The Work, Economic, and Remittance Stress and Distress of the COVID-19 Pandemic Containment Policies: The Case of Venezuelan Migrants in Argentina and Chile
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. Social Stress Process Model
3. COVID-19 Containment Policies and Venezuelan Immigrants in Argentina and Chile
4. Data and Methods
5. Results
5.1. Unemployment, Underemployment, and Income Loss Stressors
I had a three-month contract that was supposed to become an indefinite one. However, the pandemic started, and then they [the employer] gathered us and suspended or terminated our contracts.
We are living in uncertainty. Without employment, without producing, obviously, I am worried. I’ve been really worried for months because I am running out of money. If I get kicked out of the apartment because I can’t pay, where am I going to live? Where am I going to take my family? So, when they take away your [job] stability, your shelter is also at risk. It would be like starting from scratch. I will go back to how I was when I arrived because when I arrived [to Chile], I was at a friend’s house, on an inflatable mattress, sharing a bed, and in a small space.
Told me that I could no longer go [to work]. … They talked about suspending the working relationship. But, since I did not have a contract or anything that legally bound us, I did not receive any payment, neither the full income nor the half, so that has obviously forced me to look for another source of income.
The most challenging thing for me is the emotional part, the fear of being unable to meet the obligations, especially the rent. And suddenly, the landlord will say that we must give up the apartment and that my children, husband, and I will be forced into the streets. … Although I thank God we have come across people with good hearts, it is not easy for anyone to help anybody else in this situation. So, it is really my great fear, you understand, because even though they have opened many shelters, we are not used to that situation. … Beyond that fear, I feel pain for my children. It is hard for my husband and I to expose our children to this vulnerability.
Because you cannot sell, you cannot go out to sell on the street, if you are from the [Buenos Aires] province, you cannot enter the capital [of Buenos Aires]. So, they sometimes take measures that… either they are in a single alignment, or they are not. … When the quarantine began in mid-March, they asked me for it (permission to circulate).
Work is a form of distraction; imagine… you are alone. Are you going to be locked up in a house all day? Imagine… if you have a TV, you have internet, but if you had none of that? … The mind begins to wonder. If I die, what is going to happen… to my family? … It is a difficult situation, we hope to get out of it unscathed because this year, there is practically no existence. In 2020, there is nothing.
5.2. Remittances: A Coping Strategy and a Social Stressor
Look, in my case, I have increased [the remittances] a little because I understand that the situation in Venezuela is very critical, so I am more worried because my parents are at risk of the coronavirus, and so I worry more. … Moreover, Venezuela is going through a very delicate economic crisis, and inflation is hyperinflation, so if you add that to the fact that people cannot go out because they are in quarantine. They do not even have gasoline to move around the country; then, it is difficult. And right now, if we can help, we will continue to do so.
I continue to send remittances regularly. In fact, I have increased the money I send because of the urgency. I was in Venezuela in February [2020]. … It was great being there but very concerning. The most difficult part is the uncertainty, not knowing when it will end. … There have been news reports that Venezuela now has no gasoline and is buying gasoline from Iran. They are also in quarantine, and the real numbers of [people with coronavirus] are unknown, so the problem has worsened severely, and my family requires more money.
We help my dad, who is in Venezuela. … I left my pension to him; I do not collect my pension; he collects it over there. …. We used to send 30,000 [Chilean pesos, clp], and 40,000 [clp] monthly, but now we cannot do it. We send 10,000 [clp], we send 15,000 [clp], whatever we can because our situation is challenging now.
For me, the most difficult thing is knowing that my family in Venezuela is going through a hard time… it consumes most of my thoughts and worries. … That issue with the remittances is one of the most difficult issues for me, honestly.… We send remittances through the black-market dollars, so with each devaluation [of the Argentine peso] and each rise in the blue dollar is horrible! … We used to send remittances to four people; now we can only send them to two. And we send the same amount! In Venezuela, the conditions have worsened. … So, damn, we decided to send to the people in the worst situations. … These two people live from remittances, which is not enough, but we cannot send them more, and we can’t stop sending either.
Venezuela has so many problems that I don’t know if they have taken in the magnitude of this pandemic. … For example, those who sell vegetables from the State of Táchira do not arrive with the products to Caracas, so they have been costly. There are so many problems that this is one more problem for them. My dad is 80, and my mom is 73; they get along as best as they can. … My sister and I worry a lot, and we always tell them not to go out.
We had to tighten our belts. … Almost 50% of my salary goes to Caracas, and … support what we can support. There are food items that we do not buy now, we cut out foods. … And, well, we stopped saving because of that percentage that they cut from our salaries, and with what I am sending to Caracas, we cannot save. … I feel that food has gone up a lot [in Buenos Aires]… we started going to buy at fairs around here and asking chat groups where they bought things.
5.3. Loss of Job Prestige and Status Stressors
My boss had already given me the ok. I was going to be promoted, and all that was paralyzed. … My boss said that there is no hiring, and no promotions; they are talking about suspensions and dismissal, and I could be one more victim of that situation. … Emotionally, I feel a little stressed because I don’t know if tomorrow, they will fire me. I don’t know whether they will suspend me tomorrow. If that happens, getting a job in this complex coronavirus situation. To get a new job, I will have to look for other alternatives like doing Cornershop [a delivery app] or what do I know.
For me, the most complicated, difficult part of the COVID situation is not being able to go out to work. I could not keep my job because I worked in a carpentry shed. During the quarantine, they closed the company, and I lost my job; they didn’t call me back anymore. … I am working part-time using a delivery app.
The most challenging part has been seeing how the [acting and dance] projects that I had, that I felt were going to be great steps that I would take in my life, collapsed in the blink of an eye. … I prefer to live from day to day because it seems that this situation has led us to walk into nothingness itself. … I avoid planning for anything in the future. At the beginning [of the pandemic], I did. I said next month I’m going to do a play, next month… and in the end, it ended up falling apart. We could not sustain it.
5.4. Coping Strategies
6. Discussion
7. Conclusions
Author Contributions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
References
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Demographic Characteristics | Country of Destination | |
---|---|---|
Chile | Argentina | |
Total interviews | 25 | 21 |
Average Age and Range | 40 (23 to 65) | 35 (22 to 51) |
Women | 10 | 9 |
Men | 15 | 11 |
Non-binary | 0 | 0 |
Educational attainment | ||
High school or less | 1 | 0 |
Some college or technical college degree | 5 | 10 |
Bachelor’s degree or higher | 19 | 11 |
Socioeconomic background in Venezuela * | ||
Middle-high to high | 6 | 4 |
Middle | 15 | 15 |
Low | 4 | 2 |
Average monthly household income in destination country | USD 1352 | USD 802 |
Range of monthly household incomes in destination country | USD 318 to 2541 | USD 122 to 1951 |
Monthly poverty line for a household of four ** | USD 572 | USD 451 |
Number of interviewees living in households below the monthly poverty line | 5 | 2 |
Average Time of Residence at Destination and Range | 2 years (1 to 4 years) | 5 years (8 months to 17 years) |
Stressors Due to COVID-19 Pandemic Containment Policies | Country of Destination | |
---|---|---|
Argentina (N = 21) | Chile (N = 25) | |
Employment Loss or Underemployment Stressor * | ||
Yes | 8 (38%) | 9 (36%) |
No | 13 (62%) | 16 (64%) |
Household Income Loss Stressor | ||
Yes (income decreased) | 13 (62%) | 11 (44%) |
No (income the same) | 6 (29%) | 6 (24%) |
No (income increased) | 2 (10%) | 8 (32%) |
Sending Remittances Stressor | ||
Yes (sent less) | 9 (43%) | 8 (32%) |
No (sent the same or more) | 6 (29%) | 11 (44%) |
Not Applicable | 6 (29%) | 6 (24%) |
Employment Devaluation in Prestige or Status Stressor | ||
Yes (worsened or nonevent) | 12 (57%) | 9 (36%) |
No (no change) | 6 (29%) | 9 (36%) |
No (improved) | 3 (14%) | 7 (28%) |
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Del Real, D.; Crowhurst-Pons, F.; Olave, L. The Work, Economic, and Remittance Stress and Distress of the COVID-19 Pandemic Containment Policies: The Case of Venezuelan Migrants in Argentina and Chile. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2023, 20, 3569. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20043569
Del Real D, Crowhurst-Pons F, Olave L. The Work, Economic, and Remittance Stress and Distress of the COVID-19 Pandemic Containment Policies: The Case of Venezuelan Migrants in Argentina and Chile. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 2023; 20(4):3569. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20043569
Chicago/Turabian StyleDel Real, Deisy, Felipe Crowhurst-Pons, and Lizeth Olave. 2023. "The Work, Economic, and Remittance Stress and Distress of the COVID-19 Pandemic Containment Policies: The Case of Venezuelan Migrants in Argentina and Chile" International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 4: 3569. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20043569