1. Introduction
Within a complex media-driven infosphere, communicators tied to agriculture attempt to reach and inform consumers, but their knowledge can be influenced by diverse worldviews [
1]. A worldview is a set of beliefs, ideals, narratives, and expectations about the world that we live in [
2]. These beliefs guide all our decisions and actions. In general, a consumer’s attitude tends to improve as they learn more about a topic or issue [
3]. In an agricultural context, knowledge deficits also lead to distrust in the agricultural industry. Worldviews or perceptions and trust in agriculture are often formed based on prior household beliefs, exposure to media content, and generational beliefs [
3,
4]. The public perception of agriculture is vital to its success as an industry [
5]. In this study, the term negative worldview does not imply a pessimistic outlook in general, but rather refers to orientations toward animal agriculture that are predominantly critical or skeptical. Such views often arise from ethical or environmental concerns, limited or fragmented exposure to agricultural practices, or cultural and historical associations with farming and food systems. A negative worldview, in this context, reflects less favorable perceptions of livestock production shaped by informational, social, and identity-based factors rather than by direct experience alone. In 2020, 54.1% of consumers focused on the environmental contributions of animal agriculture (AA), 82% focused on health considerations, 58.4% on sustainability potential, and 54.3% focused on animal welfare and the ethics of food production (FP) [
6]. Some media use less credible sources of information about agriculture and are vectors to communicate risk, or the uncertainty of facts, and often mislead audiences [
7,
8]. Ultimately, the perceptions and concerns of consumers affect the supply and demand of products and affect farming practices or policy actions [
9,
10,
11,
12]. The disconnect between knowledge of agricultural production among consumers and access to misinformation through the media further distance consumers from their food [
3].
Today, people are less able to comprehend the intricate agricultural systems and industries that exist today compared with generations ago [
13]. This, together with additional elements to be examined in our study, has widened the knowledge gap between the two sides of FP. Direct on-farm producers, who make up 1.3% of U.S. employment, along with those working in the agriculture and food industries, account for 10.5% of all U.S. employment [
14]. These individuals compose the agricultural community, where most consumers are not directly involved in agriculture [
15].
Although disconnected, many demographic factors influence how varied populations perceive FP and AA. These characteristics are factors of ethical consumerism or the need and interest to know how food is produced [
16]. Ethical consumerism considers animal welfare, low environmental impact, labor conditions, and other practices of producing food [
16]. Specifically, women, young consumers, those who avoid consuming meat, highly educated individuals, and people of urban backgrounds tend to have more negative views about modern farming and its effects on health and the environment [
17,
18,
19]. Factors that shape these perceptions amongst diverse populations are also derived from where people obtain their information about food or agriculture. In general, consumers use food labels to evaluate and select healthy foods [
20]. Beyond food label literacy, consumers only seek out information about how food is produced if they are motivated by personal or news events [
21]. In other words, it can be challenging to pinpoint the sources to which consumers turn to learn more about their food. However, trust has been extensively evaluated in different agricultural resources [
22]. A global infodemic has decreased trust in all news sources [
23]. Government agencies, extension programs, animal rights organizations, and some agriculture and allied industry organizations can be identified by the public [
22]. However, trust in each of these varies, since non-profit organizations are perceived as highly trustworthy, apart from the People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) campaigns [
22].
By understanding the perceptions and relative knowledge of consumers as well as sources of agricultural information, animal and related industries can pinpoint weaknesses in communication efforts. Identifying topics and concepts of high concern and low understanding can improve future perceptions and buying intentions.
1.1. Conceptual Framework
Scientific knowledge and understanding among citizens are strongly tied to educational exposure of climate moderation, vaccines, bioengineered foods, and more [
24,
25]. A study from [
26] described science as an epistemology, or theories of knowledge, which arises from personal beliefs. Personal beliefs, in other words, reflect what an individual perceives as the truth [
27]. Based on the literature and the design of this research study, the conceptual framework was adapted from the foci of connectivism, knowledge gap theory, and systems thinking. In contrast to cognitivism and constructivism, connectivism has no restrictions on where learning occurs, as it embraces the concept that information is always accessible on the Internet and the media [
28,
29,
30]. Negative exposure to the media along with other factors contributes to the gap in understanding how food is produced among agricultural and non-agricultural tribes, which is reflective of knowledge gap theory. Knowledge gap theory or hypothesis explains the lack of knowledge, understanding, or curiosity found within the public or society [
31]. Typically, knowledge gap theory is dependent upon socioeconomic class divisions of the public or educational classes [
32], however, the model can be applied to connections to agriculture like the current study. Systems thinking is a dynamic epistemological approach to observe how the world works [
33,
34]. To adapt to the turnover of academia and produce competent, communicative graduates, those found in higher education are cultured in systems thinking methodologies [
35]. A Swedish organization called Gapminder aims to educate about misconceptions of the world by leading the audience to approach new information from a fact-based worldview [
36,
37]. This fact-based worldview includes mitigating instincts such as ‘The Size Instinct’ or ‘The Destiny Instinct’, otherwise known as our intrinsic biases, by implementing systems thinking [
36,
38].
In this study, we draw on connectivism, knowledge gap theory, and systems thinking as complementary frameworks that together provide a holistic lens for understanding misconceptions about animal agriculture. In this sense, the three frameworks can be thought of as strands of a web that together form the structure of understanding. Connectivism represents the threads themselves, the multiple links through which individuals encounter and exchange information in both digital and social spaces. Knowledge gap theory helps explain why some areas of the web are densely woven while others are sparse, reflecting unequal access to resources and background knowledge. Systems thinking shifts the focus to the integrity of the web as a whole, recognizing that its strength and shape depend on the interconnections between threads rather than any single strand. Misconceptions about agriculture, therefore, are not loose ends that can be tied up in isolation, but points of tension that emerge from the way the web is patterned. By viewing these theories as complementary strands, the framework highlights how information flows, why disparities persist, and how understanding can only be strengthened by addressing the web in its entirety. In combination, these theories guide this study by explaining not only how people encounter agricultural information, but also why gaps in understanding emerge and how a systems-oriented approach can help bridge these gaps.
1.2. Purpose and Research Question
This descriptive and quasi-experimental study describes individuals at a southeastern university and their perceived involvement with food production, where they obtain their information about food and agriculture, animal agriculture knowledge, and perceptions, and whether there are demographic characteristics that influence their agricultural knowledge. The following research questions guided this study:
How do participants describe their connection to food production and where do they obtain their information about food production?
Do participants have greater knowledge and/or better perceptions of animal welfare, health and nutrition, or environmental sustainability compared with food familiarity?
Which demographic predictors influence the level of knowledge and perceptions of food production knowledge and perceptions?
4. Discussion
As students encounter information about animal issues and other topics, they are likely to acquire opinions and incorporate that information either positively or negatively into their own knowledge structures [
49]. This study sought to describe knowledge and perceptions of animal agriculture, how people are involved in food production, where information about agriculture is sourced, and whether higher education roles or perceived connection to food production influenced the perceptions of animal agriculture production.
Understanding where people obtain their information about food and agriculture is crucial to understanding how members of industry can communicate with consumers. Social media was the third most identified source of agricultural and food production information (
Table 5). This study revealed that even among individuals who turned to social media for agricultural information, personal connection to food origins remained weak. This tension illustrates how digital exposure can increase awareness but does not necessarily deepen understanding or foster meaningful connection.
Knowledge gaps in the context of agriculture also contribute to mistrust of the agricultural sector. Participants were generally less knowledgeable about animal agriculture, and this lack of knowledge often coincided with negative perceptions (
Table 6 and
Table 7). Almost half of the total responses reflected poor perceptions of the industry (
Table 6). These poor perceptions could stem from repeated exposure to misinformation, preconceived biases, or the influence of the “knowledge gap” range [
28,
50,
51]. Importantly, the gap was not uniform: participants demonstrated a higher knowledge on welfare and diet compared with environmental issues, even though environmental concerns dominate public discourse. This disconnect suggests that large-scale environmental data may be less personally relatable, easily misrepresented, or too abstract for individuals to contextualize [
8,
52]. The “meat paradox” may also explain why participants had greater welfare knowledge; individuals reconcile their consumption behaviors with ethical concerns by seeking more information on welfare while still consuming meat [
53,
54]. No participants scored a 0 on the FFI, meaning that none demonstrated the most extreme negative orientation toward animal agriculture (i.e., answering all items incorrectly) for respondents in the highly agriculturally affiliated group. Notably, these individuals demonstrated at least some accurate knowledge or more balanced perceptions. These findings suggest that greater exposure to or experience with agricultural systems may buffer against extreme misconceptions, even as the levels of skepticism or critical orientation vary across individuals.
Demographic characteristics also influenced knowledge and perceptions, though often in complex and sometimes unexpected ways. Gender, for example, showed results that differed from prior literature (
Table 8). While women are often reported as more attentive to welfare and health-related concerns [
19,
20,
55,
56,
57], in this study, they demonstrated more positive perceptions of animal food production than anticipated. This finding complicates assumptions that greater awareness necessarily leads to more critical views, suggesting instead that awareness may also foster an appreciation of agricultural practices when information is contextualized. Interestingly, while previous research frequently notes that women are more cautious toward livestock production and more likely to raise concerns about animal welfare and environmental impacts [
19,
20,
55,
56,
57], our findings indicated that women in this study expressed somewhat more favorable perceptions than men or other gender groups. Several factors may help explain this divergence. Because our sample was drawn entirely from higher education populations, it is possible that women respondents—particularly those with academic or professional exposure to agriculture and life sciences—had greater familiarity with production systems, thereby shaping more balanced perspectives. Cultural and regional influences may also have contributed, as perceptions of animal agriculture often vary across social and demographic contexts. In addition, self-selection may have played a role, with women who hold more positive views of livestock production potentially being more likely to participate in the survey. Finally, evolving public conversations around sustainability and welfare standards may be influencing how women perceive the livestock industry compared with earlier studies. While these explanations provide potential insights, we caution against broad generalizations and recommend that future research explore gender-related differences across more diverse populations to assess whether this outcome reflects a localized phenomenon or a wider shift.
Patterns across racial groups were less pronounced but point toward broader sociological dimensions. Some minority groups may have more complex relationships with agriculture due to historical and cultural associations with labor-intensive, economically marginal, or exploitative practices [
58]. These findings highlight that perceptions of agriculture are shaped not only by knowledge, but also by cultural identities and social histories [
59].
Similarly, upbringing and age—often assumed to predict perceptions—showed little effect in this study. This suggests that contemporary knowledge and attitudes are increasingly influenced by globalized media and social networks, which may diminish the influence of traditional background factors [
20,
60]. Self-identified demographics, however, such as dietary preference, were strongly associated with outcomes. Omnivores and meat-eaters demonstrated greater knowledge and more favorable perceptions, while individuals who avoided meat (vegetarians and vegans) consistently reported more critical views. This finding is consistent with prior literature indicating that meat avoidance is often grounded in ethical and environmental considerations [
18,
20,
61].
Academic role did not correspond to differences in knowledge, likely because the study population was limited to higher education participants. However, familiarity with food production and affiliation with agriculture-related disciplines was consistently associated with stronger knowledge and more positive perceptions. This supports the utility of the Food Familiarity Index [
46] as a research tool and underscores the influence of disciplinary exposure. At the same time, demographic shifts within agricultural colleges—where fewer students enter with prior farm backgrounds—pose new challenges for agricultural literacy [
62,
63,
64,
65]. These students may begin with less experiential grounding, which could shape both their perceptions and their confidence in communicating agricultural issues with broader audiences.
Finally, the findings underscore the role of social contagion in shaping public discourse regarding animal agriculture. Misinformation can spread rapidly through networks, with tipping points amplified by social ties and demographic resonance [
66,
67,
68,
69]. This suggests that improving agricultural literacy requires more than correcting inaccuracies; it requires leveraging similar mechanisms of social contagion to amplify accurate, contextualized, and relatable information. Taken together, these results suggest that knowledge, perceptions, and demographic factors interact in complex and sometimes counterintuitive ways. Addressing misconceptions about animal agriculture will require nuanced communication strategies that account not only for what people know, but also for how knowledge intersects with identity, media exposure, and social context.
There were a few limitations to our study including the nonresponse error. To minimize the nonresponse error, early and late responses were compared [
70,
71]. No significant differences were found between early and late responses considering all demographic variables. A second limitation was that the respondents would answer aimlessly, potentially skewing the results and decreasing the validity of the study. Finally, if participants answered dishonestly, especially regarding their perceived connection to their food, this could also skew the results. A set of more advanced (deeper knowledge) questions within the AAKPQ could have revealed greater separation between the low, medium, and high FFI.
5. Conclusions
Drawing on connectivism, knowledge gap theory, and systems thinking, this study highlights the complexity of how individuals in higher education encounter, process, and interpret information about animal agriculture. Research question 1 employed connectivism, suggesting that learners build networks of understanding from diverse sources, which helps explain why social media can function as both a conduit of misinformation and as a potential channel for accurate, constructive messaging. Knowledge gap theory framed research question 2 and underscores that disparities in access to or comprehension of agricultural information may contribute to uneven perceptions, and our findings suggest that some demographic and experiential characteristics may shape these gaps—though often in modest ways that should be interpreted cautiously. Research question 3 explored how systems thinking reminds us that perceptions of agriculture are embedded in broader, interdependent contexts where education, cultural values, communication networks, and prior experiences interact to influence understanding and trust.
Animal and related industries may be able to improve impressions and future purchase intentions by recognizing issues where concern is high but understanding is limited. However, as this study was confined to university individuals, broader sampling across household consumers, occupational groups, and younger students would be needed to fully validate these patterns. The Food Familiarity Index shows promise as a tool to describe involvement in food production, but additional validation across diverse contexts is necessary before its utility as a segmentation instrument can be firmly established.
While our findings suggest that higher education affiliation itself may mitigate role-based differences, broader sampling outside of the university setting is needed to empirically test whether this homogeneity masks more meaningful role-based distinctions.
Ultimately, this study suggests, not conclusively but provisionally, that effective, evidence-based communication strategies, particularly through social media and other connective networks, may help bridge knowledge gaps and foster greater trust between agricultural and non-agricultural communities. Expanding the scope of measurement tools and diversifying the populations studied will be important steps for advancing this line of research.
Rather than focusing on a restricted number of questions, future investigation should also consider whether there is consistency in the increased understanding and perspectives of welfare, health, and sustainability of animal agriculture.