high production, and during the period of low production, the price can reach $US 5.45.
The marketing of fruit in natura, as well as the E. oleracea pulp, is generally carried out through pre-placed orders and direct sales between the producer and consumer. The extractivist and the producer have fixed buyers that may be from processing sites or may be individual people that purchase pulp, and in the latter case, it is common that individual buyers visit the community to purchase pulp—which is sold in 1 L transparent plastic bags. For this reason, this study did not identify any middlemen selling E. oleracea in Santa Luzia.
The process of sale to the final consumer may be related to the proximity of Santa Luzia to Santarém, and this is an important factor that facilitates the movement and delivery of production between producer and consumer [56,62]. An additional stimulus for the sale of E. oleracea pulp in the Santa Luzia community is that it is situated between Santarém and the village of Alter do Chão, which attracts tourists from all over the world. Ref. [63] states that transport of production along roads and highways represents an advantage for producers because it is much more efficient and easier to access than river transport, which in this region usually occurs in floodplain areas.
In this context, the E. oleracea production chain in Santa Luzia is similar to that discussed by [64], the authors of which demonstrated that the production chain encompasses the area of cultivation and harvest of this species, providers of raw material (harvesters), processing industries, markets, and consumers.
The commercialization of E. oleracea products in the region is divided into local sales in Santarém (43.75%), Alter-do-Chão (12.5%), and Santa Luzia (25%), with interstate sales to Manaus (18.75%), where the frozen pulp is sent on a 42 h trip by river, with freight charges paid by the buyer.

4. Conclusions

Euterpe oleracea fruit collection in the Santa Luzia community is an important activity that provides family income, despite being presented principally only during the harvest period, with the majority of production being for pulp. Family labor is of fundamental importance for the maintenance of production and is presented in all steps of the production chain in varying proportions.
The management activities applied by extractivists and producers are the removal of weeds and vegetation thinning around the palm trees of E. oleracea to increase sunlight penetration and the productivity of its fruits.
The economic activity associated with E. oleracea is not the only source of income during the year because the inter-harvest period brings financial uncertainty. The other income sources are salaried jobs, services paid daily, retirement, and other family agricultural activities. This is advantageous for the community, as the economic dependence of a local community on a single species can be risky and unsustainable in the long term, both for biodiversity and for the economic stability of the region.
To increase this security, it is essential to diversify sources of income by encouraging the production of other native species, adapted to the local reality, and by promoting environmental services. In this context, the formulation and implementation of appropriate public policies plays a crucial role. The National Policy on Environmental Services, for example, can support the commercialization of carbon credits, offering an economic alternative aligned with environmental conservation. In addition, these initiatives should promote sustainability by integrating the conservation of natural resources with socioeconomic development, ensuring greater resilience for the community.
The principal advantage possessed by Santa Luzia is its location near the main consumer markets, so community members should take advantage of this more effectively and thus stimulate the strengthening of the community local processing unit, mainly for the commercialization of the pulp, which constitutes the greatest contribution.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, E.P.d.O. and L.C.X.; methodology, L.C.X., J.R.V.G. and T.A.V.; software, E.P.d.O.; formal analysis, E.P.d.O.; data curation, E.P.d.O.; writing—original draft preparation, E.P.d.O.; writing—review and editing, L.C.X., J.R.V.G. and T.A.V.; supervision, L.C.X.; project administration, L.C.X. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research received no external funding, and the Article Processing Charge (APC) was funded by PROPPIT/UFOPA—Pró-Reitoria de Pesquisa, Pós-Graduação e Inovação Tecnológica/Federal University of Western of Pará through Programa de Apoio à Produção Científica Qualificada (PAPCIQ).

Institutional Review Board Statement

According to Resolution 510 of 7 April 2016 of the National Health Council of Brazil, which regulates the ethical guidelines for research in the Humanities and Social Sciences, this study does not require evaluation by a Research Ethics Committee, as long as the Free and Informed Consent Form is applied. Additionally, this research was registered with the Genetic Heritage Management Council for the Management of Traditional Knowledge, under access register number A263C92.

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions and constructive comments on the manuscript.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

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Figure 1. Location of the study area in the community of Santa Luzia, in Santarém, Brazilian Amazon.
Figure 1. Location of the study area in the community of Santa Luzia, in Santarém, Brazilian Amazon.
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Figure 2. Native Euterpe oleracea stands at Santa Luzia community, Brazilian Amazon.
Figure 2. Native Euterpe oleracea stands at Santa Luzia community, Brazilian Amazon.
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Figure 3. Block diagram representing the social/economic aspects of the interviews regarding the E. oleracea production chain in the Santa Luzia community.
Figure 3. Block diagram representing the social/economic aspects of the interviews regarding the E. oleracea production chain in the Santa Luzia community.
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Figure 4. Labor associated with activities conducted in the E. oleracea production chain in the community of Santa Luzia, Brazilian Amazon.
Figure 4. Labor associated with activities conducted in the E. oleracea production chain in the community of Santa Luzia, Brazilian Amazon.
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Figure 5. Contribution to income of activities conducted by extractivists and producers, Santa Luzia, Brazilian Amazon, in which “Agriculture” means agricultural activities other than E. oleracea), “Salary” is for people who work and are paid a fixed monthly salary, and “Services” is for people who work providing services and are paid daily.
Figure 5. Contribution to income of activities conducted by extractivists and producers, Santa Luzia, Brazilian Amazon, in which “Agriculture” means agricultural activities other than E. oleracea), “Salary” is for people who work and are paid a fixed monthly salary, and “Services” is for people who work providing services and are paid daily.
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Table 1. Characterization of the harvest period (high and low production) and the inter-harvest period in the community of Santa Luzia, Brazilian Amazon.
Table 1. Characterization of the harvest period (high and low production) and the inter-harvest period in the community of Santa Luzia, Brazilian Amazon.
HarvestsMonths of Occurrence
Collection periodSeptember to January
Summer harvest (greater production)November to December
Winter harvest (lower production)January
Inter-harvestFebruary to August
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de Oliveira, E.P.; Ximenes, L.C.; Gama, J.R.V.; Vieira, T.A. Non-Wood Forest Product Extractivism: A Case Study of Euterpe oleracea Martius in the Brazilian Amazon. Sustainability 2025, 17, 464. https://doi.org/10.3390/su17020464

AMA Style

de Oliveira EP, Ximenes LC, Gama JRV, Vieira TA. Non-Wood Forest Product Extractivism: A Case Study of Euterpe oleracea Martius in the Brazilian Amazon. Sustainability. 2025; 17(2):464. https://doi.org/10.3390/su17020464

Chicago/Turabian Style

de Oliveira, Emilly Pinheiro, Lucas Cunha Ximenes, João Ricardo Vasconcellos Gama, and Thiago Almeida Vieira. 2025. "Non-Wood Forest Product Extractivism: A Case Study of Euterpe oleracea Martius in the Brazilian Amazon" Sustainability 17, no. 2: 464. https://doi.org/10.3390/su17020464

APA Style

de Oliveira, E. P., Ximenes, L. C., Gama, J. R. V., & Vieira, T. A. (2025). Non-Wood Forest Product Extractivism: A Case Study of Euterpe oleracea Martius in the Brazilian Amazon. Sustainability, 17(2), 464. https://doi.org/10.3390/su17020464

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