1. Introduction
Innovation and technological advancement are building blocks for the long-term sustainable growth and productivity of an economy (
Aghion and Howitt 1992;
Jones 1995;
Romer 1990). Behind all innovations, there are creative human minds. Therefore, the world is competing to attract the brightest minds and the labor market for them has become increasingly mobile. The global immigrant stock was 145.1 million in 1990, yet by the year 2019, it reached 261.8 million, which is 3.4% of the total global population, and 1.8 times more than three decades ago
1. Immigration policies in the U.S. through its H1B program, in UK and Canada through their point systems target to attract the selective skilled groups who can meaningfully contribute to the development. Indeed, immigrants make noticeable contributions to science and innovation. For example, the majority of the Nobel laureates in physics and chemistry (
Moser et al. 2014), more than 25% to innovations and entrepreneurship (
Kerr and Kerr 2020), about 40% of Ph.D. degrees in STEM, and more than 50% in engineering and computer science (
Kerr 2019) are attributable to foreign-born immigrants in the U.S.
The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, empirically examine the presence of brain gains for emerging host countries. According to the World Intellectual Property Organization’s reports, contribution of emerging countries to the world innovation remains low and lagging behind (
World Intellectual Property Organization 2019). Therefore, second, we compare the degree of brain gains between emerging and developed countries. With matched data of non-resident patents by 35 emerging and 64 developed countries of origin to 36 emerging and 52 developed host countries over the period from 1995–2015, we study the association between immigration and the non-resident patent rates.
After controlling for host country variables, and year fixed effects, we find evidence of significant brain gains due to immigration. From an increase of immigrants by 1000 per 1 million population, a host country benefits from an increase of non-resident patents by 100 per 1 million population. However, we find significant brain gain gap between emerging and developed countries. Brain gain benefits to the developed countries are approximately 5.5 times greater than that of emerging countries. From an increase of 1000 immigrants per 1 million population, while a developed country benefits by an increase of 110 non-resident patents per 1 million population, an emerging country benefits by an increase of 20 non-resident patents only. An association between the total immigration and the total innovation aggregated at the host country level shows even stronger results economically, statistically, and with much stronger explanatory power.
By further looking into immigrants by their country of origin, we find heterogeneity in brain gains. Immigrants coming from either highly educated or R&D intensive countries tend to benefit the host countries most. Brain gains from immigrants coming from highly educated countries tend to be 2.4 times higher than the immigrants coming from less educated countries. In addition, if the immigrants coming from R&D intense countries, the benefits are three times bigger than less intense countries. Furthermore, developed host countries tend to harvest the benefits of these educated, and inventive immigrants by promoting resources and opportunities. The findings are consistent with the literature on skilled immigrants’ outputs in developed host countries (
Akcigit et al. 2017;
Burchardi et al. 2020;
Hunt and Gauthier-Loiselle 2010). Interestingly, though we do not find significant differences between educated vs. less educated; research-minded vs. non-research-minded immigrants coming to emerging host countries. The results imply that the treatments or policies in the emerging countries are not strong enough to attract skilled immigrants. Our findings for emerging countries support previous arguments that the innovations in emerging countries are driven by needs, rather than opportunities thus less contributive to the innovations (
Anokhin and Wincent 2012;
Bratti and Conti 2018).
We test the sensitivity of our analyses to Top 10 destination and Top 10 origin countries versus the rest of the world. Although the results consistently hold in these various subsample specifications, we find the brain gains to the Top 10 destination countries are 5.6 times higher than the rest of the world, and almost 4 times higher than the baseline results. For the Top 10 origin countries, we find the opposite result. It is the rest of the world that derives much of the result, and we see much smaller brain gain contribution coming from the Top 10 home countries. We conclude that it might be while Top 10 destination countries are the most popular, thus creative and talented citizens would prefer to live there, deriving much of the results. On the other hand, the Top 10 country of origin might not be the competitive environment for their citizens, that is why they might be losing more of their citizens to the rest of the world. It seems the background and upbringings of the immigrants do play significant roles, and people coming from these regions of the world are contributing less to the innovation than the rest of the world.
We realize that immigration is not a pure exogenous event. Rather, people who immigrate to other countries do so consciously by evaluating their destination countries among others, potential benefits, and threats. At the same time, some host countries implement progressive immigration policies to attract the most talented global pool. We conduct 2SLS regression analyses with push-factor instruments from home countries to address the endogeneity issue. Furthermore, to address self-selection bias, we use propensity score matching to create a more balanced sample and rerun the analyses. In our 2SLS and propensity score analyses, our results continue to hold, and we find significant brain gains for emerging countries, yet there is still brain gain gap as compared to the developed countries.
Our study contributes to the literature with a focus on developing countries There is little evidence about immigrants to the emerging countries, and how they might contribute to the host country’s innovation. We conduct cross country analyses, rather than a single country. Therefore, the results are more generalizable. In addition, it fills the gap in the literature by conducting comparative analyses between developed versus emerging countries. The study has implications on the emerging host country’s immigration, policies for growth, and development with indirect implications on human capital sustainability.
The rest of the paper is organized as below. In
Section 2, we provide the literature review, and develop our hypotheses; in
Section 3, we explain the methodology; in
Section 4, we explain our results and robustness tests; and in
Section 5, we provide conclusions, explain the limitations of the research, and suggestions for future research.
2. Literature Review and Hypotheses Development
Opponents of immigration make arguments from both the home and host country’s perspectives. From the home country’s perspective, sending their brightest and creative people to the rest of the world can endanger the nation’s human capital sustainability (
Beine et al. 2008;
Docquier and Rapoport 2012;
Grubel 1966). Sustainable Development Goals 2030 formulated by the United Nations emphasize the importance of reducing inequality and improving education quality for a sustainable future for all. From the host country’s perspective, a large flow of immigrants might deplete national resources, crowd out local employees, creating tension between local and immigrant employees, and exacerbate wage inequality (
Das et al. 2020). Furthermore, communication barriers could reduce mutual trust, and the exclusions of minority groups could lead to social unrest and conflicts (
Alesina and La Ferrara 2005). In absence of synergy with the host institution, productivity and inventive capability could be at risk (
Mi et al. 2020).
Despite the above arguments, the positive evidence of immigration on innovation is outnumbered.
Hunt and Gauthier-Loiselle (
2010) document that in the US, the innovation rate by immigrants outweighs natives. They find that a one percentage point increase in population share leads to a 9–18 percent increase in patents per capita. Similarly, immigrants with Chinese and Indian origins contribute significantly to innovation (
Kerr and Lincoln 2010). Immigration not only directly impacts innovation, but also has positive spillover effects on their American peers’ productivity (
Bernstein et al. 2019), patent collaborations (
Kerr 2008), and innovation diffusions to local neighbors (
Burchardi et al. 2020). Brain gains expand beyond the US to include European countries (
Bosetti et al. 2012;
Ozgen et al. 2012) and growth in OECD countries (
Ortega and Peri 2009).
Furthermore, recent studies prove that brain gains due to immigration do not have to be a zero-sum game so that immigrants can bring benefits to their home countries contributing to the development. Immigrants maintain their ties, invest in their home countries, give back by knowledge-sharing, collaborations, and technology diffusions (
Kerr 2008;
Naghavi and Strozzi 2015). Leveraging on their local knowledge and relationships, they meaningfully contribute to their host firm internationalization with expansion into their home countries with mutual benefits on both sides (
Vissak and Zhang 2014). Some entrepreneurs work mobile and return to their country of origin with knowledge spillovers and the best practices (
Liu et al. 2010).
Most of the above studies are conducted for developed countries, without much application to the emerging countries. The handful of studies that examine emerging countries are descriptive and limited to policy recommendations (
Aldieri et al. 2020). Low-quality amenities and underdeveloped infrastructure in emerging host economies are not comparable to the developed counterparties. Instead, these emerging countries might draw unskilled immigrants mostly for cheap wages in labor-intensive sectors. No significant benefits from immigration on innovations found in Italy may be due to the fact that a large portion of immigrants are unskilled (
Bratti and Conti 2018). Innovations in Russia are clustered at few local centers without much diffusion to the other regions of the country (
Crescenzi and Jaax 2017).
Aldieri et al. (
2020) examined migration inflows both outside of the country and domestically within the regions in Russia. While there is no significant impact of domestic migration on innovation, they find a significant positive impact of international immigrants.
Kuzior et al. (
2020) documented that Ukrainian immigrants in Europe do not utilize their fullest potential due to the cultural shocks and hurdles they face in the host country. Uncertainty and differences in perception results in an imbalance and demotivation.
Host institutions and policy reforms are important to retain brain gains from immigration (
Davenport and Bibby 1999;
Goldberg et al. 2011;
Mayda 2010). Open policies for global talents, and opportunities for growth for MNEs’ shown to be a significant factor for China’s development (
Kerr 2008;
Liu et al. 2010;
Vissak and Zhang 2014). Therefore, building on the above arguments that immigration enriches idea generation, collaborations, and knowledge diffusion, we assume the brain gains are still applicable to the emerging countries, and hypothesize below:
Hypothesis 1 (H1). Emerging countries benefit from brain gains from immigration so that the non-resident patent rate increases with the immigrant rate.
Elo (
2016) argued that immigrants coming to emerging host countries are significantly different from the ones who are coming to the developed host countries in terms of their entrepreneurial motivations. Immigrant entrepreneurs in the developed countries seek the best opportunities for themselves, thus offer the most valuable ideas and creations to the host country. In contrast, immigrant entrepreneurs in emerging countries start businesses out of survival, so such need-based innovations are not strong enough for rapid growth. In a business-to-business setting,
Anokhin and Wincent (
2012) derive similar conclusions why start-ups in developed economies make differences due to their opportunity-driven incentives, while at the same time, start-ups in emerging countries are need-driven and cannot contribute to the innovation as much.
Besides their motivations, immigrants can be heterogeneous by their skills. Because major industries that contribute to the economy in emerging countries tend to be labor-intensive, they may attract more unskilled immigrants (
Bratti and Conti 2018). On the other hand, developed countries rely on advanced technologies, as such they tend to attract more skilled immigrants. Furthermore,
Desmet et al. (
2018) highlight potential mobility frictions due to the costs associated with migration, particularly for low-income countries. Indeed, our data show more frequent migration within emerging country groups, with a lower portion of immigrants transferring to developed countries widening the inequality gap.
Alesina and La Ferrara (
2005) highlight a significant difference in institutional advancement between emerging and developed countries. Because of the strong institution, developed countries are more inclusive of diversity. The production process is sufficiently complex so that diversity in ethnicity and skills becomes complementary to improve output and performance. On the other hand, skills can be easily substituted for less advanced technologies in emerging economies. If a preference is given to a certain group or a minor ethnicity is excluded in a fragmented society, conflicts could be exacerbated and property rights could be weakened.
Emerging economies lack proper policies, resources, and R&D facilities which hinder them to harvest the most benefits from the talented immigrant pool.
Naghavi and Strozzi (
2015) emphasized the role of intellectual property right policy for promoting the development and growth in emerging economies. There are still significant gaps in FDI inflows and friction-free policies for MNEs entering into the host economies. Because of heterogeneity in immigrant incentives, skills, background, and host country’s institutional development and innovation-friendly environment between emerging and developed countries, we hypothesize:
Hypothesis 2 (H2). There is a brain gain gap between developed and emerging countries.
5. Conclusions
Brain gains for developed countries due to immigration have been explored extensively, yet there has not been much explored for emerging countries. Who are the immigrants to emerging countries, and how much gains they bring to the host country in comparison to the developed countries are not well understood. In a cross-country context, over the last two decades, we find the presence of brain gains for emerging countries. However, there is still a significant gap in brain gains when compared to developed countries. The estimated gap is about 5.5 times higher for developed countries exacerbating the inequality between the two groups. Our data show that the migration rate fleeing out of emerging countries is much higher than their immigration rate and increasing over time. Moreover, one of the reasons for a gap in brain gains is emerging countries seem not to fully utilize their skilled and inventive immigrants. We find no significant difference between the above-talented immigrant pool versus unskilled immigrants coming to the emerging countries. Innovations by non-residents in emerging countries seem to be driven by needs for survival mostly, thus not competitive enough to fill the brain gain gap. There are no special treatments to adequately protect intellectual properties, promote inventive thinking, and attract global talents to the emerging countries.
Our findings have policy implications for emerging countries’ development and human capital sustainability. Evidence from China suggests that immigration does not have a zero-sum game (
Kerr 2008;
Liu et al. 2010). With progressive policies on MNEs’ entry, and open policies for the migrant returns, their ties to home, collaborations on innovations can accelerate the growth and bring values for the home countries too. For immigrant inflows, selective screening of skilled people, and competitive offers seem to pay off. Generous benefits and amenities for lives tend to attract international mobile talents. However, to harvest the full benefits, it is also important to provide resources and facilitate a healthy environment to nurture innovations.
Our study is not free from flaws. The representation of emerging countries in our sample is limited to the countries that report their non-resident patents to the WIPO for the observed years. Due to our data restriction, we could not directly identify individual immigrant’s background information, rather we use proxy estimates. Our study does not differentiate brain gains due to international collaborations which have become increasingly common. It is fruitful to explore brain-sharing among countries. A future study with an emphasis on emerging countries would be helpful.