Assessing the Socioeconomic Impact of COVID-19 on Female Youth Employment in Turkey

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated labor market inequalities, disproportionately impacting workers based on age, gender, and sector. In Turkey, the pandemic-induced economic crisis resulted in a substantial increase in unemployment, with youth (ages 15–24) encountering the most significant challenges. Young women, in particular, experienced more severe outcomes, increasing their vulnerability in the labor market. This study examined the factors contributing to the intensified challenges faced by young women during the pandemic. Using official data from the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), comparative analyses were conducted on labor market indicators by age and gender, focusing on unemployment rates, informal employment, and sectoral distribution. This study considers both narrow and broad definitions of unemployment, including underemployment and the potential labor force. The findings indicate that young women suffered the most severe employment losses, exacerbated by their concentration in low-wage, precarious jobs and informal work, with gendered occupational segregation further intensifying these disparities.

1. Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic, which began in December 2019, has not only emerged as a global public health emergency but also produced far-reaching economic, social, and political consequences worldwide. Compared to the 2008 global financial crisis, the pandemic has caused more widespread disruptions (Adıgüzel, 2020). One of its most visible impacts has been the surge in global unemployment rates, driven by economic contraction and sectoral shutdowns (ILO, 2021c). However, these unemployment effects are not uniform; they vary significantly according to age, gender, and employment sector (Alon et al., 2020; Blundell et al., 2020).

In Turkey, the groups most severely affected have been young people (ages 15–24), women, and particularly young women, who experienced disproportionately high levels of job loss (TurkStat, 2021a). The pandemic’s impact on labor markets was most pronounced in labor-intensive and contact-based sectors such as accommodation and food services, personal care (e.g., beauty salons, textile cleaning), construction, and wholesale and retail trade (ILO, 2020). Notably, a substantial portion of the workforce in the accommodation and service sectors consisted of young women, rendering this demographic especially vulnerable during the crisis (ILO, 2021b).

In a study examining NEETs in Turkey, it was found that the majority of participants possessed prior work experience, with nearly all of these individuals having been involved in informal employment (Tolgay & Çakır, 2022)Their increased representation among NEETs (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) reflects this compounded vulnerability (OECD, 2019; TurkStat, 2021a). The intersection of gender, youth, and informality has amplified structural disadvantages (ILO, 2020; United Nations, 2018).

Recent studies highlight that young women’s labor market outcomes are influenced by economic shocks and persistent social norms and caregiving responsibilities that limit their employment opportunities (Korkmaz Yaylagül et al., 2025). The pandemic has intensified these issues by increasing unpaid care work and reducing access to formal employment and training programs (Power, 2020).

This study identifies and analyzes the structural factors that deepened young women’s labor market vulnerability in Turkey during the COVID-19 pandemic. By drawing on labor statistics from the ILO, OECD, and TurkStat, the research assesses employment trends and unemployment rates among youth, particularly young women. It explores the key drivers behind these patterns. This study conducts a comparative analysis of labor market indicators for young women relative to other age and gender cohorts, with particular emphasis on unemployment rates, informal employment, and sectoral distribution. Additionally, it explores both narrow and broad definitions of unemployment, encompassing underemployment and the potential labor force, to comprehensively capture the extent of distress in the labor market during the pandemic.

The significance of this study lies in its contribution to understanding the exacerbation of existing labor market inequalities due to external shocks, particularly pandemics. While prior research has underscored the pandemic’s impact on youth unemployment, this study specifically focuses on the unemployment challenges faced by young women, a particularly vulnerable demographic in the labor market. It comprehensively examines the multifaceted factors contributing to this issue. This study not only conducts a comparative analysis of unemployment and NEET rates by age and gender but also provides an in-depth discussion of the broader socioeconomic implications of gender-based labor market exclusion during crises. By highlighting the vulnerabilities of young women in the labor market, this study enhances the understanding of the inequalities encountered by this demographic group.

The findings from Turkey offer significant insights for countries where young women encounter structural barriers in the labor market, such as widespread time-related underemployment and informal employment sectors. Specifically, this study provides critical information regarding the vulnerabilities faced by young women in the labor market, which were exacerbated during the pandemic.

The structure of this paper is organized as follows: Initially, it introduces the fundamental concepts of unemployment, youth unemployment, and NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) status, offering a comprehensive overview of the labor market dynamics in Turkey before, during, and after the COVID-19 pandemic. The subsequent section investigates the socioeconomic and cultural factors contributing to youth unemployment, with particular emphasis on the rising informality among young women. The theoretical framework is then delineated, utilizing Feminist and Intersectional Theories to examine how gendered and intersectional dynamics affect young women’s labor market experiences, particularly during crises. Following this, this study explores the structural determinants of female youth unemployment in Turkey, addressing issues such as educational mismatch, age and gender inequalities, and labor market segmentation. Finally, this study provides an empirical analysis of the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on female youth unemployment, focusing on job losses and the intensification of informal and precarious employment.

1.1. Literature Review

1.1.1. Structural Inequalities in Youth Female Unemployment Post-COVID-19

The implications of the COVID-19 pandemic on the youth labor market extend beyond mere short-term fluctuations in unemployment rates, highlighting entrenched structural inequalities influenced by gender, education, and geography. By 2023, the global youth unemployment rate decreased to 13 per cent, marking the lowest level in 15 years, with the number of unemployed youth declining to 64.9 million, the lowest since the early 2000s. Nevertheless, this recovery has been uneven, with notable disparities based on sex and geography of the patients. Specifically, young women experienced a slower recovery than their male counterparts, facing a more pronounced increase in unemployment during the crisis than their male counterparts. This situation indicates a dual disadvantage for young women in the post-pandemic labor market, characterized by heightened vulnerability during the crisis and slower recovery (ILO, 2024).

While the reduction in youth unemployment represents a positive trend, a more significant concern is the broader exclusion of young individuals from the labor market. In 2023, although only 6 per cent of the global youth population was unemployed, a substantially larger proportion (20.4%) were NEET. This statistic highlights the systemic barriers to youth participation in the labor force, leading to missed opportunities for human capital development. Notably, youth in NEET status are disproportionately female, with young women comprising two-thirds of the group. The NEET rate among young women was (28.1%) more than double that of young men (13.1%). This gender disparity underscores the compounded structural inequalities young women face in accessing labor market opportunities, exacerbated by the pandemic’s long-term effects (ILO, 2024).

Despite the overall global economic recovery, certain regions, including the Arab States, North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa, continue to face significant challenges related to high youth unemployment and elevated NEET rates. Furthermore, within the G20 economies, although employment levels have generally rebounded, women—particularly those from lower-income backgrounds—are disproportionately represented in the informal and precarious employment sectors. These sectors are often characterized by low wages, limited job security, and restricted career advancement opportunities. This trend is especially pronounced in Northern, Southern, and Western Europe, where young women are more likely to be employed in informal sectors than their male counterparts. Conversely, nations such as Canada, India, and the United States have experienced a return to or even a decline below pre-pandemic unemployment levels. However, South Africa remains an exception, with unemployment rates persisting at levels higher than those recorded in 2019 (ILO & OECD, 2023).

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated labor market challenges in Turkey, particularly affecting women, individuals with lower educational attainment, parents, and informal sector workers (Hızıroğlu Aygün et al., 2024). While adults have gradually reclaimed their positions in decent employment, young individuals, especially those with limited education and caregiving responsibilities, have experienced a slower recovery. The persistent income disparity between decent and non-decent employment remains a critical issue. Employment in the public sector has yielded higher earnings for young individuals in decent jobs, highlighting the significance of sectoral distinctions in influencing income. Educational attainment, encompassing vocational training and university degrees, continues to be pivotal in securing improved job opportunities, although skill mismatches remain prevalent, particularly among women and urban dwellers. These barriers, intensified by the pandemic, have disproportionately impacted young women and parents with lower educational levels, further entrenching existing labor-market inequalities (Akgül, 2025).

1.1.2. Labour Market Characteristics and Their Measurement

As a key indicator of labor market health, unemployment has been extensively studied and defined by international organizations such as the International Labour Organization (ILO). The ILO’s definition emphasizes the absence of paid employment and the active search for work and immediate availability (ILO, 2021c). This functional definition is crucial to distinguish between voluntary unemployment and hidden labor underutilization.

During the 19th International Conference of Labour Statisticians, convened by the ILO, the limitations of relying solely on the unemployment rate as a measure of the labor market were underscored, prompting the identification of alternative indicators. In addition to the core labor market indicators, alternative measures were delineated, including “time-related underemployment,” “potential labor force,” and “unemployment.” In response to these advancements, TurkStat implemented the necessary modifications to the Household Labour Force Survey questionnaire in 2021. As a result, the January 2021 findings featured the publication of the following integrated indicators: “unemployment rate (LU1),” “combined rate of time-related underemployment and unemployment (LU2),” “combined rate of unemployed and potential labour force (LU3),” and “composite measure of labour underutilization (LU4).” Since its inception, the Household Labour Force Survey has been conducted in alignment with international standards regarding definitions and concepts, adhering to the norms and standards established by the European Union Statistical Office (Eurostat) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) (TurkStat, 2021a). Analyzing disparities in unemployment rates is of significant importance. TurkStat also computes the Labour Underutilization Rate, which encompasses time-related underemployment, the potential labor force, and the unemployed. This rate facilitates a more comprehensive understanding and interpretation of fluctuations in unemployment rates and the underlying causes of these variations in Turkey’s economy.

According to data from TurkStat, the composite measure of labour underutilization in 2021, which encompasses time-related underemployment, the potential labor force, and unemployment, was 24.4 per cent, marking a decrease of 1.0 percentage points from the previous year. The combined rate of time-related underemployment and unemployment was 16.8 per cent, while the combined rate of unemployment and the potential labor force was 20 per cent. The unemployment rate was recorded at 12 per cent (TurkStat, 2021a). The disparity among these rates offers a more comprehensive understanding of the labor market dynamics. While the unemployment rate accounts only for those actively seeking work and immediately available, the labor underutilization rate includes not only the unemployed but also individuals experiencing time-related underemployment and those in the potential labor force. Consequently, the labor underutilization rate illuminates deeper structural issues within the labor market, particularly the challenges faced by individuals who are either underemployed or unable to secure adequate employment. As a more inclusive measure than the unemployment rate, the labor underutilization rate provides a clearer representation of the structural barriers encountered by marginalized groups in the labor market. Specifically, the challenges faced by young workers, women, low-income individuals, and those from rural areas become more apparent through this metric. This highlights the factors contributing to deepening inequalities within the labor market, which can assist policymakers in identifying issues more clearly and designing more effective interventions.

Beyond statistical definitions, scholars highlight the importance of understanding unemployment as a multidimensional phenomenon, shaped by economic, social, and institutional factors (Kalleberg, 2011). Particularly in transitional economies, the prevalence of informal work complicates measurement and policy responses. Informality creates gaps in data collection, leading to undercounting vulnerable groups such as young women (M. A. Chen, 2012).

Youth unemployment has been recognized globally as a persistent challenge, with the ILO estimating that young people are three times more likely to be unemployed than adults (ILO, 2020). The pandemic exacerbated this gap as economic disruptions disproportionately affected sectors employing youth. In 2019, the proportion of young individuals not engaged in employment, education, or training (NEET) was among the lowest recorded since the beginning of the century. By the end of 2019, prior to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, an average of one in every ten young individuals aged 15–29 in OECD countries was classified as NEET. However, during the initial stages of the COVID-19 crisis, the NEET rate increased across the OECD, reversing the trend of the preceding decade, with an increase of more than 4 percentage points in countries such as Canada, the United States, Ireland, Turkey, Spain, and Portugal (OECD, 2021).

Comparative studies reveal that countries with flexible labor markets and active labor market policies (ALMPs) mitigate youth unemployment more effectively. Within the framework of youth-oriented ALMPs, Nordic countries implement strategies such as investing in vocational training, providing wage subsidies, and offering job search assistance to support young individuals (Tosun et al., 2017).

Gender inequality in labor markets is not only a matter of wage gaps but also access, stability, and job quality. Female youth, globally and in Turkey, experience layered disadvantages stemming from socio-cultural norms, occupational segregation, and caregiving responsibilities (Alon et al., 2020). The pandemic brought these issues into sharp relief, with women disproportionately bearing the increased burden of unpaid domestic work. Consequently, the time women spent on unpaid work nearly doubled, leading to a significant intensification of the overall workload of employed women (ILO, 2021b; İlkkaracan & Memiş, 2021).

Turkey presents a particularly stark case, where traditional gender roles heavily influence young women’s labor force decisions. Research indicates that the primary determinants influencing female labor force participation include educational attainment, household responsibilities, and childcare obligations (Kuvvetli Yavaş, 2021; Palaz, 2010). These constraints often push women toward informal or part-time work, which lacks security and social protection (United Nations, 2020).

The NEET indicator effectively highlights gender disparities in labor market integration. Turkey’s NEET rates for young women are among the highest within the OECD, a situation attributable to the structural inequalities that restrict young women’s participation in the labor force (OECD, 2019). Sociological research associates this phenomenon with economic disincentives and cultural norms that emphasize women’s domestic roles (United Nations, 2018).

1.1.3. Informality and Precarity in Youth Female Employment

During 2020 global youth employment fell by 8.7 per cent, while adults experienced a 3.7 per cent drop (ILO, 2021d). For young women, informality means lower wages, absence of social security, and high vulnerability to economic shocks (M. A. Chen, 2012). Informal jobs often lack legal protections, making young women especially susceptible during crises such as COVID-19 (ILO, 2020).

The pandemic’s impact on informal sectors—domestic work, food services, hospitality—exposed the fragility of these jobs (Mukhtarova, 2020). For young women, the lack of formal contracts translated into limited access to pandemic relief programs and retraining opportunities, deepening labor market exclusion (EIGE, 2021).

Research on labor market segmentation suggests that informality is both a cause and consequence of gendered labor market disparities, reinforcing a cycle of precarious employment and limited upward mobility (Kalleberg, 2011). Addressing informality requires not only the enforcement of labor regulations but also the creation of attractive formal job opportunities aligned with women’s skills and needs (ILO, 2020).

The disconnect between educational attainment and labor market demands remains a persistent challenge for youth employment in Turkey. Despite rising tertiary education enrollment among young women, unemployment rates remain disproportionately high (OECD, 2021). This phenomenon reflects structural mismatches between the skills acquired and those demanded by employers, particularly in emerging sectors like digital technology and green jobs (OECD, 2018).

Gender disparities in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) education and digital literacy further compound employment challenges. Women’s underrepresentation in technical fields restricts access to high-growth occupations with better wages and stability (OECD, 2018).

Public–private partnerships and innovative training models, such as blended learning and apprenticeships, show promise for increasing female youth employability (ILO, 2023).

1.1.4. The COVID-19 Pandemic: A Catalyst for Deepened Gender Inequalities

The COVID-19 crisis acted as a magnifier of pre-existing inequalities, particularly for young women in Turkey. Empirical studies document sharper employment declines for young women compared to men during lockdowns, mainly attributed to the “double burden” of paid and unpaid work (Korkmaz Yaylagül et al., 2025; ILO, 2021b).

Post-pandemic recovery has been uneven, with many young women relegated to informal or part-time jobs, perpetuating cycles of underemployment and economic insecurity (ILO, 2024).

Active Labor Market Policies (ALMPs), including wage subsidies, internships, and entrepreneurship support, have demonstrated efficacy in improving women’s labor market outcomes when coupled with institutional reforms (ILO, 2023). Examples from OECD countries such as Sweden and Canada illustrate how integrated approaches combining social support with labor market activation can reduce female youth unemployment (ILO & OECD, 2023).

1.1.5. Youth Labor Market Dynamics and Gendered Barriers: A Deeper Analysis

Building upon the socio-cultural barriers discussed, a growing body of literature emphasizes the impact of informal institutions—such as family expectations, and social norms—on young women’s employment trajectories (Kabeer, 2012; World Bank, 2012). Women’s participation in the workforce is a vital mechanism for achieving autonomy from familial dependency and patriarchal constraints. In Turkey, however, only 35 per cent of married women are employed, with the majority engaged as (family) farm laborers. Women who participate in the formal economy generally possess higher educational attainment, have fewer children, and exhibit less traditional attitudes toward gender roles. Although modernization is anticipated to enhance female employment, its impact is significantly mitigated by the pervasive influence of patriarchal ideology. Education is the most effective strategy for overcoming these constraints (Gündüz Hoşgör & Smits, 2008). This informal regulation of female labor participation creates a dual labor market where women are frequently confined to precarious, informal, or unpaid roles, often invisible in official statistics (United Nations, 2020).

The COVID-19 pandemic, as a significant economic shock, did not merely cause temporary employment disruption but also risked producing long-lasting labor market scarring effects for young women. Labor economists argue that prolonged unemployment or underemployment during formative career years leads to skill depreciation, erosion of professional networks, and lower lifetime earnings (Bell & Blanchflower, 2011; Kahn, 2010). In Turkey, where female youth unemployment remained around 30 per cent during the pandemic peak, these scarring effects threaten to exacerbate gendered wage gaps and occupational segregation for decades.

Empirical evidence from similar emerging economies suggests that without timely and targeted interventions, young women exiting the labor force due to pandemic-induced discouragement may face permanent detachment (ILO, 2021c). The policy urgency lies in combining short-term relief measures with long-term structural reforms that promote sustained labor market reintegration and career progression.

The mismatch between skills provided by universities and employer demands results in high rates of overqualification and educational mismatch. This is particularly problematic in rapidly evolving sectors such as information technology and green economy fields, where skill obsolescence occurs quickly without continuous upskilling opportunities (OECD, 2018).

Gender disparities within educational fields exacerbate this issue. Female students remain underrepresented in STEM, limiting their access to well-paying and stable occupations. Addressing these educational inequalities through gender-sensitive curriculum reforms and encouraging girls in STEM from early schooling stages is critical for aligning Turkey’s youth workforce with future economic demands (UNESCO, 2022).

1.1.6. Policy Frameworks: Integration and Innovation

International best practices suggest integrating social protection, active labor market programs, and gender mainstreaming can yield better outcomes (ILO & OECD, 2023). For instance, combining childcare provision with vocational training and wage subsidies addresses multiple barriers simultaneously, preventing young women from dropping out of the labor force due to caregiving burdens.

Innovative policy tools such as digital platforms for job matching, mobile training applications, and public–private partnerships for apprenticeships have shown promise in increasing accessibility and scalability of youth employment programs (ILO, 2023). Turkey’s policy agenda should prioritize such innovations while ensuring robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms disaggregated by gender, age, and region.

In summary, despite extensive international and national analyses on youth unemployment, few studies have systematically examined the intersectional impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on female youth in Turkey. This study seeks to address this significant gap by integrating structural labor market data with a gender-sensitive analytical framework, thereby contributing novel insights to the discourse on inclusive and equitable labor policy reforms. In accordance with the study’s objectives, the following research questions are proposed:

• In what ways has the COVID-19 pandemic intensified existing labor market disparities for young women in Turkey, particularly in terms of unemployment rates, sectoral employment patterns, and informal labor?
• What are the primary socio-cultural and structural determinants that led to elevated and more volatile unemployment rates among young women in Turkey during the pandemic? Furthermore, how do these determinants intersect with gender-specific expectations and caregiving responsibilities?
• To what extent do mismatches in education and skills contribute to the persistent unemployment of young women in Turkey, and what role do gendered occupational segregation and under-representation in high-growth sectors play in this dynamic?
• What policy measures have been effective in mitigating the impact of the pandemic on female youth unemployment in various countries, and how might Turkey adapt these strategies to foster more inclusive and gender-sensitive labor market interventions?

1.2. Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework of this study is based on two key theories that help understand the challenges faced by young women in the labor market post-COVID-19: Feminist Theory and Intersectional Theory. These theories provide essential tools for explaining how gender dynamics are shaped in the labor market and for identifying the structural barriers that young women encounter.

Feminist theory examines how gender inequality is reproduced within the labor market, focusing on the discrimination women face, their concentration in low-wage jobs, and the barriers preventing their full participation in the workforce (Acker, 1990; Walby, 1990). The COVID-19 pandemic has acted as an exacerbating factor, deepening these inequalities and leading to increased discrimination against women in the labor market. Young women, in particular, faced higher unemployment rates compared to men during the pandemic, with increased domestic caregiving responsibilities that further limited their access to educational and labor market opportunities (ILO, 2021a).

One of the central tenets of feminist theory is that labor market inequalities are not only a result of individual choices but are also shaped by societal structures and norms (Tong, 2009). Therefore, the challenges faced by young women in labor market participation are not solely economic but are also deeply intertwined with cultural, social, and psychological barriers. This study aims to highlight how feminist theory offers an in-depth explanation of the influence of gender in labor market dynamics, particularly during the pandemic.

Intersectional theory emphasizes how individual social identities (such as gender, age, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, etc.) intersect, leading to unique and often compounded forms of discrimination in the labor market (Crenshaw, 1991). The theory posits that a person’s experiences are shaped not by a single identity factor but by the interaction of multiple factors. In the context of young women, the barriers they face in the labor market are not only related to gender but are also influenced by factors such as age, education level, geographic location, and economic background. As extensively analyzed in the literature, educational attainment and skills are important determinants of female labor force participation, with a narrowing gap between men and women as education and skills increase. However, educational opportunities in urban areas are more accessible, while in rural areas, low education levels and migration to cities for low-skilled jobs limit women’s participation in the labor market, where low-skilled women earn 1.2 times less than low-skilled men (Atasoy, 2017).

Intersectional theory reveals how these multiple identities interact and create differentiated effects in the labor market. The pandemic has intensified these intersecting factors, making the challenges young women face in labor market participation more pronounced. For example, young women who were deprived of education during the pandemic found themselves in a more disadvantaged position in the labor market, with the added burden of caregiving responsibilities further complicating their participation in the workforce (ILO, 2021a).

Feminist and intersectional theories align closely with findings in the literature. Studies have shown that the COVID-19 pandemic has had long-term impacts on young women, particularly leading to their concentration in low-wage, precarious employment (ILO, 2021a; Alon et al., 2020). Women have withdrawn from the labor market more extensively than men due to increased domestic caregiving responsibilities, and young women in particular have experienced higher rates of being NEET during the pandemic (ILO, 2024).

These findings provide strong evidence of how feminist theory explains the gendered dynamics in the labor market and how intersectional theory highlights the role of multiple overlapping identities in shaping women’s labor market outcomes. Moreover, they demonstrate that the prolonged unemployment or concentration of women in low-wage jobs post-pandemic is not only an economic issue but is deeply rooted in gendered social norms (Acker, 1990; Walby, 1990).

In this study, both feminist theory and intersectional theory will be used as analytical tools to examine the impact of COVID-19 on young women’s participation in the labor force. Understanding post-pandemic labor market inequalities through these theoretical frameworks will provide in-depth insights into the multifaceted effects these inequalities have on women. Additionally, these theories will help explain the barriers young women face in the labor market on both an individual and societal level, offering a solid foundation for developing policy recommendations to address these issues. Through this framework, the study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the intersectional challenges young women faced in the labor force during the pandemic.

2. Materials and Methods

This study employs a quantitative, descriptive–comparative research design to examine how the COVID-19 pandemic has influenced female youth unemployment in Turkey. The analysis is grounded in secondary data from official and internationally recognized institutions, ensuring reliability, consistency, and comparability.

2.1. Data Sources and Scope

The research draws on labor force statistics covering 2019 to 2021, capturing the pre-pandemic baseline, pandemic peak, and initial recovery phase. Data were obtained from the Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), the International Labour Organization (ILO), and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

This study presents and analyzes employment losses by age group and gender during the pandemic period, as well as the percentage distribution of female youth unemployment in Turkey during the same timeframe, utilizing graphical representations. Furthermore, the study examines unemployment and labor underutilization rates, alongside unemployment rates disaggregated by age and gender, and NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) rates segmented by gender. All publicly available datasets were selected based on standardized definitions and cross-national validity.

2.2. Analytical Framework

A descriptive statistical approach was employed to examine the temporal and demographic patterns in unemployment, providing insights into labor market dynamics across different phases of the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis utilized time-series techniques to compare labor indicators between the pre-pandemic period (2019) and the pandemic peak years (2020–2021), identifying significant shifts in trends, volatility, and demographic disparities. A cross-sectional analysis was conducted to assess unemployment rates and labor force participation across gender and age groups (youth: 15–24; adults: 25+), highlighting the disproportionate impacts on specific cohorts. Finally, data visualization tools, including bar graphs, line charts, and ratio comparisons, were employed to effectively communicate these trends and patterns, with visualizations generated using SPSS (v.24). This methodological framework allowed for a comprehensive understanding of the factors influencing labor market outcomes, specifically in relation to gendered and age-based disparities.

2.3. Assumptions and Ethical Considerations

Official statistical agencies adhere to standardized and consistent methods. As this study exclusively employed publicly accessible secondary data, ethical approval was not necessary. Nevertheless, all data sources were meticulously cited in accordance with academic standards.

2.4. Limitations

The methodology offers a comprehensive perspective on labor market dynamics; however, it is constrained by several limitations. The reliance on secondary data precludes the establishment of causal relationships, permitting only the observation of correlations and descriptive trends. Furthermore, the analysis is based on regional-level data because of the lack of availability of individual-level datasets. This dependence on quantitative data restricts the capacity for in-depth interpretation.

2.5. Strengths

Despite these limitations, the study offers valuable insights through several key contributions. It applies a gender-sensitive and youth-specific lens to labor market analysis, enabling a deeper understanding of the challenges faced by young women. The study also utilizes multiple labor market definitions, such as narrow versus broad unemployment, to capture a fuller picture of labor market dynamics. Furthermore, it integrates international benchmarks and cross-national comparisons, particularly within the OECD and ILO context, which enhances the validity and relevance of the findings. This methodological framework provides a robust empirical foundation for analyzing the structural vulnerabilities within the Turkish labor market, particularly concerning the employment of young women during periods of crisis.

3. Results and Discussion

The empirical findings of this study unequivocally demonstrate that the COVID-19 pandemic has intensified pre-existing labor market inequalities in Turkey, disproportionately impacting young women. These results align with extensive global research that emphasizes how economic shocks exacerbate gendered vulnerabilities in employment, particularly among youth (Alon et al., 2020; ILO, 2021c). The interplay of structural labor market rigidities, sectoral concentration, and informality has magnified these disparities in Turkey. The findings of this study, particularly the consistently high unemployment rates among young women despite improvements in the overall youth labor market, make a significant contribution to the ongoing discourse on the intersection of gender and economic instability.

A central observation is the persistently high and volatile unemployment rate among young women during the pandemic, as depicted in Figure 1. While the aggregate youth unemployment rate showed minor fluctuations and occasional modest declines—particularly during phases of eased restrictions—the unemployment rate for young women consistently remained elevated, frequently surpassing the 30 per cent threshold between 2019 and 2021 (TurkStat, 2021a). This volatility correlates closely with the timing of government-imposed lockdowns and sectoral shutdowns, underscoring the sensitivity of female youth employment to economic disruptions (ILO, 2020).

Figure 1 illustrates the trajectory of female youth unemployment rates during the pandemic. The data reveals a high but volatile trend, with unemployment rates remaining around 30 per cent from 2019 through 2021, peaking at 34.7 per cent in February 2021.

This instability in unemployment rates aligns with the timing of government-imposed restrictions and partial reopening phases. The drop in May 2021 (a 5.1 percentage point decrease) likely corresponds to easing measures and the gradual reopening of heavily affected sectors.

Such fluctuations indicate the precarious nature of young women’s employment and the fragility of recovery efforts. Longitudinal studies on youth unemployment emphasize the risk that volatile labor market conditions have in deepening skill erosion and discouragement (Bell & Blanchflower, 2011; Kahn, 2010).

The sustained and volatile unemployment rates among young women observed during the pandemic strongly reinforce the structural inequalities in Turkey’s labor market, particularly in terms of gendered vulnerability. As feminist theory suggests, women are often relegated to lower-paying, less secure jobs, and these labor market insecurities are more pronounced in times of economic crisis. The data shows that even as overall youth unemployment fluctuated, young women consistently faced higher unemployment rates, indicating that the economic impacts of the pandemic have disproportionately affected them. This reinforces the view that gender inequalities are not only sustained by personal choices but are deeply embedded in the structural framework of the labor market. Such fluctuations emphasize the precariousness of young women’s employment and suggest that their job security is more fragile than that of their male counterparts.

A striking finding is that, in the first quarter of 2021, 40.9 per cent of young women aged 15–24 with higher education qualifications were neither in education nor employment (TurkStat, 2021b), highlighting a critical mismatch between educational attainment and available employment opportunities during the pandemic period. This phenomenon reflects structural labor market inefficiencies and indicates overqualification, underemployment, and gendered occupational segregation.

Internationally, a similar mismatch is documented. For example, OECD (2021) data show that young women with higher education in countries like Italy and Spain experience disproportionately high unemployment and underutilization rates compared to their male counterparts. The economic shock induced by the pandemic did not impact all groups equally. Informal, insecure jobs suffered the most significant losses, especially those requiring physical presence and human interaction (ILO, 2021a). Young workers—particularly young women—were most vulnerable.

The pronounced disparity between the educational achievements and employment outcomes of young women is a matter of concern that is best examined through an intersectional framework. This disparity underscores the disconnect between aligning unemployed young women with suitable employment opportunities within the labor market. Such discrepancies cannot be solely attributed to individual underperformance or poor decision-making; they are also a consequence of broader structural issues, including labor market segmentation and gendered expectations. Intersectionality theory effectively elucidates how the intersection of gender with other factors, such as socioeconomic background, exacerbates this disparity. Moreover, it reinforces the understanding that educational expansion does not invariably ensure improved employment outcomes for young female workers. This highlights the necessity of policies that aim not only to enhance educational access but also to address the structural barriers that limit women’s access to higher-quality employment opportunities.

The sectoral concentration of young women in high-contact, low-security industries—especially accommodation, food services, and personal care—is a pivotal factor driving their elevated unemployment, as demonstrated in Figure 2. This figure shows employment losses disaggregated by age and gender, highlighting that young women experienced peak job losses of approximately 25 per cent during the pandemic’s early months, far exceeding losses for young men and adult workers (ILO, 2020). Such disproportionate impacts reflect both the structural vulnerabilities of these sectors and the gendered occupational segregation prevalent in labor market.

This disparity is rooted in sectoral employment differences. Adult women were predominantly employed in agriculture, a sector relatively insulated from pandemic restrictions. In contrast, young women were concentrated in the accommodation and food service industries—sectors decimated by lockdowns and social distancing measures (ILO, 2020).

The sectoral concentration of young women in low-security, high-contact industries such as hospitality and personal care is a striking reflection of both gendered occupational segregation and the vulnerability of these sectors to economic shocks. From a feminist perspective, this concentration is emblematic of the broader gendered division of labor in the economy, where women are disproportionately employed in precarious and low-paying jobs. The pandemic has only exacerbated this divide, as these sectors experienced disproportionate losses. Additionally, the intersectional approach reveals how young women, as a specific group, face heightened vulnerabilities within these industries due to the intersection of gender and age, making them more susceptible to layoffs and economic exclusion. This underlines the need for policies that do not only address sectoral vulnerabilities but also promote gender equity across all sectors of employment. The results of this study contribute to the ongoing discourse on gendered occupational segregation and its implications for the stability of women’s employment in the labor market during periods of crisis.

Temporary contracts and shorter job tenure also played a pivotal role. Young women’s higher prevalence of temporary employment meant reduced job security and higher susceptibility to layoffs during economic shocks (OECD, 2020). In contrast, adult women, with longer tenure and permanent contracts, experienced relatively less job loss. International literature supports these findings. Alon et al. (2020) demonstrate that in the US and European countries, temporary and part-time female workers in service sectors faced disproportionate job losses. The ‘she-cession’ phenomenon, denoting the gendered nature of pandemic job losses, is well-documented (Blundell et al., 2020).

The predominance of temporary and part-time employment among young women highlights a fundamental issue in gendered labor market structures. As highlighted by feminist theory, women are more likely to be employed in insecure and low-wage positions, which leaves them more exposed to labor market disruptions. The COVID-19 pandemic further accentuated this insecurity, especially for young women who rely heavily on temporary contracts and part-time positions. The evidence presented here supports the feminist critique of the labor market, which emphasizes that women’s labor is undervalued and that temporary employment is a key mechanism of gendered economic inequality. Moreover, these temporary jobs, which are often seen as stepping stones, end up exacerbating young women’s vulnerability to unemployment and economic precarity, especially during periods of economic crisis. This suggests that structural changes are needed to create more permanent and secure employment opportunities for women in all sectors.

The analysis of NEET rates adds a critical sociological dimension. The markedly lower exit rate from NEET status among young women (23.5%) compared to young men (50.6%) signals non-economic barriers constraining young women’s labor market integration. Patriarchal norms, caregiving responsibilities, limited childcare availability, and social expectations prioritizing domestic roles significantly restrict young women’s capacity to seek and maintain employment (ILO, 2020; United Nations, 2018). This finding is reinforced by studies such as Power, (2020) who document increased unpaid care burdens on women during the pandemic, further limiting labor force participation.

The stark disparity between young women and men in terms of NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) exit rates is a direct reflection of the deep-rooted patriarchal norms that continue to shape women’s roles in society. Feminist theory provides an insightful framework to understand how caregiving responsibilities disproportionately burden young women, thereby limiting their ability to participate in the labor market. The pandemic exacerbated these challenges, as women were often expected to take on more unpaid care work in the absence of sufficient childcare infrastructure. The intersectional approach also emphasizes how multiple factors, such as socio-economic status, and geography, interact to constrain young women’s opportunities. As such, policies aimed at reducing NEET rates among young women must address not only economic factors but also social and cultural barriers that restrict their full participation in the labor force.

The education–employment mismatch also emerges as a key structural obstacle. Notably, 40.9 per cent of young women aged 15–24 with higher education qualifications were neither in education nor employment, revealing a stark disjunction between educational attainment and labor market demand. This phenomenon is consistent with the concept of “overeducation” and “underemployment” described by Brown and Hesketh (2004). This suggests that policies emphasizing educational expansion without simultaneous labor market reforms may fail to improve employment outcomes for young women. This study significantly contributes to the understanding that education alone does not safeguard young women from exclusion in the labor market. It advocates structural reforms to better align educational pathways with labor market demands.

Compounding this is the high prevalence of informality among young women a statistic that significantly exacerbates economic insecurity. Informal workers may be employed by either informal or formal enterprises under precarious contracts, which often exclude them from the tax system and social insurance. Most of these workers are self-employed, unpaid family members, home workers, domestic workers, seasonal workers, or day laborers (M. Chen, 2008). This aligns with broader research indicating that informal female workers face multifaceted disadvantages, including wage penalties, job instability, and exclusion from labor protections (United Nations, 2020; EIGE, 2021). The pandemic’s disproportionate impact on informal sectors further entrenched these disparities.

Moreover, prolonged unemployment among educated young women risks skill erosion and labor market detachment, with potential long-term scarring effects on earnings and career trajectories (Bell & Blanchflower, 2011; Kahn, 2010).

Comparative policy analysis reveals that countries with comprehensive and gender-sensitive youth employment strategies have fared better in mitigating pandemic-related disparities. For example, Sweden, Finland, and Canada have implemented proactive reskilling programs, subsidized childcare, and wage incentives targeted at young women, resulting in more robust post-pandemic employment recoveries among this group (ILO & OECD, 2023). These examples highlight the critical importance of integrated demand- and supply-side interventions.

While the findings of this study are Turkey-specific, they are consistent with international research showing that young women were disproportionately affected by the labor market impacts of COVID-19. According to the OECD (2020), countries such as Spain, Italy, and Greece experienced similar gendered patterns, especially in service-oriented economies. Additionally, studies conducted in the Global South demonstrate comparable dynamics. For instance, the ILO (2021c) highlights that in South Africa, the pandemic significantly increased labor market exclusion among young women, particularly those in informal jobs or with caregiving responsibilities. These parallels suggest that the structural vulnerabilities observed in Turkey reflect a broader global pattern.

In conclusion, this study confirms that the COVID-19 pandemic has not only deepened labor market inequalities in Turkey but illuminated the entrenched structural and social barriers young women face. Their disproportionately high and volatile unemployment rates, concentrated informality, caregiving burdens, and education–employment mismatches necessitate multifaceted policy responses that address immediate economic challenges and long-term gender inequalities.

4. Conclusions

This study provides a comprehensive and gender-sensitive analysis of the multifaceted impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on female youth unemployment in Turkey. It reveals how the crisis exacerbated pre-existing inequalities in the labor market and exposed long-standing structural vulnerabilities. As feminist and intersectional theories argue, these inequalities are not incidental but rather deeply rooted in structural factors such as gendered norms and institutional biases, which the pandemic has intensified. Empirical findings show that young women experienced consistently higher and more volatile unemployment rates than their male and older counterparts throughout the pandemic. These disparities were not mere contingencies but were driven by intersecting structural factors, including sectoral concentration in precarious service jobs, high rates of informal employment, skill mismatches, and entrenched socio-cultural norms that restrict women’s economic participation. As intersectional theory highlights, the overlapping dimensions of gender, age, education, and socio-economic status compounded young women’s disadvantages in the labor market during the crisis.

This study significantly advances the existing literature by providing a comprehensive, gender-sensitive analysis of the multifaceted impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on female youth unemployment in Turkey. By integrating feminist and intersectional theoretical frameworks with empirical data, this research elucidates how structural inequalities—specifically, gendered labor market segregation and disparities in access to quality employment—intensify the vulnerabilities experienced by young women during periods of economic crisis. These findings contribute to an expanding body of scholarship investigating the interplay of gender, age, and socioeconomic determinants in shaping labor market outcomes throughout the pandemic.

The disparity between unemployment and labor underutilization rates is notably pronounced. In 2021, the composite measure of labor underutilization, encompassing time-related underemployment, the potential labor force, and unemployment, was recorded at 24.4 per cent, marking a decrease of 1.0 percentage points from the preceding year. The combined rate of time-related underemployment and unemployment was 16.8 per cent, while the combined rate of unemployment and the potential labor force was 20.0 per cent. The unemployment rate itself was recorded at 12.0 per cent. This discrepancy provides a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of the labor market. This underscores the necessity for labor market statistics that account for gender and other intersecting factors, particularly for young women in NEET status or those outside the formal labor force. These findings emphasize the need for more inclusive labor statistics and gender-disaggregated data collection to ensure accurate representation in policymaking.

Approximately 40.9 per cent of young women aged 15–24 with higher education qualifications are neither engaged in education nor employment, indicating a significant disparity between educational attainment and labor market demand. This education–employment mismatch constitutes a primary structural barrier, particularly for young women. This issue is further exacerbated by the underrepresentation of women in high-growth sectors, such as digital technologies and the green economy, which aligns with feminist critiques of gendered occupational segregation. This mismatch not only impedes the effective utilization of human capital but also limits the capacity to compete in the global economy. Feminist economic theories frequently highlight how occupational segregation confines women to low-wage, low-status positions, a trend intensified during the pandemic.

Moreover, the burden of unpaid care work, which intensified during the pandemic, disproportionately fell on women, restricting their re-engagement with the labor market. Intersectional theory provides valuable insights in this regard, showing how young women from rural and lower-income regions faced unique challenges due to traditional gender roles and the lack of childcare infrastructure. These pressures were particularly acute for young women in rural and lower-income areas, where traditional gender roles, mobility constraints, and limited childcare services further inhibited their economic agency. Such intersectional disadvantages underscore the urgent need for multifaceted policy responses that simultaneously address age, gender, and regional disparities.

International comparative evidence underscores that countries with integrated, gender-responsive labor policies, such as Sweden, Finland, and Canada, have been more effective in shielding young women from long-term labor market detachment. In light of these examples, it is essential to adopt a comprehensive approach that not only addresses gender-based exclusion but also dismantles the underlying socioeconomic structures that perpetuate it. As suggested by intersectional theory, policies that consider not only gender but also factors such as class and region are more likely to be effective in addressing these entrenched disparities.

This study acknowledges certain limitations. The analysis utilizes regional-level data from the Turkish Statistical Institute because of the unavailability of accessible individual-level datasets. The dependence on quantitative data constrains the capacity for in-depth interpretation. Future research could be enhanced by incorporating qualitative methods, such as interviews with young women experiencing unemployment, to provide a more profound understanding of the underlying causes of female youth unemployment. Qualitative data could enable a more comprehensive exploration of intersectional factors, including educational level, labor market experience, and disability, thereby enriching the structural dimensions identified in this study.

In conclusion, the COVID-19 pandemic has significantly exacerbated and accelerated the vulnerabilities faced by young women in Turkey’s labor market. The intersectional and feminist theoretical frameworks examined in this study elucidate how the pandemic intensified these inequalities by underscoring the unique barriers encountered by young women compared to other demographic groups. The pandemic may have enduring implications for young women’s career trajectories, wage progression, and labor market participation. To address these challenges, it is imperative to enhance employment opportunities for young women in emerging sectors such as the green economy. This objective can be realized by promoting their engagement in STEM education and training programs, as well as by cultivating the competencies and skills necessary for green jobs. Support in these domains will contribute to narrowing the gender gap in high-growth sectors and improving the employability of young women, thereby bolstering their participation in the labor market. Emphasizing the vulnerabilities experienced by young women during the pandemic is crucial for preparing the labor market to address future unexpected situations, such as pandemics, and for implementing preventive measures.