Search Results (6)

This article examines the Muslim Brotherhood’s strategic framing of democracy and human rights in Egypt following the 2013 military coup, contributing to scholarship on the movement’s adaptation to repression and political exclusion. Employing framing analysis, this study analyzes official statements from Ikhwanonline from 2015 to 2024, when the old guard regained control over the organization’s messaging, in order to explore how the movement operated to reclaim political legitimacy amid repression, exile, and internal fragmentation. The findings indicate that despite the failure of its strategic commitment to democracy as a pathway to political dominance—culminating in its ousting—the old guard continues to espouse this framework. The movement frames its predicament and struggle as part of the Egyptian people’s broader fight against oppression and authoritarianism. This rhetorical continuity persists despite internal divisions and reformist calls for a more proactive approach, highlighting the movement’s reliance on established discursive strategies not only to confront regime repression but also to avoid engaging with questions of institutional reform. Full article

This article aims to answer the question of whether identity-based movements are free from tendencies in political economy. By analyzing the actions and orientations of the militant Islamic group from the New Order to the Reform era, we show that social movements based on cultural identities are far from representing the demands of groups of recognition. Rather, these movements are leveraged as political tools for the executive group in determining dominant issues among the public to increase voter preferences and bring economic benefits to militant Islamic groups. This is insisted upon through a shift in political trends from religious populism to authoritarian populism. We argue that a possible solution could be prioritizing democratic values that lead to performance and integrity, not sectoral interests that can create fragmentation in society. Full article

This contribution intends to examine the impact of Conciliarism (1414–1439) on the Christian vision of Islam in the Quattrocento. The analysis of the thought of bishops such as Nicholas of Cusa (d. 1464) and John of Segovia (d. 1458) is understandable only through the evolution of the Latin world with regard to Islam, moving from the Corpus Toletanum (12th century) and the impact of the Crusades in the Levant (1096–1291) and in Europe. This forwardness is rooted in the process of “Islamic Christianization,” an analytical operation lasting three centuries, during which Koranic Christology was to play a primary role. It will be through this “Christ-centric” process that from the Renaissance, the Ottoman empire, the great enemy of Western Christianity, will be appreciated for some of its peculiar facets. The weakening of the concept of heresy and of Catholic ecclesiastical authoritarianism in decreeing what heresy was probably one of the “indirect” outcomes of that dialogical “Moment of Vision” between Christianity and Islam. The further fragmentation of the Church of Rome, after the failure of Conciliarism and the outgrowth of the reformed Churches in the 16th century, favored a preliminary different understanding of the religiosity of others. Full article

Culminating two decades of industrial planning, China is now officially moving full steam ahead towards realizing a hydrogen economy under the country’s first ever Medium and Long-term Plan of the Hydrogen Industry (2021–2035). Among the relevant benchmarks established is the goal of developing a regulatory framework by 2025. This raises the question of how best to achieve a regulatory framework for China’s emerging hydrogen economy. To answer this question, the discussions of this paper are further broken-down and organized across four independent, but correlated, academic questions. One, relying on the fragmented authoritarianism model, what are the impacts of China’s current model of industrial development on an emerging regulated industry? Two, through a scientific and technological review, what are the characteristics of the hydrogen supply-chain most likely to present a regulatory challenge for China? Three, by analogy to the comparable experiences of China’s other regulated industries, what are the possible regulatory solutions? Four, and most importantly, how best to reconcile the findings to the above questions as they relate to the regulatory challenge of developing China’s emerging hydrogen economy. The results of the discussions reveal, that not all policy solutions and recommendations to the regulatory framework of the hydrogen economy should be treated equally. Rather, an integrated view of the core academic question revealed a procedural relationship among the regulatory solutions identified from the analysis above. Therefore, recognizing that each solution should synergize and correspond to different phases of regulatory development, a three-step regulatory pathway towards the hydrogen economy is proposed. Full article

Cambodia has experienced rapid economic growth due partly to excessive natural resource extraction. Land conflicts have been pervasive between local communities and companies that invest in land and other natural resources. Despite substantial research into land conflict resolution, knowledge about how land is returned to wronged parties and what happens to the returned land is fragmented. This review aims to provide a holistic understanding of land restitution in Cambodia by examining different types of land conflict, actors involved, and restitution processes. It provides both a macro perspective on land restitution and conflict-specific perspectives regarding how actors engage in different processes that produce various outcomes for disputants. We find both complications and ambivalence of the actors involved, particularly concerning their roles and influences in resolution processes. Specifically, we find contentious and ambivalent roles that non-governmental organisations (NGOs), donor agencies, and government authorities played in mixed results of resolution mechanisms in the cases that have yielded outcomes in terms of land restitution. Our review also suggests that the neoliberal policy that favours commoditisation of resources and the authoritarian patronage state disguised in a hybrid democracy allowed some grassroots resistance, civil society space, and responses from other concerned economic and political actors in the resolution processes. However, the state controlled and manipulated their engagement to benefit and maintain its economic and political bases, and it never allowed any transformative approach that could tackle the root causes of the problems. This understanding of complexities in land restitution is crucial to achieving land tenure security, particularly for local communities. Full article

Civil religion refers to a country’s beliefs, symbols, and rituals that bolster national unity and strengthen its citizens’ sense of identity and belonging. However, the literature on civil religion is divided between those who attribute it to bottom-up cultural spontaneity and those who see it as an ideological top-down construction. Moreover, there has been a relative lack of scholarly attention to Korean civil religion. This paper addresses both issues by arguing that a strong civil religion indeed exists in the country and that it has been an important part of the “nation-building” process since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948. The paper highlights how a succession of authoritarian regimes (1948–1987) successfully mobilized a strong civil religion for political purposes. The resulting civil religion targeted economic growth as the national goal to overcome all social ills, focused on the country’s ethnic and cultural homogeneity to boost national confidence and pride, exalted its traditional religions, especially Confucianism, as repositories of Korean traditional culture, and rendered sacred meanings to national symbols such as the flag and national anthem. Even after democratization, Korean civil religion remains largely ideological, as the Korean government is heavily involved in framing, planning, sponsoring, and promoting the country’s civil religion. Nevertheless, the paper concludes by observing that this civil religion is entering a period of crisis due to political fragmentation among Korean elites and deeply rooted cultural and societal change. Full article