Search Results (5)

This article focuses on the right edge of nominal stems in Greek and aims to show that stem-final segments should be analyzed as distinct morphological constituents. Two types of such constituents are identified. On the one hand, stem endings such as -a(ð), -i(ð), and -a(t) have a predictable distribution, as they are found in nouns with specific morphosyntactic properties and stress patterns. On the other hand, stem endings like -o, -a, and -i cannot function as predictors of the morphosyntactic status of the noun, although they may convey information about its stress position. The distinction between the two constituent categories is captured through an analysis couched within Distributed Morphology. Specifically, it is proposed that stem endings of the first category function as nominalizer exponents, while those of the second category serve as exponents of a Theme node, which is inserted post-syntactically and bears no grammatical features. The allomorphic variation exhibited by these exponents is accounted for by means of a phonological analysis based on Gradient Harmonic Grammar. The proposed approach is shown to capture empirical generalizations that have been overlooked in traditional grammatical descriptions and theoretical analyses based on multiple stem allomorphs. Full article

A highly productive derivational process, diminutive suffixation in Spanish (e.g., gatito ~ gatiko/gatico ‘little/well-known/beloved/awful cat’ < gato ‘cat’) has received much attention in the morphology–phonology interface literature. The present study contributes a novel comparative analysis of a dissimilatory alternation between diminutive suffix allomorphs -ito/a and -ico/a (-iko/a) across three Hispano-Romance varieties. In Judeo-Spanish, the voiceless dorsal stop [k] of default -iko/a dissimilates to coronal [t] after any dorsal segment [k, ɡ, ɡʷ, x, w] in the base-final syllable. In Colombian Spanish, the voiceless coronal stop [t] of default -ito/a dissimilates to dorsal [k] after only an identical [t] in the base-final syllable. By contrast, Castilian Spanish -ito/a does not dissimilate, thereby providing a baseline for comparison. All three varieties allow for optional iteration of the suffix, which conveys greater smallness or endearment than the simple diminutive, e.g., Castilian Spanish gatitito ‘little/beloved kitty’, without dissimilation. Iterated diminutives in Colombian Spanish show two patterns of dissimilation, which have not been fully acknowledged in the previous literature. For example, either (i) [it] and [ik] alternate to avoid adjacent identical syllable onsets, e.g., gat[ikitíko], or (ii) [it] is iterated until alternating with word-final [ik], e.g., gat[ititíko]. In all three Hispano-Romance varieties, base-final unstressed vowels are deleted before a vowel-initial diminutive suffix, followed by unstressed -o/a, and stress (indicated by an acute accent) is shifted rightward onto the penultimate syllable of the diminutive word. Vowel deletion and stress shift apply recursively in iterated diminutives. We propose an Optimality Theory analysis of these alternations in terms of suffix allomorphy that is phonologically conditioned by consonantal place dissimilation. The analysis is formalized as an interaction among constraints that enforce prosodic unmarkedness, output–output correspondence, allomorph preference, and similarity avoidance. We consider theoretical alternatives and compare our analysis to other recent proposals. Full article

The well-known deletion of coda sibilants in Old French (11th–14th centuries) induced a compensatory lengthening effect on the preceding vowel, generally described as applying uniformly where coda /s/ was lost. This study highlights and analyzes phonological contexts where lengthening likely did not occur, examining their interaction with stress assignment, vowel quality, schwa adjustment, prothesis, and morphological structure. The Stratal OT analysis formalizes the proposed pattern differentiating the long and short vowel reflexes identified especially for mid vowels: while categorical in tonic syllables and low vowels /a, ɑ/ irrespective of stress, lengthening only prevails in atonic mid vowels when coda /s/ deletion impacts a syllable assigned stress within the specific stratal phonological cycle when /s/ is deleted from input. The resulting length is transmitted and preserved in subsequent stratal cycles regardless of eventual word-level stress reassignment, especially (but not exclusively) because of word-level schwa adjustment, allowing a shift to word-final stress and producing an opacity effect of a long atonic mid vowel inherited from an earlier cycle. The stratal account formalizes observed analogical effects between lexical items and derived forms with respect to vowel quality and length and proposes them to result instead from the interplay of morphology and phonology. Full article

Words containing morphemes from multiple languages offer a unique look into the grammatical systems that constrain word formation. In this paper, I introduce novel data from nasal harmony patterns in contexts involving word-internal language mixing between Paraguayan Guaraní and Spanish, collected with native speakers of Guaraní. I provide the first full formal constraint-based analysis of nasal harmony in Paraguayan Guaraní, then show that nasal consonants within Spanish roots trigger nasal harmony in Guaraní affixal morphology, providing evidence for an emergent case of long-distance nasal harmony in the language. I demonstrate that this data supports an analysis in which a single phonological system has access to two different strata based on language of origin, countering predictions made by some previous approaches to the phonology of language mixing. My analysis combines Cophonology Theory and Agreement by Correspondence with phase faithfulness: a root is first evaluated according to the phonological grammar associated with its lexical stratum, and is then subject to faithfulness to that output. Full article

Although linguistic research has often focused on one domain (e.g., as influenced by generative prioritization of the Autonomy of Syntax), critical findings have been uncovered by exploring the interaction of multiple domains (e.g., the link between morphological status and lateralization of /ɾ/; the syntactic–pragmatic interface’s constraints on subject expression). The position of adjectives relative to the nouns they modify is a good test case in this discussion because multiple areas of the grammar are implicated, including syntax, phonology, and semantics. Moreover, research on this structure has yielded small cells, which prevented the use of statistical tests to convey the relative importance of multiple factors. Consequently, our study used a controlled, 24-item contextualized preference task to assess the roles of semantics (i.e., adjective class), phonology (i.e., noun–adjective syllable length differences), and lexical frequency on variable adjective ordering for 100 speakers of rioplatense Argentinean Spanish. Mixed-effects regression revealed that each factor was significant, with shorter, high-frequency, evaluative adjectives most favoring pre-position. Individual adjective analysis confirmed the greater effect of lexical frequency than semantic class, with additional corpora analyses further elucidating these trends. The study adds to the growing body of research on the role of factors across linguistic domains, while arguing for the importance of the relative frequency of adjective–noun collocations and complementing recent research on lexical effects. Full article