1. Introduction
In traditional agricultural economies, information asymmetry has long constrained farmers’ pricing decision-making abilities. This asymmetry makes it difficult for farmers to access real-time market prices, forcing them to rely on localized or outdated information for production decisions, thereby exacerbating market risks and income volatility [
1]. Information scarcity further leads to supply–demand mismatches in agricultural markets [
2]. Additionally, farmers’ limited information-processing capacity weakens their bargaining power. Due to fragmented operations and insufficient analytical capabilities regarding supply–demand dynamics and consumer preferences, farmers often find themselves at a disadvantage in transactions, allowing intermediaries to extract “information rents” [
3]. The root causes of these information constraints lie in weak rural information infrastructure and high market information costs. However, the rapid development of the digital economy offers technological solutions to these challenges. According to the China Digital Economy Development Research Report (2024) [
4] released by the China Academy of Information and Communications Technology, China’s digital economy has entered an accelerated growth phase, with its role in the national economy becoming increasingly prominent. The digital economy now accounts for 42.8% of GDP, an increase of 1.3 percentage points from the previous year, contributing 66.45% to GDP growth. Digital technologies are reshaping farmers’ information ecosystems, enabling them to access vast amounts of market data beyond spatial and temporal constraints. By the end of 2023, China had 192 million rural broadband users, with 5G networks covering 96% of townships (China Internet Society 53 times China Internet network development state statistic report [EB/OL]. Retrieved from
http://www.cnnic.net.cn/. Accessed 6 March 2025). Digital financial platforms have expanded farmers’ access to economic information; e-commerce platforms have reduced information search costs; and social media has facilitated information sharing among farmers.
The rise of the digital economy has profoundly affected farmers’ price information responsiveness. On one hand, digital economy platforms have broken traditional spatiotemporal constraints by integrating massive information, significantly enriching farmers’ information sources and enhancing their information acquisition capabilities [
5]. For instance, real-time market price data and targeted supply–demand trend analyses enable farmers to more accurately assess market dynamics, thereby optimizing sales decisions and improving income levels [
1]. This precise information dissemination allows farmers to actively participate in market competition rather than relying on singular or delayed channels [
6]. However, on the other hand, improved information accessibility may not necessarily translate to higher transaction prices for farmers [
7,
8,
9]. Excessive information on digital economy platforms may also overwhelm farmers [
10]. When confronted with complex data and diverse interpretations, farmers lacking sufficient information filtering skills and professional knowledge may experience information overload, potentially leading to misjudgments or decision-making delays [
11,
12]. This dual effect of digital economy information empowerment reflects both its transformative impact on agriculture and the existing contradictions between digital economic development and farmers’ information responsiveness.
The existing literature on the digital transformation of agriculture primarily evolves along two prominent research streams. The first stream extensively investigates the effects of the digital economy on the primary sector, particularly in agriculture. A consensus confirms that digitalization significantly enhances agricultural production and sales by improving market access and operational efficiency [
5,
13,
14]. Concurrently, a second, closely related stream of research focuses on producer behavior, specifically their ability to analyze market signals and adapt their strategies accordingly. Scholars within this field have universally emphasized the critical role of information as a cornerstone for farmers’ production and pricing decisions [
1,
15,
16]. While these two streams establish a foundational understanding, a critical gap persists at their intersection.
Existing studies have predominantly assumed a linear and positive relationship between digital access and improved market outcomes. However, they have largely overlooked a fundamental deconstruction of how digital tools influence farmers’ core competence: their responsiveness to price information. It remains theoretically and empirically unclear whether digital empowerment systematically enhances decision-making rationality or merely expands information quantity without a corresponding improvement in decision-making quality. Furthermore, the potential for a non-linear trajectory—where initial benefits may diminish or reverse with deeper engagement—and the moderating role of key farmer characteristics remain underexplored.
This study bridges these gaps by positioning its contribution within this theoretical framework. We move beyond the question of whether digitalization affects farmers to investigate how it reshapes their information capabilities. Using survey data from kiwifruit growers in major production regions, this research empirically addresses three pivotal questions: First, does digital economy participation enhance price responsiveness by improving judgment, or does it merely inflate information access? Second, how does this relationship evolve with the depth of digital participation, testing the notion of a ‘capability trap’? Third, how do traditional determinants like education, income, and social networks moderate these effects? By answering these questions, this study provides a more nuanced theoretical understanding of the mechanisms and boundaries of digital empowerment in smallholder agriculture.
Currently, China’s rural digital economy is still in its early stages. The promotion and application system of digital technology in smart agriculture has not yet been fully developed, resulting in insufficient coverage and depth of the entire agricultural industry chain. The widespread application of the Internet has fundamentally changed the social and economic system, profoundly impacting the organization of social and economic spaces. Therefore, the spatial spillover effects of the Internet economy cannot be ignored. Existing studies mainly discuss the spatial spillover effects of the digital economy at the macro level [
17,
18,
19]. The development of the rural digital economy takes time to generate macro-level and broader spillover effects. In rural areas, small farmers act as economic decision-making units, both independent and closely connected. At the present stage, it is more appropriate to discuss the spillover effects of small farmers participating in the rural digital economy at the village and township level. Therefore, we use a spatial effects model to examine whether the participation of small farmers in the digital economy affects the price information responsiveness of other farmers in the same village or town.
This study selects kiwifruit growers as research subjects for two primary reasons: First, kiwifruit is a high-value cash crop characterized by significant price elasticity in trading markets and relatively competitive market conditions, where variations in farmers’ price responsiveness substantially influence their sales prices. Second, China is the world’s largest producer and consumer of kiwifruit, and the kiwifruit industry is undergoing a technological transformation. With the rapid development of the digital economy, digital technologies are being deeply integrated into every stage of kiwifruit production and sales. Therefore, exploring the impact of the digital economy on the price responsiveness of kiwifruit growers is highly representative. The mechanisms explored in this paper may not only apply to kiwifruit growers but could also extend to other similar cash crops, thereby providing an important reference framework for research in related fields.
This study makes four key contributions to the literature. First, it identifies and empirically validates the existence of a “capability trap” in agricultural digitalization, revealing the complex relationship between digital participation and information capabilities. While initial engagement enhances information acquisition, deeper involvement impairs judgment ability due to information overload, challenging the prevailing assumption in existing literature that the digital economy uniformly benefits farmers. Second, the research demonstrates the paradoxical effects of traditional advantage factors in digital contexts. The findings reveal that education weakens information acquisition benefits, social networks amplify negative impacts, while only income provides protective value. These findings necessitate a reconceptualization of human and social capital theories in digital agriculture research. Third, the study provides novel insights into spatial mechanisms by demonstrating the absence of digital economy spillover effects. Information acquisition exhibits spatial dependence, whereas judgment capability shows no such spatial correlation. This indicates that critical thinking skills resist spatial diffusion and must be cultivated individually. Finally, the research establishes that information judgment, rather than mere acquisition, drives agricultural income growth. This crucial distinction provides theoretical grounding for shifting policy focus from information access to cognitive skill development, offering valuable insights for developing countries pursuing digital agricultural transformation. The empirical evidence from China’s specialized kiwifruit growers presents a relevant case for understanding digital transformation in smallholder agriculture, particularly regarding how digital tools influence price responsiveness and decision-making quality in commercialized farming systems.
The remainder of this paper is organized as follows:
Section 2 introduces the data sources and the current status description.
Section 3 describes the main empirical methods used in this study.
Section 4 presents the key empirical results and analysis.
Section 5 summarizes the paper and provides policy recommendations.
5. Conclusions
Our study investigated 1220 kiwifruit growers in Shaanxi and Sichuan provinces, China. The results indicated that participation in the digital economy significantly enhanced farmers’ information acquisition capacity, but deeper engagement impaired their information judgment ability. This finding reveals a critical issue: a “capability trap” exists in digital economy development. While initial digital participation improved farmers’ information capacity, excessive use damaged information judgment, primarily due to information overload. This pattern remained consistent across both regions despite their differing development levels, suggesting the phenomenon may extend beyond local contexts.
Rural China has achieved rapid digital infrastructure coverage; however, significant quality disparities exist across digital platforms. Although broadband and mobile networks are now widely available, specialized platforms for agricultural production face multiple challenges—such as outdated information, homogeneous services, and poorly designed user interfaces. This mismatch between infrastructure and platform quality limited the effectiveness of digital tools and negatively affected farmers’ user experience. Particularly in specialty crop growing areas, existing platforms often failed to deliver timely market information and lacked professional decision-support functions. Consequently, hardware investments in digital infrastructure did not fully improve farmers’ information capabilities. This reality highlights an urgent need in rural digitalization: while network coverage remains important, equal attention must be given to platform service quality as critical soft power.
The study also found that traditional advantage factors—education, income, and social networks—functioned differently in digital contexts. Higher education weakened the positive effect of digital participation on information acquisition. Extensive social networks intensified the negative impact of digital use on information judgment. Only income demonstrated a protective effect, mitigating the damage of digital engagement to judgment ability.
Spatial effect analysis showed no significant spatial spillover effects from the digital economy. Information acquisition capacity exhibited positive spatial dependence among farmers, whereas information judgment ability showed no such spatial correlation. Further analysis confirmed that information acquisition alone did not increase agricultural income, while information judgment significantly improved it.
This study makes several key contributions. First, it identifies a capability trap where digital participation initially improves information acquisition but later impairs judgment due to information overload. Second, it shows that traditional advantages function paradoxically in digital contexts—education weakens benefits, social networks amplify negatives, while only income provides protection. Third, it demonstrates the absence of digital economy spillovers and confirms that judgment ability, not mere acquisition, drives income growth.
The study acknowledges several limitations and proposes future research directions. Constrained by data availability, the analysis relied solely on cross-sectional data. Future studies should employ longitudinal data to examine the long-term effects of digital economy participation on smallholders’ price information responsiveness. In addition, while this study focused on Chinese kiwifruit growers, the generalizability of findings to other crops remains uncertain. Future research should expand to diverse agricultural products. Kiwifruit represents a typical high-value economic crop—nutritious, high-priced, and requiring trellis cultivation with large initial investment and a long growth cycle. It also has strong storage and transport properties, supporting high commercialization. Thus, these findings may be more applicable to high-value cash crops similar to kiwifruit. Nevertheless, they offer valuable insights for China and similar contexts to safeguard smallholder interests and promote equitable digital development.
Policymakers should develop targeted responses based on these specific findings. Since initial digital participation improves information skills but deeper engagement impairs judgment, specialized information filtering tools should be created for high-engagement farmers, and decision support systems should be integrated into village-level digital platforms. Given that higher education weakens information acquisition effects, differentiated training programs emphasizing information verification and field application should be designed for this group. Considering that income demonstrates a protective effect on information judgment, low-income farmers should receive subsidies for digital device purchases, and a dedicated risk mitigation fund should be established. To address the finding that social networks amplify negative impacts, information quality control measures should be implemented within villager social groups, such as regularly publishing verified market analysis reports to help curb misinformation spread. Given the lack of spatial spillover effects in the digital economy, information sharing groups should be organized by natural village, with farmers who have strong information analysis capabilities serving as coordinators to systematically share decision methods and experience. Finally, since information judgment capability—rather than information access quantity—directly drives agricultural income, training should shift its focus from simple search techniques to real-scenario-based judgment training. Simulated decision exercises can help farmers effectively transform information resources into operational profits.