“Rewilding” the Mezcal Market: Cultural Practices and the Conservation of Agaves in Oaxaca, Mexico

Simple Summary

This article analyzes the contemporary realities facing endemic agave conservation in mezcal producing regions of Oaxaca, Mexico. Based on qualitative cultural anthropological research, the paper explores the challenges and potential pathways for short- as well as long-term conservation of the endemic agave species upon which the mezcal market depends, taking into consideration factors such as market demand, local production, species distribution and attributes, as well as climate change, to explore the relationships between this popular spirit, the natural environment, and the cultural practices of the people who traditionally produce it. The article proposes several practical steps to facilitate the process of “rewilding” the mezcal market. Rewilding entails the development and application of locally based strategies that focus on feasible practices of environmental sustainability that can ensure the future of mezcal and the socioeconomic security of those who produce it while protecting local biodiversity.

Abstract

This article presents a tentative proposal for biodiversity and endemic agave species conservation from a cultural anthropology perspective based on qualitative ethnographic research with a mezcal-producing community in Oaxaca, Mexico, and a comparative analysis of broader scientific research regarding agaves and mezcal production throughout Mexico. I argue that there is an urgent necessity for the implementation of processes of what I call “rewilding” in the mezcal market. Rewilding entails the development and application of locally based strategies that focus on feasible practices of environmental sustainability that can ensure the future of mezcal and the socioeconomic security of those who produce it while protecting biodiversity as follows: reducing the overall rate of mezcal production, establishing practical collaborative networks, implementing feasible reforestation programs, the replanting of endemic agave species, and water-recycling strategies, avoiding the piracy and illegal sale of wild and endangered agave species as well as massive monoculture agave planting projects, and by promoting a return to more “homemade” mezcal production techniques.

1. Introduction

This article presents a tentative proposal for biodiversity and endemic agave species conservation from a cultural anthropology perspective based on qualitative ethnographic research with a mezcal-producing community in Oaxaca, Mexico, and comparative analysis of broader scientific research regarding agaves and mezcal production throughout Mexico (Ethnographic research conducted by the author with residents of Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca (2022–2025) as part of the author’s postdoctoral researcher appointment in the Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. The project, titled “La soberanía alimentaria indígena en Oaxaca ante la crisis de COVID-19: Logros y desafíos actuales” is funded by the Mexican Secretaría de Ciencia, Humanidades, Tecnología e Innovación (SECIHTI) (formally CONAHCYT) through their “Estancias posdoctorales por México” federal grant program.).

1.1. Summary of the Problem

The paper explores the challenges and potential pathways for short- as well as long-term conservation of the endemic agave species upon which the mezcal market depends, taking into consideration factors such as market demand, local production, species distribution and attributes, as well as climate change, to explore the relationships between this popular spirit, the natural environment, and the cultural practices of the people who traditionally produce it. It is argued here that there is an urgent necessity for the implementation of processes of what I call “rewilding” in the mezcal market. Rewilding entails the development and application of locally based strategies that focus on feasible practices of environmental sustainability that can ensure the future of mezcal and the socioeconomic security of those who produce it while protecting biodiversity.

1.2. Methodology

This project utilized specific qualitative ethnographic research methods such as participant observation (refers to an investigative activity where the author spent time in the community of study observing and participating in the quotidian, everyday activities of groups and individuals regarding the topics presented in this article), unstructured and semi-structured interviews with local interlocutors (including informal conversations (unrecorded) and semi-structured interviews (recorded) with over a dozen interlocutors with questions regarding the mezcal production process, community socioeconomic dynamics before, during, and after COVID-19, the use of traditional subsistence, farming, and grazing methods in the community as well as questions regarding traditional cultural knowledges and practices surrounding mezcal), audiovisual documentation of the mezcal production process and other associated cultural activities, and archival research regarding the history of mezcal production in the community of Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, Mexico (conducted in the Archivo General del Estado de Oaxaca during March 2022 about topics regarding territoriality, nutrition, mezcal production, traditions, and customs, reviewing colonial and postcolonial documents about the community of Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca) stemming from fieldwork trips to the community and Oaxaca City occurring between March 2022 and March 2025. The empirical data collected during this research period using these methods forms the basis for this article. The results obtained, as discussed in the Key Findings and Conclusion sections of the article, are a product of the qualitative analysis of this ethnographic data compared with a broader review of the academic literature about agaves and mezcal production.

1.3. Section Summaries

The article begins with a section detailing the official definition of mezcal according to the Mexican federal government, a description of the three principal types of mezcal that are produced, and the various sociocultural applications for mezcal that extend beyond the spirits market. The next section describes the various species used in mezcal production, analyzes their importance as keystone species for maintaining biodiverse ecosystems, and discusses the negative effects of monoculture agave farming. The following section provides a summary of the steps involved in mezcal production. Next, the article identifies and analyzes several major threats to contemporary mezcal production in Oaxaca: market demand, overuse of scarce natural resources, and processes of climate change and desertification. In conclusion, the final section outlines seven specific practical actions for “rewilding” the mezcal market as follows:

• Reduce the overall rate of mezcal production to compensate for the natural limitations of agaves and resources such as water, land, and wood.
• Establish practical collaborative networks with mezcal producers, the federal government, and interested third parties to safeguard the natural resources and biodiversity of the areas impacted by mezcal production.
• Implement feasible reforestation programs and the replanting of endemic agave species.
• Implement water-recycling strategies within the mezcal industry.
• Avoid the piracy and illegal sale of wild and endangered agave species.
• Avoid massive monoculture agave planting projects.
• Promote a return to more “homemade” mezcal production techniques.

1.4. Key Findings

• The augmentation of environmental phenomena associated with climate change, such as desertification, droughts, intense and erratic rainy seasons, fungal and pest infestations, as well as the reduction of pollination corridors and biodiversity hotspots due to deforestation, monoculture farming, and the overextrapolation of wild agaves, is having a notable negative effect on the artisanal and ancestral mezcal industries and the genetic diversity of wild agave species.
• Mezcal producers are interested in sustainability and environmental conservation strategies, but these initiatives must be created, innovated, and applied at the community level and should adapt to local sociocultural practices to be viable.
• Industrial mezcal is both environmentally and economically unsustainable and should be eradicated.
• The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively affected the economic growth of the mezcal industry, from which it has yet to fully recover.
• The active implementation of traditional Agroforestry Systems (AFS) in artisanal and ancestral mezcal-producing communities is a potential way to confront the negative impacts of climate change, encourage the biodiversity of agave species, and mitigate the current capitalist market demand pressures of the mezcal industry.
• A general reduction in production overall, coupled with an increase in bulk and retail prices to better compensate for the human and animal labor, economic inversions, and environmental cost involved in producing mezcal, is necessary to secure the long-term sustainability of the industry, provide a higher level of economic stability for mezcal producers, and protect the biodiversity of the region.

1.5. Contributions

This article directly contributes to the academic discussion regarding the challenges facing the contemporary mezcal market. Based on the author’s own ethnographic research and a comparative analysis of current market statistics and recent biological research, the article provides a unique perspective grounded in qualitative cultural anthropological analysis resulting in a practical proposal for “rewilding” the mezcal market.

2. Defining Mezcal

Mezcal is an alcoholic beverage distilled from members of the Agavaceae, or Agave, plant family (also commonly referred to as magueys) whose production is currently formally recognized in 13 Mexican states (Oaxaca, Puebla, Durango, Guerrero, San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, Michoacán, Guanajuato, Tamaulipas, Estado de México, Morelos, Aguascalientes, and Sinaloa) that form part of the federally recognized Denominación de Orígen Protegida, or DOP, region [1]. Historically, mezcal was a largely unregulated spirit, stereotypically associated with consumption by lower socioeconomic classes and indigenous peoples. However, this changed in 1994, when the Mexican federal government awarded federal protection and denomination of origin for the authorized mezcal production in five states: Oaxaca, Guerrero, Durango, San Luis Potosí, and Zacatecas [2]. Here, mezcal was formally defined as:

A transparent liquid with particular organoleptic qualities of characteristic odor and flavor according to the types of agaves used and the process with which it is made; it is colorless or slightly yellow if it is aged, rested, or otherwise stored considering the slow maturation or transformation that takes place during its time in oak barrels…It is an alcoholic beverage obtained by distillation and rectification of the juices prepared with sugars extracted from the stem and base of the leaves of mezcal-producing agaves as specified by the Mexican Standard [3], previously subjected to alcoholic fermentation with yeasts, allowing the addition of up to 40% of other sugars in the preparation of said juices, as long as the components that give the characteristics to that product are not eliminated [2].

The term “mezcal” is of Nahuatl origin based on the word mexcalli, which combines the words metl and ixcalli, meaning “oven-cooked agave” [4] (p. 12). Agaves naturally grow and are commercially harvested throughout Mexico. However, not all distilled beverages made from agaves fall into the category of mezcal. Some, like tequila, have their own denomination of origin designation while others produced outside of the DOP region cannot legally call their product mezcal, opting instead for names like destilado de agave (“agave distillate”) or vino de agave (“agave wine”). Additionally, spirits such as raicilla (produced in Jalisco) and bacanora (produced in Sonora) distilled from other members of the agave family and have earned their own protected denomination of origin status during the last two decades.

According to the Mexican Standard, there are three kinds of officially recognized mezcal: ancestral, artisanal, and industrial (formally referred to as “mezcal”). Ancestral mezcal is produced by hand, without the use of industrial machinery or draft animals; it is often considered the most “rustic” or “traditional” way to produce mezcal and almost exclusively relies on the harvest of wild agaves. Its cooking process exclusively occurs in pit ovens, typically in a conical pit lined with river stones and covered with agave fibers, plastic tarps, or aluminum siding, and completely covered with dirt. Grinding occurs by hand and utilizes specific tools known as a mazo or a tahona that are repeatedly pounded for hours within either a “Chilean” or “Egyptian” style mill that are typically rectangular in shape and mounted in the floor to extract the juices from the cooked agaves [5]. Fermentation occurs in stone, dirt, or trunk cavities, in wood or ceramic barrels, or even in animal hides. Distillation occurs in ceramic flasks mounted in an adobe and wooden structure over open flames.

Artisanal mezcal is a type of mezcal that is much more commonly found on the spirits market than ancestral mezcal. It shares some distillation methods with ancestral mezcal, but also utilizes copper vessels known as alambiques, draft animals for distillation, and can also employ the use of farmed magueys. Cooking can occur in conical pits or in elevated ovens. Producers of artisanal mezcal use tahonas and Chilean or Egyptian-style mills, millstones operated by draft animals, as well as machine-operated mills. Fermentation occurs in wooden vats or stainless steel tanks. Distillation occurs in alambiques, ceramic pots, or even leather troughs.

Industrial mezcal focuses on the production of large quantities of mezcal for commercial sale using a variety of industrialized distillation techniques and may include the use of chemicals or other additives as part of their production processes. The cooking, grinding, and fermentation processes are like the other kinds of mezcal mentioned above. It is the distillation process, however, that differs greatly, utilizing any combination of alambiques, automated distilling machines, or copper or stainless steel tanks.

In addition to the types of mezcal discussed above, mezcal is also categorized depending upon how it is aged, heavily borrowing these classifications from other spirits such as scotch, whiskey, and wine. Blanco or joven mezcal has no color and has typically not been aged in any way. Glass-aged mezcal is either aged in a bottle or a damajuana (a large, rounded glass receptacle, also known as a “carboy”) for at least 12 months or more underground in a cellar or in some other space with minimal variations in luminosity, temperature, and humidity. Reposado mezcal is aged between 2 and 12 months in wooden casks of any size and shape in spaces with minimal variations in luminosity, temperature, and humidity. Añejo mezcal is aged more than 12 months in wooden casks that do not exceed 1000 L, typically whiskey barrels, in similar cellar conditions. “Acabado con”, literally translating to “finished with” mezcal may include ingredients that are placed in bottled mezcal to add additional flavor, such as gusano de maguey (maguey worm), damiana, lime, honey, orange, mango, or any other natural flavors that are formally authorized by the Mexican federal government. “Destilado con”, or “distilled with”, are mezcals are distilled with specific ingredients to add flavor, like chicken or turkey breast, rabbit, mole, plums, apples, among others that have been formally identified. Mezcal is traditionally consumed by itself or accompanied with orange slices and salt mixed with roasted, salted, spiced, and ground maguey worms. It can be consumed in shot glasses made from bamboo or glass, or in small cups made from gourds.

In many contexts, the production of mezcal forms an intrinsic part of a community’s economic survival as well as its cultural heritage. Specifically, mezcal is a central element of social and cultural organization and forms part of a particular community’s “symbolic nourishment” [6]. It fosters the symbolic relationships that locals have with the geographic territories surrounding them and with nature itself. It is also related to the establishment, maintenance and transformation of sociocultural relationships present among members of the community.

Mezcal is often viewed not only as an alcoholic spirit but as traditional medicine. It is prescribed to both children and adults as a remedy for different ailments including gastrointestinal problems, upper respiratory infections, allergies, and even COVID-19. In social relations, mezcal is considered a sign of hospitality towards visitors, as a sign of trust between friends, business partners, and godparent relationships, and as a symbol of conviviality and general goodwill during weddings, baptisms, births, and funerals. The beverage also forms an intrinsic part of the traditional cycle of festivities in many mezcal-producing communities. It is also often used to seal symbolic agreements between humans and nature, as well as with non-human spiritual entities.

Now more than ever, mezcal forms the backbone of the local economy for the people that produce it. In traditional mezcal-producing communities, the beverage has long been part of the local barter system, used in this reciprocal system of exchange for other products or services. Given the recent boom in international interest in mezcal, the spirit also increasingly provides a formal source of income for the people that produce it. In some communities, a trend of return migration is actively occurring, where those who have immigrated to the United States or other parts of Mexico have begun to return to their communities of origin specifically to work in the business of producing mezcal. However, it is important to note here that producing mezcal does not necessarily imply brand ownership or participation in regional, national, or international distribution, where profit margins are infinitely higher than at the local level. Indeed, as explored in detail later in the article, local mezcal producers often work directly with external intermediaries, third-party investors, and the public to sell their products on the market. This may mean establishing their own brand, creating local labor collectives, marketing their product to tourists, or collaborating with national or international brands and investors to sell their mezcal. This reality not only directly impacts the ability of mezcal producers to create their product from an economic perspective but also speaks to pertinent issues related to environmental sustainability present in the mezcal market today.

3. Endemic Agave Species and Biodiversity

One of the major considerations regarding the rewilding of the mezcal market is situated within the characteristics of the agaves themselves, specifically environmental conditions, growth patterns, geographical range, natural scarcity, and propensity to controlled cultivation. There are over 200 documented species that are members of the Agave family, with more than half of these species being endemic to Mexico [5]. This ecological diversity is complemented by cultural diversity, with common names for each species, subspecies, and hybrids varying within and between states and regions. Many agave species are only found in certain areas due to specific environmental conditions, and their cultural uses are highly variable and extend well beyond mezcal. For example, many agave species are used in the production of ixtle cords, fibers, and other products (such as Agave kerchovei and A. fourcroydes, known as henequen in the Yucatán), as traditional medicine, as ritual decoration, for soap (A. vilmoriniana and A. lechuguilla), as construction materials (A. atrovirens), as needles and nails, for textiles (A. striata and A. funkiana) and as part of the traditional foraging diets of many indigenous communities, which includes the consumption of agave flower buds (cayacas or gualumbos), juices and sweeteners, as well as worms and other insects that inhabit the plant [7,8]. Regarding alcoholic spirits, agaves are used in the production of tequila, mezcal, raicilla, bacanora, sotol, aguamiel (mead), and pulque.

The following table (

Table 1. Mexican Agave Species Used for Spirits.

Species Name	Common Names	Average Maturation Time	Characteristics
Agave angustifolia Haw	Espadín.	8–10 years.	El agave with the amplest distribution and cultivation of all species used for spirits, with a presence in at least 20 Mexican states; grows between 1500–2000 m. asl, used in mezcal production [9].
A. potatorum	Tobalá.	10–12 years.	Native to the highlands of Oaxaca, the Valle de Tehuacán in Puebla, and the Sierra Madre del Sur Mountain range; found in elevations ranging from 1200–2400 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal [8].
A. americana	Agave blanco, Maguey de pulque.	12 years.	Found in 20 Mexican states; considered one of the most common agaves in Mexico; grows from sea level up to 2500 m. asl; used in construction, pulque, and mezcal production [10].
A. karwinskii	Cuishe, Bicuishe, Madrecuishe, Barril, Tripón, Tobasiche.	12–15 years.	Native to the arid zones of the Valle de Tehuacán in Puebla and the Valles Centrales of Oaxaca; found in elevations ranging between 750–2000 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal [8].
A. lophantha or A. univattata	Estoquillo.	8–10 years.	Found in Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosí, Veracruz, and Puebla; grows from sea level to 1500 m. asl; used in mezcal production and for its fibers [11,12].
A. durangensis Gentry	Cenizo.	7–10 years.	Native to Durango and Zacatecas; grows in the Sierra Madre Occidental Mountain range between 1600–2000 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal [13].
A. aequorins	Lechugilla, Maguey alto.	15–20 years.	Native to Michoacán; grows between 1700–2600 m. asl; used in mezcal and pulque production [14].
A. americana oaxacensis	Arroqueño, Sierra negra.	12–20 years.	Native to Oaxaca and Puebla, found from the Valle de Tehuacán to the Balsas River basin between 1500–2000 m. asl; used in mezcal production [8].
A. marmorata	Tepeztate.	25–35 years.	Native to Oaxaca and Puebla; grows in altitudes ranging from 680–1800 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal, as traditional medicine, and as ritual ornamentation [15].
A. cupreata	Papalote.	10–15 years.	Endemic to the Balsas River basin, including the states of Michoacán, Guerrero, and Puebla; found in elevations ranging from 1200–1800 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal; depends on bat pollination to reproduce [16].
A. maximiliana	Lechuguilla.	10–20 years.	Found in northwestern Mexican states, primarily Jalisco, Nayarit, and Sinaloa; grows around 1500 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal and raicilla [17].
A. tequiliana Weber azul	Agave tequilero.	7–10 years.	Native to Jalisco, cultivated in Los Altos de Jalisco and the Valle of Tequila; grows in elevations ranging from 1200–2100 m. asl; used in the production of tequila [8].
A. rhodacantha	Maguey mexicano.	12–15 years.	Ranges from Sonora to Oaxaca; grows in elevations between 1000–2500 m. asl; large, solitary plants used in the production of mezcal [8].
A. salmiana	Agave bronco, maguey pulquero.	8–12 years.	Found in 20 Mexican states; grows in elevations ranging from 2000–2800 m. asl; used in the production of pulque and mezcal [18].
A. convallis	Jabalí.	15–22 years.	Endemic to Oaxaca, particularly in the Sierra Madre del Sur Mountain range; grows at an elevation of between 975–1600 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal and fiber cords [19].
A. valenciana	Raicilla.	15 years.	Exclusively found in Jalisco; grows in elevations between 950–1250 m. asl; used in raicilla production [20].

) presents some key elements to better understand the multifaceted nature of agaves. It is important to note, however, that there are many subspecies, natural variants, and cultivated hybrids that have either been scientifically or culturally classified but are not mentioned here. Instead, the table represents the primary species used in spirits production. Also, the noted average maturation time only reflects wild conditions. If these species are cultivated in fields, farms, or greenhouses, where conditions are artificially controlled or accelerated using irrigation, pesticides, and fertilizers, maturation time can be reduced by several years in some cases.

These species are all endemic to Mexico, with some only found in specific microclimates and geographic regions, such as A. Americana oaxacensis, which grows in Oaxaca and some areas of Puebla. Some species, such as A.angustifolia Haw, are easily adaptable to various climatic conditions and soil compositions, while others, such as A. potatorum, are not. Another factor to consider is plant maturation; growing times can range on average from between six to 35 years depending on the species and growing conditions. It is for this reason that the unprecedented increase in demand for mezcal fueled by the international spirits market is intrinsically incompatible with sustainable production; the plants naturally mature too slowly to keep up with the capitalist market. Therefore, many producers, including those who distill ancestral mezcal, have turned to A. angustifolia Haw (espadín) as a panacea, albeit an imperfect one, to this problem. Espadín agaves naturally mature between 6–8 years, and given this fact, producers have turned more toward monoculture farming practices and the planting of “homogenous rows” of espadín that now account for around 80% of mezcal consumed worldwide [21]. The dependence on espadín also emerged as a byproduct of the natural scarcity of other species of agaves and the increase in environmental degradation due to over-harvesting, an absence of sustainable resowing strategies, and climate change that has been present throughout Mexico in recent decades.

As occurs in other agricultural contexts, substituting a diversity of species for monoculture crops may produce short-term benefits but usually has negative long-term consequences. The short-term benefits typically revolve around issues of production and profitability. Taking A. angustifolia Haw as an example, growers prefer it because it has one of the quickest maturation timetables of all agave species, is cheap to purchase, easy to reproduce, and can grow in almost any environmental conditions. The plant can even be manipulated to mature at an even faster rate using fertilizers and other nutritional enhancements, according to some farmers (based on informal interviews conducted by the author with residents of Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, September 2024). Espadín is also valued for its relatively neutral taste, which easily combines with other types of agaves without overpowering them in what are known as mezcal “ensembles” where three or more species are distilled together to create unique flavor profiles. Due to this neutrality and its abundance on the market, espadín is also sometimes used as a “filler” in mezcal when it is combined with other rarer or wild species due to their inherent natural scarcity.

However, espadín monoculture farming affects not only the production market, but also the biodiversity of the natural environment and the overall food security of the communities that produce it. When the agave spirits boom began in the early 2000s, originally propelled by increased market demand for tequila, farmers used “inadequate” production techniques “under an economic rationality at the expense of environmental conservation”, leading to a surplus of agave plants that surpassed demand of mezcal and tequila producers [22] (p. 639). The abrupt change in land use, coupled with the abandonment of traditional crop rotation practices using species such as corn, beans, and squash that naturally replenish nutrients, have caused or exacerbated the degradation of the soil in areas where espadín is continuously grown. This problem manifests itself through “the compacting, wild growth, loss of moisture, and of its physical consistency caused by the expansion of maguey sowing” [22] (p. 640).

Mezcal was traditionally produced using multiple species of agaves combined into ensembles (Informal interview with Shonga, maestro mezcalero in Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, 22 September 2024). Monoculture cultivation and single-species mezcals are relatively recent phenomena derived from market demand and the influence of Western standards and practices in the spirits industry in general and in wine production particularly. Like grapes, each species of agave has its own signature flavor. This natural flavor emerges because of factors such as the terroir (French term originally attributed to winemaking that refers to the combination of factors such as soil, climate, and environment, that gives mezcal its distinctive character, body, and flavor palette), growing conditions, and climate where the agave is found. For example, a wild agave harvested from its natural environment will have a different flavor palette than the same species harvested from a farm a few kilometers away. Furthermore, the presence of multiple endemic species in their natural environments promotes the management of local ecosystems and the presence of important pollinators such as bats, insects, and hummingbirds.

Agaves have the unique property of Crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM), present in only 6% of vascular plants [23]. This means that agaves have 24 h of constant carbon cycling “that provides the chemical energy for photosynthetic light reactions even during times when stomata are closed”, and has “tremendous advantages for plants growing in hot and dry climates” [24]. According to Stewart [25]: the CAM pathway enables agaves to colonize semi-arid environments where water is scarce and soil surface temperatures often exceed 55 °C. Moreover, the succulent and fiber-rich nature of agave leaves follows for the continuation of CO₂ fixation and other vital biochemical reactions during extended periods of drought, which can last up to 7 years or more. In addition, the rosette arrangement of agave leaves allows for maximal absorption of photosynthetically active radiation and allows for the funneling of water to their relatively shallow root systems.

As such, agaves represent a vital cornerstone species in semi-arid environments across Mexico, as well as powerful natural barriers against climate change, soil erosion, and processes of desertification. Furthermore, there are several agave species that have reciprocal relationships with bat species and are dependent on them for seed production. When plants are taken from the wild before they reach sexual maturity, or if a flower stalk is prematurely cut in a process known as “capar un agave” to artificially provoke the concentration of sugars within the heart of the plant before harvesting, this causes a marked disruption in the pollination chain. In the case of A. macroacantha, for example, “without pollination by bats, the plants produce only approximately 50% of the number of seeds” [26] (p. 13). The unmonitored over-extraction of wild plants before maturation, coupled with an increased tendency toward monoculture farming, directly impacts the genetic diversity and overall plant health of agave species. Low levels of diversity are generally associated with inbreeding, which “can trigger a reduction in the average adaptation of the population, in a process known as inbreeding depression” [26] (p. 13). Inbreeding depression can result in an increased propensity toward fungal infection and parasitic infestations, given that the plant’s natural defenses become genetically comprised. This is, in fact, a problem noted by agave growers and mezcal producers who plant monoculture crops, often using clones of a single mother plant, and have subsequently observed reduced yields over time due to issues associated with generationally repetitive inbreeding (based on personal observations and informal interviews with maestros mezcaleros in Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, September 2024). These realities speak to the inherent multidimensional character of wild agave plants and the crucial role they have for maintaining biodiversity in the region, which in turn produces the best-tasting mezcal while ideally promoting more sustainable cultivation, harvesting, and production practices, the practical feasibility of which are explored later in this article [27].

4. A Brief Summary of Mezcal Production

Per federal guidelines, the elaboration of any mezcal must comply with four stages: cooking, grinding, fermentation, and distillation. These activities occur in a palenque, which refers to a ranch or farm housing the apparatuses such the oven, barrels, equipment, and distillation tanks as well as small quantities of cultivated agaves necessary for producing mezcal. In practice, however, the harvest of agaves often occurs well beyond the limits of the palenque and is the first practical step in the creation of mezcal. Depending upon the geographic and cultural context as well as type of mezcal being produced, the harvest of agaves takes many forms, from identifying wild individuals in the landscape and subsequently making a tedious trek through bush and bramble to reach them to harvesting cultivated agaves from fields (Figure 1). In either case, the harvesting process requires intense physical effort where workers are highly prone to injury, often relying on machetes and brute human strength to accomplish the task. First, the spiny leaves of the plant must be cut off with a machete or chainsaw, leaving a ball-like shape known as the piña, due to its physical resemblance to the scaly outer flesh of a pineapple. Then, the piña needs to be unearthed from the ground, often using a shovel-like tool, known as a jima, that simultaneously extracts the plant while removing its roots. Finally, the piña must be transported back to the palenque, either carried on the shoulders of the harvesters or by donkey to a nearby truck, depending on the terrain. Only when the piñas have arrived at the palenque does mezcal production formally begin. Estimated time for the harvest stage varies, but can typically take up to 24 h, depending on the amount, type, and location of agaves that are harvested.

The next steps of mezcal production take place at the palenque, beginning with the cooking process, where the piñas are placed in an underground conical oven on hot stones and cooked for approximately five days, covered with the residual fibers of the maguey plant, a plastic tarp, and a layer of earth, which is topped with a small wooden cross (Figure 2). This step requires a large amount of firewood to maintain the residual heat of the oven. Firewood is a highly sought-after commodity, and mezcaleros may even pawn their product or profits from the palenque itself to buy the quantities of firewood needed for mezcal production.

After cooking, the piñas undergo what is known as dry fermentation (Figure 3). At this stage, the roasted piñas are removed from the conical oven and stacked into piles under open shelters with concrete floors, where they “rest” anywhere between 15 days to one month before the next stage of production can begin. During this period, the natural yeasts present in the cooked agaves begin to break the organic material down into concentrated sugars. When the dry fermentation process ends, the piñas are chopped up and then ground to extract the fermented juices (Figure 4). This process is done either by hand or using machines, depending on the type of mezcal being produced. In the case of ancestral mezcal, the piñas are chopped up using a machete and then ground using a special wooden mallet known as a mazo, which can measure over a meter long and weighs more than 10 kilos. During this process, a team of two people crush the cooked agave fibers with their mazos in an uninterrupted shift lasting from between eight and 24 h, or until all the piñas have been processed. For artisanal mezcal, a stone mill may be used, which is pushed by draft animals such as donkeys or mules or even by machines such as tractors. For industrial mezcal, the extraction process is typically mechanically performed to expedite production. Here is where the juices are extracted from the fibers, which are then recycled and used during the cooking process as kindling and in the wet fermentation process as a necessary floating barrier that protects the juices from pests and mold.

Immediately following extraction, the juices are transferred to wooden barrels, or stainless steel vats, that are filled with water and covered with a layer of cooked agave fiber where wet fermentation takes place, a process that requires up to 15 days, depending on the ambient temperature (Figure 5). During this process the fermenting liquid is periodically taste-tasted by the maestro(a)s mezcalero(a)s for flavor balance and maturation. When the correct level of fermentation has been achieved, the must, or floating debris that accumulated during this process, is removed and the remaining liquid is transferred to different receptacles, depending on the type of mezcal being produced, for distillation.

Distillation is a process that can take between two and three days, depending on the quantity and type of mezcal being produced. For ancestral mezcal, this process occurs in clay vessels placed on top of a wood-fired brick oven and is repeated up to three times, depending on the type of mezcal desired (Figure 6). During this stage, someone must constantly stoke the coals, measure the temperature, ensure a steady fire, and make sure the receptacles that the mezcal drips into are properly filled, a process that requires long sleepless nights. For artisanal mezcal, the distillation process typically utilizes copper alambiques that also require the constant vigilance of these aforementioned factors. In contrast, for industrial mezcal, stainless steel vats are typically used, such as those used in the production of other spirits such as whiskey or vodka, and the process is often completely automated.

After distillation, the mezcal is ready to be consumed and sold. However, depending upon the type of mezcal (ancestral, artisanal, or industrial) as well as the personal preferences of the maestro(a) mezcalero(a), the mezcal can enter an unofficial sixth stage where it is aged in glass damajuanas, bottles, or oak barrel casks. This process adds distinct dimensions of taste to the final product that can then be marketed as mezcal joven, reposado, or añejo. It is also during this process that herbal, citrus, or other infusions are created to give a particular flavor, aroma, or signature to the mezcal.

Mezcal is sold to the public in several ways. Palenques may sell their mezcal directly to the public a granel (unlabeled, in bulk, and sold by the milliliter) or under their own label. Mezcal may also be sold to intermediaries such as restauranteurs or bar owners who then resell it directly to their customers. It may also be sold to investors or third-party brand owners who market it under their own labels, sometimes giving credit to the original producers of the mezcal, although there is no legal obligation to do so. Much of the post-production life of mezcal directly depends upon the scale and nature of production, connections with investors, and permissions obtained by the federal government for national sale and international exportation.

5. Threats to Contemporary Mezcal Production in Oaxaca

Mezcal was never meant to be produced on a massive scale. However, the industry has adapted to the demands of consumer expectations in recent years to produce what is now internationally recognized as one of the premier spirits in the world. In 2021, the national annual production of mezcal reached approximately 8.1 million liters, with Oaxaca distilling 85.4% of that amount [28]. Artisanal mezcal made up 88.9% of total national production, followed by industrial mezcal (10.49%), and ancestral mezcal (0.59%) [28]. These statistics represent historic highs in what has been an ever-increasing market over the last decade.

5.1. Market Demand

One of the major threats to contemporary mezcal production is the unprecedented demand for the spirit on the national and international markets. The commodification of mezcal has produced some unique socioeconomic realities for those producing, selling, and consuming the beverage. In 1997, the Mexican federal government established the Consejo Mexicano Reguladora de la Calidad del Mezcal (The Mexican Regulatory Council for the Quality of Mezcal or COMERCAM) which, among other duties, determines compliance with the “Norma Oficial Mexicana NOM-070-SCFI-2016 Bebidas Alcóholicas—Mezcal—Especificaciones” [3] that stipulates the authorized raw materials, categories of mezcal, permitted alcohol volume, approved production processes according to type of mezcal, as well as standards for bottling, labeling, and sale. To assure compliance and guarantee commercial sale on both the national and international markets, COMERCAM recommends that people participating in the following categories become associated members of the organization: brand owners, bottlers, mezcal producers, agave farmers, and agave nurseries [28].

Although membership to COMERCAM is not obligatory, the Comisión Federal para la Protección Contra Riesgos Sanitarios (Federal Commission for the Protection against Sanitary Risks, or COFREPRIS), the Servicio de Administración Tributaria (Tributary Administration Service, or SAT), and the Padron Sectorial de Exportadores (Sectional Exporter List, used by the Mexican federal government to determine who is officially registered to export mezcal outside of Mexico) strongly recommend participation in the program. The total cost for initial certification by COMERCAM, as of the writing of this article, is $8270 pesos, which includes the inscription fee ($1500), NOM compliance assessment ($5000), authorization payment for use of the Denomination of Origin label ($1020), and official production log payment ($750) [28]. For small producers of ancestral and artisanal mezcal, COMERCAM offers a grant program to cover these costs.

Apart from the economic cost of participating in COMERCAM certification, mezcal producers are increasingly enmeshed in commercial power dynamics that extend well beyond the limits of intercommunity social relations, typically including third-party investors, brand owners, or businesses who purchase their mezcal. This creates competition among individual producers, palenques, and families who have produced the spirit for generations or are newly entering into the production market, potentially disrupting traditional frameworks of sociopolitical organization in these communities. Increased external demand also means increased pressure to continuously produce mezcal year-round to make it economically viable, ignoring the inherent natural limitations imposed by the life cycle of agave plants as well as seasonal weather patterns. The mezcal boom has also inspired patterns of return migration to these communities to work in the industry. While this has created a new sector of local employment where few existed before, the work remains precarious due to its inherently dangerous nature and its heavy reliance on commercial market demand. During the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, mezcal sales temporarily plummeted, negatively affecting producers [29]. According to the most recent COMERCAM (2024) report, mezcal production, sales, and exports have continued to fall post-COVID and have yet to recuperate to pre-pandemic levels. When comparing statistics from the 2023 report, the 2024 data showed that production decreased 13.6%, national sales within Mexico decreased 39%, and international exports decreased 8.4% [30] (pp. 4–11). This quantitative data directly coincides with my conversations with ancestral mezcal producers over last three years (based on informal interviews with residents of Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca between 2022–2025.). The reasons behind this decrease, according to the report, had to do with issues regarding the current state of the spirits market worldwide. Specifically, “the decline in exports and falling (peso-dollar) exchange rate have slowed the growth of this sector” [30] (p. 17). The report called for three specific actions to help negotiate the current market slump: “1. Guaranteeing sustainability through the application of the green seal, 2. Innovation through good production practices, and 3. Consumer education” [30] (p. 17) Some practical strategies for potentially applying these points will be directly addressed in the conclusion of this article.

5.2. Overuse of Scarce Natural Resources

In general, the mezcal industry exacerbates threats to fragile local ecosystems and to the autonomy and health of the human population through the overexploitation of natural resources and the introduction of contaminants derived from pesticides, fertilizers, and additives used in the cultivation of agaves and the production of mezcal. Mezcal production intrinsically involves the use of potable water and, in the case of artisanal and ancestral mezcal, the use of firewood. Throughout Oaxaca, natural river systems as well as manmade groundwater and rainwater collection systems such as dams and wells exist that attempt to maximize use of a resource that is particularly scarce in this semi-desertic environment. An important point to consider is that this water is also utilized by humans, livestock, and agriculture, resulting in at least four independent industry sectors that simultaneously need access to the resource in varying quantities throughout the year. The water table is periodically replenished during the rainy season, which typically extends from May to late September, although these dates are beginning to shift due to climate change. As a result, the dry season is becoming increasingly more arid, with a greater frequency of droughts occurring throughout the region in recent years, causing an increasing scarcity of potable water [31].

Mezcal production is particularly water intensive. As mentioned in the previous section, water is formally used in two stages of production: during the wet fermentation stage and during the distillation stage. Additionally, if cultivated fields of agaves are used, farmers may periodically irrigate the plants if deemed necessary during the growing period. For every 10 tons of raw agave, it is estimated that approximately 7000 L of water are used for the wet fermentation stage and 15,000 L are used for the distillation stage [32]. On average, 20 L of water are used to produce one liter of mezcal.

Firewood is another essential resource to produce mezcal that is naturally scarce in many parts of Oaxaca, although it is a state known not only for its semi-arid climate but also for its temperate deciduous forests that occur in higher altitude areas. There are several species of hardwood that are utilized for firewood, including oak, copal, ash, and others, but deforestation and a general absence of local reseeding initiatives or sustainable tree farming have negatively affected the forests surrounding mezcal-producing areas. This has occurred to such a degree that, in some communities, palenques may even purchase “imported” firewood originating from other regions of the state or from the black-market timber trade that illegally fells trees from forests in federally protected areas. Firewood is essential for cooking the raw agaves and for the distillation stage. For every liter of mezcal produced, it is estimated that, on average, seven kilograms of firewood are used [33].

It is also important to mention here that agaves are in and of themselves an inherently scarce natural resource. As previously mentioned, the environmental health of the regions where mezcal is produced depend on maintaining biodiversity, with agaves being one of the keystone species of these ecosystems. Scarcity is the natural state of many agave species because they reproduce slowly due to the prolonged extension of their natural life cycles that can range from anywhere between 10 to approximately 30 years or more. Increased market demand for mezcal during the last decade has, however, exacerbated the accelerated and even illegal extraction of these naturally scarce plants from the wild, creating a problematic void in the pollination and fertilization processes that would eventually replenish these populations. Although some agaves produce “pups”, or offshoots of the mother plant that occur independent of pollination, not all species do so. Furthermore, these offshoots are essentially propagated clones of the mother plant and are therefore not as genetically diverse as seedlings [34].

When agaves are cultivated, they are typically organized by species, with one type being planted and grown together at the same time in the same fields. This strategy helps farmers identify the agaves over time, as well as keep track of when they were planted and when they will likely be ready for harvest. Planting agaves also helps farmers control fertilization and pesticide regimens if these techniques are employed. However, monoculture farming heightens the plants’ potential exposure to pests, fungal infections, and grazing by livestock that can quickly ravage an entire population due to their close physical proximity to one another and organization according to a single species. Given the increased scarcity of wild agaves, as well as other pertinent factors, this is a risk that more and more mezcal producers are willing to take. The decision to cultivate agaves also comes from socioeconomic necessity, especially as the increased natural scarcity of the plants exacerbates competition for resources among mezcal producers. Before the boom, mezcal producers would generally forage for their own agaves on communal municipal lands or share farmland for cultivating them. Since the boom, however, these same producers are more likely to establish their own private agave farms, or purchase from those who have them, to better ensure a reliable crop yield as well as prevent theft of these increasingly valuable plants. Furthermore, the unregulated black market trade in rare agave species has increased, creating yet another threat for conservation [35]. This process of privatization based in capitalist gain also lays the groundwork for internal social conflict because it directly contradicts traditional systems of cultural organization based in practices of communal resource sharing and reciprocity that are present in many mezcal-producing communities in Oaxaca [36].

5.3. Climate Change and Desertification

Agaves are “natural” barriers to climate change, soil erosion, and desertification. Without them, a loss of biodiversity, as well as potential ecosystem collapse, is almost inevitable. Throughout the mezcal-producing regions of Oaxaca, processes of desertification are actively occurring that could negatively impact the long-term profitability of the mezcal market. Although many mezcal-producing communities in Oaxaca are in naturally semi-arid environments, years of inadequate land management practices, coupled with broader trends in climate change and the overextraction of agaves, are beginning to have a noticeable effect on mezcal production. Based on personal observations and conversations with ancestral mezcal producers, there are several factors that are directly correlated with changes in the local environments where mezcal is produced. First, the overexploitation of arable land derived from agricultural use and the implementation of pesticides, fertilizers, monoculture farming techniques, and the abandonment of traditional crop rotation and topsoil replenishment methods. Second, overgrazing by livestock that deplenishes topsoil, contaminates the water table, and impedes agave seedling growth. Third, overexploitation of naturally scarce resources such as potable water, firewood, and agaves, resulting in water scarcity, topsoil erosion, sterilization of the soil, and loss of biodiversity via a process known as “extinction debt” [37], or the idea that although species may initially survive severe habitat degradation, they will eventually go extinct in the affected areas [38]. Fourth, the piracy of endemic agave species for use in the mezcal market. Fifth, the overexploitation of wild agave species without organized plans for sustainable management of the resource. Sixth, changes in seasonal weather patterns, mainly associated with the arrival of rainy season, the intensity of the rains, and an increased propensity of drought-like conditions during the dry season. All these factors directly impact the cost of production, the timing of harvest, fermentation, and distillation, the cost of labor, and the overall economic and temporal investments made by mezcal producers who depend on the weather and other environmental conditions for the creation of their product.

6. Conclusions: Potential Practical Actions for a “Rewilded” Mezcal Market

To perpetuate long-term, sustainable production, the mezcal market is in dire need of “rewilding”. Several recommendations and potential strategies to accomplish this are presented here that reflect on broader themes of production, consumption, and environmental sustainability discussed throughout the article.

6.1. Reduce the Overall Rate of Mezcal Production to Compensate for the Natural Limitations of Agaves and Resources Such as Water, Land, and Wood

This step is critical for the successful implementation of any environmental sustainability initiative. Although reducing production seems contradictory to the service of market demand, creating an increased artificial scarcity of the product would elevate demand, making it more desirable as a luxury item on the spirits market and subsequently raising its retail cost and potentially benefiting producers over time. Here, I want to reiterate one of the strategies outlined by the Mexican Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Desarrollo Rural, Pesca y Alimentación (SAGARPA) who, in their 2017 Planeación Agrícola Nacional 2017–2030 report, stated that specific actions guaranteeing the “sustainability of the raw material for agroindustry (certified nurseries, plants, and seedling establishment)” are necessary for the future of mezcal, forming part of a “maximizing” strategy regarding national productive development of agaves [39] (p. 11). Encouraging formal certification pathways for nurseries, as well as creating or augmenting local and regional purchasing networks between mezcal producers and certified agave growers, could potentially normalize the chain of production and perhaps decrease agave piracy and the overexploitation of wild resources, as discussed in points 3 and 5. It is important to note, however, that this strategy relates to ascertaining market sustainability, but does not address environmental sustainability or larger issues regarding biodiversity beyond the nursery context. Although it may be a potential starting point for better managing mezcal production in general and allowing for the natural or managed repopulation of wild resources, maximization should not be the overall goal of the mezcal industry. Instead, an overall reduction in production should occur to focus on creating a product grounded in practical principles of environmental sustainability that would benefit the industry in the long term.

6.2. Establish Practical Collaborative Networks with Mezcal Producers, the Federal Government, and Interested Third Parties to Safeguard the Natural Resources and Biodiversity of the Areas Impacted by Mezcal Production

This initiative already exists in some communities, where producers are also considered the custodians of the natural resources used in the production of mezcal based on the system of bienes comunales (shared public lands). Government programs such as Sembrando Vida, managed by the Secretaría de Bienestar, have taken advantage of these rural systems of land management and social organization to seek to “attend two central problems: rural poverty and environmental degregation” through its grant initiatives [40]. Specifically, regarding the issue of sustainability in mezcal production, university researchers participating in this program have proposed initiatives and workshops in some mezcal-producing communities regarding the following:

• Propose technological improvements for the efficient use of firewood.
• Evaluate techniques that improve kiln efficiency.
• Evaluate technologies that allow for the integration of bagasse as a fuel.
• Propose systems for the efficient use of water in the distillation process at the palenque.
• Design an efficient BCS burner (firewood, briquettes, or bagasse).
• Design strategic supply chains for fuel supply.
• Test technologies for the treatment of must or vinasse, water recovery, and the feasibility of obtaining gaseous biofuels [41].

The implementation and consolidation of these kinds of strategies and innovative technologies among local communities, the government, and interested third parties are a necessary step for reinforcing general standards and practices of conservation that will also prevent the potential overexploitation of these precious natural resources. However, discussions with interlocutors in Santa Catarina Minas revealed that Sembrando Vida programs have tended to have only temporary or partial success, primarily because there is either no follow-up or continuation of the program after the grant period ends or because the strategies suggested by researchers are not practical or economically feasible in a real-world context (based on informal interviews with mezcal producers in Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca between 2022–2025). Therefore, to practically function, any conservation strategies or technological innovations regarding this point should be thoroughly grounded within local knowledges, real-world conditions, and socioeconomic considerations borne from local community-based discussions instead of from external parties.

6.3. Implement Feasible Reforestation Programs and the Replanting of Endemic Agave Species

This recommendation acknowledges the multifaceted dynamics of internal municipal governmental politics that can affect the successful implementation of this strategy, especially regarding limits to what activities individuals or collectives can implement without prior local governmental approval. However, reproducing a conscious awareness surrounding the importance of this initiative for the health of the local ecosystem has the potential to affect change at the collective level for the benefit of the community and region. Strategies here should be actively situated within the reinstitution or active reinforcement of traditional land management practices that would reduce the overexploitation of already scarce populations of wild agaves. Previous studies have suggested that “adequate” agave plantation management would include:

• Protect young escapees by avoiding domestic animals to allow that at least 30% of adult wild and cultured plants produce seeds for reforestation and genetic assuring diversity.
• Consider the impact of seasonal changes on natural and cultured populations.
• Introduce at least 20% of one- and 2-year-old cultured agave plants.
• Consider both professional ecological research and local knowledge to develop effective management programs [42] (p. 11).

Throughout Mexico, agave populations have been traditionally managed using in situ Forestry (FS) and Agroforestry Systems (AFS), referring to locally specific systems of land and biodiversity management that “integrates the use, conservation, and restoration of multiple useful species of domesticated and wild plants and animals for different purposes” [26] (p. 2). Traditional AFS where agaves are present include:

• Home gardens: “found next to or very near the houses of the families that manage them…characterized by its high richness of native and exotic species diversity”,
• Agroforestry terraces: “embankment-based structures located on the slopes of hills and mountains…allowing intensive annual and perennial management crops”,
• Melgas, apantles, and cooaxustles of the Tehuacán Valley, Puebla: areas where “all agave species grow wild in these ecosystems within community territory…a considerable number of individuals from species that form part of native forests are tolerated, promoted, and/or protected due to the different benefits that can be obtained from them”,
• Agro-silvo-pastoral systems: integrated management of agaves with various other species of plants and domestic animals in parcels, along with the presence of shade trees for mutual interspecies benefit and use,
• Agave agroforests: community-level management initiative regarding the planting of multiple species of agaves in a monitored, yet natural, environment, where factors that could negatively impact propagation, pollination, and plant health, such as pastoral animals, are actively controlled [43] (pp. 266–272).

In Santa Catarina Minas, for example, each of these types of AFS are present, demonstrating an active integration of individual property boundaries with communal lands. However, the management of these AFS greatly depends on positive mutual collaboration among individuals, farmers, and the local government to be properly maintained. If this type of collaboration is absent or fractured, the local ecosystems suffer, and loss of biodiversity can occur.

6.4. Implement Water-Recycling Strategies Within the Mezcal Industry

Create strategies and practical actions to more effectively use and reuse the water consumed during the distillation process that are feasible given the diverse socioeconomic realities and real-world production conditions present in the communities who produce mezcal. As mentioned in point 2, Sembrando Vida initiatives have called for the development and implementation of more efficient systems for water use during the distillation process. However, water is used throughout the mezcal production process as well as for the irrigation of agave crops in some contexts. As a naturally semi-arid region, the Central Valleys of Oaxaca suffers from water scarcity, a vital natural resource that is shared among agricultural, domestic, pastoral, and mezcal sectors alike. Given this reality, water should be reused and recycled whenever possible. The practical problem lies, however, in the ways in which water is typically used during mezcal production. During the wet fermentation process, for example, the water that is used to fill the vats becomes part of the liquid that is eventually distilled. During distillation, fresh water is used as part of the evaporation process, and this water may be recycled. It cannot, however, be reused by livestock or for crop irrigation because it has been deoxygenized by boiling and is not fit for consumption (interview with Shonga, maestro mezcalero in Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, 6 March 2025). A possible solution lies in the general reduction of water use regarding the number of distillations common in mezcal production. For example, instead of distilling the same mezcal twice or even three times to achieve a particular flavor profile or alcohol content, producers could theoretically reduce this to a single distillation to conserve water. This would require, however, a marked reorientation of mezcal producers, and the industry in general, toward valuing water conservation over measures of purported “quality” supposedly implied by multiple distillations.

6.5. Avoid the Piracy and Illegal Sale of Wild and Endangered Agave Species

This step requires visualizing of the problem among mezcal consumers and a general shift away from the demand for “rare” species of agave in the mezcal market toward more sustainable, albeit less “exotic” varieties. Furthermore, local producers should actively denounce piracy by not participating in the purchase of threatened species and by reporting any black-market activity to the corresponding authorities. In practice, this recommendation may be idealistic and is perhaps not feasible given the contemporary realities of mezcal production in Oaxaca. However, as pointed out in points 1 and 3, initiatives regarding the facilitation of more formally certified agave growers, as well as emphasizing a return to traditional AFS throughout the region, could help lower incidences of piracy as well as black-market demand. Broader educational strategies regarding the importance of maintaining biodiverse local ecosystems and pollinator chains and the specific role of agaves in these contexts should also be implemented at a community level.

6.6. Avoid Massive Monoculture Agave Planting Projects

This recommendation goes directly against the current capitalist trends that govern the mezcal market. However, I argue that the abandonment of large-scale monoculture agave farming is necessary to maintain biodiversity, overall soil health, and the future of the mezcal industry. If cultivated fields are used, growers should move toward an agave agroforest approach, as mentioned in point 3, where species diversity is valued, and the use of chemical pesticides and fertilizers is minimal or nonexistent. Ideally, the agaves planted in these contexts would also be genetically diverse, instead of inbred clones taken from a single mother plant. Furthermore, these plantations would occur within a more natural context, thereby avoiding erosion and mineral depletion of the topsoil because the agaves are grown with other species of plants.

6.7. Promote a Return to More “Homemade” Mezcal Production Techniques

I recommend the cessation of industrial mezcal production in all its forms in favor of ancestral or artisanal techniques that are more compatible with long-term environmental sustainability and community socioeconomic well-being. Industrial mezcal production favors the capitalist model of supply and demand but is not sustainable in the long term given the biological realities of the agave life cycle and the semi-arid environmental conditions where agaves naturally grow. I recognize that the hegemonic influence of the capitalist market system and the sociopolitical realities of globalization complicate the practical implementation of this and other strategies in Oaxaca. However, I believe that local stakeholders, i.e., the individuals and communities who produce mezcal, are the key for preserving not only the mezcal-producing tradition but also the biodiversity of the natural environments within which they live, and I therefore remain cautiously optimistic that it is indeed possible to “rewild” mezcal.