Work Opportunities for Youth with Intellectual Disabilities Through Sports Events: Hidden Treasures in a Disabling Environment

Abstract

Background: Youth with intellectual disabilities are often marginalised and discriminated against regarding skills development and work opportunities as society seems to place high value on an individual’s intellect. Unemployment levels for youth with intellectual disabilities are significantly higher than youth in the general population, yet youth with intellectual disabilities can become valuable employees. This paper explores the untapped potential for youth with disabilities to access skill development opportunities through participation in sports organisations and events that enable them to become economically active. Methodology: A critical ethnographic approach was adopted as the research design. The sample included six youth with intellectual disabilities, five parents, two vocational trainers, two sports coaches, and two golf managers. Data was gathered through participant observations, semi structured interviews, and reflective journaling. Data was analysed using thematic analysis. Findings: The theme “Hidden treasures in a disabling environment” emerged, highlighting the untapped potential of youth with intellectual disabilities to engage in livelihood activities through participation in sports events. One subtheme was “Invisible and well-hidden resources” reflecting remote training centres leading to missed work opportunities. Research findings highlighted that youth with intellectual disabilities possessed marketable skills, alongside the discovery of substantial unexplored livelihood opportunities in the workforce of sports events.

1. Introduction

Participation as athletes provides a promising yet underutilised pathway for youth with intellectual disabilities to develop crucial life skills that contribute to their livelihood development skills to achieve economic independence [1,2]. Research has demonstrated that engagement in sports correlates positively with multiple quality-of-life indicators for persons with disabilities, including life satisfaction, community reintegration, mood, and access to livelihood opportunities [3]. Research has shown that participation in sports equips youth with skills that are highly valued in employers [4]. For youth with intellectual disabilities specifically, sports participation can be transformative, expanding opportunities for both personal and social development [5] and fostering essential soft skills such as social competencies and personal empowerment [6].

Despite these recognised benefits, there remains a critical need to identify effective strategies for developing inclusive sports environments, systems, and services that can maximise resources and enhance livelihood opportunities for youth with intellectual disabilities [7]. This need is particularly pressing given the scarcity of published research on sports-based youth development programmes [8]. Kasu et al. [2] have described the participation of youth with intellectual disabilities as athletes. This paper presents one of the sub-themes from Kasu’s doctorate [1] where parents of youth with intellectual disabilities, sports coaches, and trainers identified the livelihood development opportunities for youth with intellectual disabilities in urban Zimbabwe, for example, as assistant coaches or by selling products and produce.

1.1. Literature Review

In this section, physical, social, and attitudinal factors that shape youths’ livelihood development in environments where they live and conduct their lives [9] will be discussed.

Research across several African countries has documented significant barriers to participation in sports events for persons with disabilities. In Zimbabwe, Nhamo et al. [10] conducted a mixed-methods study of individuals with disabilities aged fifteen and older in Gokwe South. Their findings revealed multiple obstacles, including limited disability sports awareness, insufficient funding, inadequate support systems, poor appreciation of sports’ value, lack of assistive devices and proper equipment, limited venue accessibility, and coaches’ insufficient knowledge of disability-specific training needs. While this study examined persons with various disabilities rather than focusing specifically on intellectual disabilities, it highlights the systemic challenges within the Zimbabwean context, where Peta [11] notes that persons with disabilities routinely face discrimination in both educational and employment settings.

Similar studies have documented barriers in other African nations. In Kenya, Frantz et al. [12] quantitatively demonstrated that children with disabilities participated significantly less in sports than their peers without disabilities, primarily due to inadequate activity adaptation and insufficient provision of appropriate clothing and equipment. Research in Ghana by Amaniampong [13] specifically focused on children with intellectual disabilities, finding that their sports participation was hindered by inadequate facilities, a shortage of specially trained coaches, and negative attitudes among schoolteachers.

In their qualitative study of female sports participation in Zimbabwe, Musangeya et al. [14] identified several key factors that enabled girls to overcome male dominance in sports: recognition of gender differences, adaptation of activities to girls’ preferences and needs, autonomy in activity selection, and positive physical development. While their research focused on girls, in general, rather than those with intellectual disabilities, their findings offer valuable insights into how certain factors can influence sports participation among marginalised groups. Specifically, their framework for understanding empowerment through sports may help explain how youth with intellectual disabilities, who face similar patterns of social exclusion, can benefit from adapted sports programmes.

Chikate [15] also mentioned that Zimbabwe is still a largely patriarchal society where the rights of men are favoured in comparison to women. Lindstrom et al. [16] conducted a study on female youth with disabilities, special education teachers, and potential employers in the United States. They also found that these youth faced many hindrances in developing work skills and transitioning to a meaningful career. They identified barriers related to limited career options or limited opportunities regarding work skills development, issues to do with the school system, and inadequate accommodation for the impairment needs of female youth. Gallagher et al. [17] also did a study in the US on female youth of colour with disabilities that revealed sexual harassment and socioeconomic disadvantages as barriers towards their skills’ development. Our study intended to explore how sport offered opportunities for both social and economic inclusion of youth with intellectual disabilities.

Examining the barriers to livelihood development in Poland, Bartnikowska et al. [18] identified both structural and social obstacles that impeded youth with intellectual disabilities from accessing employment opportunities. At the structural level, they found inadequate educational facilities and limited job prospects in a region marked by high unemployment. Additionally, their research revealed that the absence of reliable mentors and advocates in these young people’s social networks undermined their career aspirations and professional development.

McConkey et al. [19] conducted a five-nation study in Hungary, Poland, Serbia, and Ukraine to assess the promotion of social inclusion of male youth with intellectual disabilities, and they argued that these youth were often placed in specialised settings from childhood, which promotes social isolation from their peers. Cybulski et al. [20] are of the opinion that society has low expectations of youth with intellectual disabilities as well as negative attitudes and behaviours. These factors have created barriers to exclude the youths from participating in many activities in which youth without disabilities are afforded the opportunities to participate. They cite the example of exclusion from participation in sports, and this social exclusion may also happen in livelihood development.

Holwerda et al. [21] conducted a study in Netherlands to ascertain the predictors of work outcomes for youth with intellectual disabilities. They believed the personal factors of youth with intellectual disabilities were useful predictors of the youths’ work outcomes.

1.2. Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks

The Social Model of Disability, while acknowledging the importance of medical and educational interventions, primarily focuses on how societal barriers limit the empowerment of people with disabilities [22]. This model helped us examine how disabling environments and cultures create obstacles to participation. The framework informed enabling policies by identifying physical, social, and organisational barriers that need to be removed [23]. This approach provides youth with intellectual disabilities and their families a platform to articulate their experiences of social exclusion, particularly regarding livelihood development in sports. The definition of livelihood from the Community Based Rehabilitation Guidelines [24] consists of five key elements of skills development, self-employment, paid employment, financial services, and social protection. In the context of our research, livelihood development included vocational training, work opportunities, and support systems that enabled the youth to lead fulfilling lives.

While critics argue that the model’s emphasis on complete barrier removal may be unrealistic [25], its application remains particularly relevant in Zimbabwe, where youth with intellectual disabilities face significant exclusion from livelihood development opportunities to engage in decent work.

The empowerment theory provides a framework for understanding how marginalised individuals can gain greater control over their lives and reduce their marginalisation through active participation [26]. For powerless individuals, empowerment involves self-strengthening, increased participation, and greater influence over their affairs [27] while considering how factors such as race, ethnicity, and class shape individual experiences [28]. This framework was particularly relevant for youth with intellectual disabilities, who often face disempowerment through social exclusion, oppression, and poverty [28].

Turner et al. [29] identify two types of barriers to empowerment: direct power blocks (structural barriers beyond individual control, such as inaccessible information formats or discriminatory policies) and indirect power blocks (internalised oppression manifesting as negative self-perception and low self-esteem). This study employed the empowerment theory to examine how participation in sports events may enhance livelihood skills development and employability for youth with intellectual disabilities, while exploring their shared experiences of marginalisation and strategies for resilience. The framework illuminated how an increased consciousness of oppression may lead to transformation and greater self-determination for this population.

This paper explores the factors that shape access to livelihood development opportunities through participation in sports events for youth with intellectual disabilities in urban Zimbabwe. The specific focus is on livelihood skill development opportunities for work within sports contexts. The research questions for the doctoral study were “What skills development for youth with intellectual disabilities may occur through participation in sporting activities, and how does their participation help them become economically active?”

2. Materials and Methods

This study adopted a qualitative research paradigm, using critical ethnography as the research design. Qualitative research enables one to understand how people experience the world and focuses on retaining rich meaning when interpreting the data [30].

Critical ethnography originates from a viewpoint of social justice and aims to expose and challenge the social forces that lead to discrimination [31]. Critical ethnography is inclusive of the lives, views, and experiences of the least powerful people who are often marginalised and excluded [32]. The research design was applicable to this study as it focused on youth with intellectual disabilities and their parents who are considered a vulnerable group.

2.1. Study Population and Study Site

The study sites were two vocational training centres administered by Zimcare Trust, a non-profit organisation in Zimbabwe that caters for the wellbeing of youth with intellectual disabilities with regard to learning and vocational skills training. Three centres cater for youth who are 18 years old and above [33]. The vocational training centres only cater for youth with intellectual disabilities. The centres were selected purposively.

Purposive sampling was used to select participants: The centres’ records and sports registers were reviewed to select potential research participants. The first six students in the school registers of each vocational training centre who met the inclusion criteria were selected for recruitment. The inclusion criteria were as follows:

• Youth with intellectual disabilities: between the ages of eighteen to thirty-five years; participated in sports for more than one year; able to communicate verbally either in English or Shona and demonstrate that they understand what the research is about; decided for themselves to participate in the research.
• Parents or guardians of these youths who had participated in sports for more than one year
• Sports coaches and skills trainers of youth with intellectual disabilities who participated in their sports or vocational training centres. Skills trainers could be voluntary staff or permanent staff at the vocational training centres who have worked with youth with intellectual disabilities for more than a year.
• Sports managers and organisers of sport organisations and events that participated in the research.

If the youth with intellectual disabilities who had been selected for recruitment was not interested in participating in the research, the researcher went further down the school and sports registers to find other youth with intellectual disabilities who met the inclusion criteria.

2.2. Recruitment

Preliminary visits to the participating sports organisations and Zimcare Trust schools were conducted to become familiar with the cultures of the organisations and to enhance the credibility of the study by building rapport and trustworthiness with participants [34]. Information regarding the parents of youth with intellectual disabilities was obtained from school records. One parent or guardian of each youth was invited to participate in the research. Youth with intellectual disabilities who agreed to participate in the research and their parents or legal guardians were invited to another meeting, and the research was explained to them [27]. Informed consent was sought from the parents of the youth and assent was sought from the youth with intellectual disabilities as it was a requirement for the youth to obtain consent from their parents from the Child Protection Policy of the vocational training institution where the youth were training, even though they were over eighteen.

2.3. Data-Gathering Methods

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with parents of five youth with intellectual disabilities, two skills trainers, two sports coaches and two sports managers. The interview guides were piloted with one youth with intellectual disabilities and one parent to assess the usefulness of the research tools and to amend them where necessary. The experiences of the youth are reported in another article by Kasu et al. [2].

A single interview with each youth with intellectual disabilities and an interview with their parents was conducted in Shona, the local vernacular, then later translated to English. A follow-up interview was also conducted for member-checking, to obtain clarity and ask for further information. Interviews were conducted in a quiet area outside and under a tree or in an unoccupied dining hall or office at the vocational training centres.

Participant observations were also performed at two vocational training centres for two weeks at each centre. Youth with intellectual disabilities were observed during sports training, at sports events and in the classroom. During the participation observation, the vocational skills training and sports programmes were observed, specifically examining the youths’ capabilities and barriers, as well as exploring potential work opportunities within the sports context. Observations were conducted at both vocational training centres for five days each, from eight in the morning to four o’clock in the afternoon. For the rest of the time, the youth were observed during extra-curricular activities in the afternoon from two o’clock to four o’clock. Participant observations were used to describe the personal and environmental factors that enabled them to access livelihood development. Participant observations in the form of ‘a walk of opportunity’ were performed with the sports managers at three sports events and at both vocational training centres.

In this paper, the reflective journalling of participant observations by the researcher, who is the lead author, revealed the power dynamics of parents, skills trainers, and sports staff who engaged with youth with intellectual disabilities in recognising and sharing the opportunities and challenges faced by the youth that need to be changed [25]. Burles [34] describes the process of reflective journaling as a practice whereby the researcher writes about his or her own presuppositions, experiences, and feelings during data collection, as well as what could be performed differently in the study and ideas for future questioning. Reflective journaling is used widely in critical research [35]. The lead researcher would journal at the end of each interview with a research participant and every day as she performed participant observations. She would also write in a journal as she was analysing data from findings and as she was writing the thesis. The lead made use of self-reflection by writing her thoughts and feelings in a reflective diary to record her initial impressions of each data collection session as well as the patterns emerging in the data collected. She also went through a process of identifying her personal biases.

2.4. Data Analysis

Data generated from the interviews were gathered using digital recorders. The recordings were transcribed and translated from Shona into English simultaneously by Kasu as the researcher. Thematic analyses of semi-structured interview transcripts and the researcher’s reflective journal were performed inductively. Thematic analysis identifies and organises patterns within data, allowing researchers to uncover key themes, compare perspectives, and reveal unexpected insights [36].

Coding was performed by identifying meaningful chunks of data and naming them. Codes with the same meaning were merged to create categories. The categories with the same meaning were collapsed into sub-themes and sub-themes were grouped into themes. The research supervisors checked the categories, sub-themes, and themes to ensure that what was generated made sense. The notes from reflective journaling were read through several times until the researcher became familiar with the data.

A database was created to manage and organise the vast amount of information that the critical ethnography processes produced. Noble et al. [37] contend that thorough record keeping ensures consistency and transparency in qualitative research. Data of the information gathered on paper and digital recordings have been stored securely under lock and key for five years, and it will not be disclosed inappropriately in the future. Data stored on the computer has a password only the researcher can access.

2.5. Ensuring Rigour of Qualitative Data

Member checking took place with the participants to check whether the key findings and conclusions from the study were authentic [38]. These entailed interpretations of the data being shared with the participants who were given the opportunity to discuss and clarify the interpretations and contribute new and additional information to the study.

The researcher, who is the lead author, spent long periods of time carrying out field work with the participants to build rapport with them so that they could be comfortable enough to reveal a true picture of their situation during the observations and interviews as well as having a thick description of the context in which the study was conducted [28].

Triangulation strategies included semi-structured interviews, participant observations, and reflective journaling to ensure credibility as the data was gathered from more than one source [39]. Debriefing sessions with the researcher’s supervisors at least once a month to learn from their experiences contributed to ensuring rigour in the study. She presented her research at forums such as the Departmental Quality Assurance Committee at least once a year and monthly at divisional PhD dialogue seminars. Debriefing sessions with colleagues who were not directly involved in the research were also held throughout the study to avoid bias.

2.6. Ethical Considerations

Ethical approval was sought from the Faculty of Health Sciences’ Human Research Ethics Committee, University of Cape Town, (HREC ref No: 008/2017), and permission was granted to conduct the study by the Zimcare Trust Association and the Medical Research Council of Zimbabwe (MRCZ No: A/2341). Principles of ethical research of the Helsinki Declaration were followed. Considerations related to the wellbeing of the research participants took precedence over the interests of the study. Zimcare Trust has a Child Protection Policy that views youth with intellectual disabilities, even those who are above 18, as minors who require parental consent to participate in research.

Each participant was issued with an information sheet and informed consent form. Special attention was given to youth with intellectual disabilities who were 18 years and older as their ability to give consent may have been impaired by cognitive difficulties such as deficits in their memory [40]. Youth with intellectual disabilities are less privileged and vulnerable, therefore requiring rigorous, ethical research. Horner-Johnson et al. [41] contend that although youth with intellectual disabilities are a vulnerable group, it is important to include them in research.

A parent or legal guardian was called upon to give informed consent about the research and the youth with intellectual disabilities gave assent. The informed consent for the youth was couched in simple language. The informed consent for the youth was read out to them if they could not read. The informed consent forms and interview guides were in English, and they were translated to Shona for the youths and their parents. The youth were asked first if they would like to participate in the study before their parents were contacted to give their consent. Each research participant was assigned a pseudonym at the transcription stage to ensure privacy. Participants were informed that they were free to stop participating in the research without any repercussions.

2.7. Risks

Data gathering methods were formulated and carried out in such a way to ensure minimal or no discomfort to the research participants. The semi-structured interviews could cause some participants to feel uncomfortable about giving their opinions as some of the questions asked may have been unexpected. The participants were told that they did not have to answer any questions with which they felt uncomfortable. Observing participants during the study could also be intrusive to some participants. The researcher made the participants comfortable by participating in the activities that they took part in.

2.8. Benefits

The research did not have a direct benefit for participants. However, the knowledge generated from the study has the potential to increase the critical consciousnesses of the youth with intellectual disabilities and their parents so that they were more aware of their situation and what actions they needed to take regarding accessing livelihood development through the youth’s participation in sports events. This consciousness would then result in the youth and their parents becoming more empowered and employable.

3. Findings

There were six youth and five parents, two skills trainers, two sports coaches, and two sports managers. One skills trainer and one sports coach were recruited from each site of the vocational training centres. The sports managers were recruited from two different golf courses. There was only one female youth who participated in the study as those in the vocational training centres were mostly male youth. One vocational training centre was a boarding school, and some of the parents, although they gave their consent, lived too far away for them to participate in the study.

The theme “Hidden treasures in a disabling environment” emerged, highlighting the untapped potential of youth with intellectual disabilities to develop livelihood activities through participation in sports events.

Table 1. Information of youth with intellectual disabilities. (Adapted from [1].)

Pseudo Name	Age and Gender	Duration of Sports Played	Sports Achievements	Work Skills Training	Work Aspirations
Joseph	24, male	Soccer, rugby, golf; 10 years	Received sports prizes at school and represented Zimbabwe in Abu Dhabi in 2019 for playing golf. Won a bronze medal at the Special Olympic games.	Project participant at his vocational training centre. Duties include maintenance of the grounds; cleaning; coaching other youth in sports and activities such as dance, music, and drumming; assisting younger children with disabilities to prepare for school; and performing errands for the school where he is employed.	To be a professional golfer and work at a golf course as a sports coach.
Tendayi	23, male	Soccer, sitting volleyball; 4 years	Scored goals whilst playing soccer.	Training in carpentry, growing vegetables, and rearing chickens.	To play professional soccer and be a carpenter.
John	23, male	Sitting and standing volleyball, soccer; 3 years		Training in cookery.	To be a cook
Jason	25, male	Bocca; 10 years	Won a gold medal locally for athletics and soccer. Won a bronze medal locally for Bocca. Won a bronze medal at the Special Olympics in Abu Dhabi in 2019.	Training in carpentry. Training to make coffins. Receiving training in growing vegetables and rearing chickens.	To do agriculture and carpentry.
Tsitsi	24, female	Bocca and athletics; 3 years	Won a gold medal for Bocca in the Special Olympic games in Abu Dhabi in 2019.	Training to perform laundry duties.	To work in a laundry mat and perform laundry duties; to be a driver and a professional athlete.
Benjamin	21, male	Golf; 2 years	Won a bronze medal for golf in the Special Olympics in Abu Dhabi in 2019.	Training in carpentry in how to make coffins.	To be a carpenter.

reflects the different skills development for work that youth with disabilities had gained through participating in sports events.

The findings of this paper focus mainly on the sub-theme, Invisible and well-hidden resources, with five categories that offer insights into the factors that created a disabling environment (Figure 1).

3.1. Invisible and Well-Hidden Resources

This sub-theme describes the vocational training centres that were located away from the view of society, leading to remoteness and invisibility, which adversely affected the interactions between the youths and potential employers in the neighbouring community with consequent lost opportunities. The hidden location also caused gender disparities as female youths had less access to the training centres due to concerns over their safety. The need to address the paradox of protection and segregation, and marketing youths’ abilities also emerged (Journal entry, 16 May 2019).

3.2. Remote Location of Training Centres

The vocational training centres were hidden from surrounding communities. Although vocational training centre A was in an industrial area, they were off a dusty road with no signage from the main road. There was also a dumping site with a great deal of litter. The dirt road was in a very bad condition as it was full of potholes, and less accessible (Journal entry, 21 November 2018).

Vocational training centre B was in a remote, semi-rural area just outside Harare. It was also located off a dusty road, and one had to cross a railway line to reach the centre. There was also no signage. The invisibility of the centres made them less conspicuous to passers-by or to nearby businesses. The surrounding neighbouring communities were not even aware of the youths’ existence; or that the youth were being taught meaningful work skills. When I asked the bursar about putting up a sign on the main road to mark the location of the centre, he said they had done so before, but the sign had been stolen several times. However, the material they had used was not very strong and the sign could be easily uprooted (Journal entry, 16 May 2019).

3.3. A Paradox of Protection and Segregation

Both vocational training centres where the study was conducted were built during the colonial era in Zimbabwe between 1890 and 1980, where there was a system of segregation between the whites and the blacks and between the people with disabilities and those without. This segregation was still evident during the time of this study as the centres that were built for youth with intellectual disabilities during the colonial era were isolated from society.

During the colonial era, vocational training centres A and B were located away from the main roads for the children’s safety and to ‘hide’ the children with intellectual disabilities from society. One of the skills trainers shed light on why vocational training centre B was so remotely located:

“Vocational training centre A was placed away from the main road to protect the youth but also to hide their intellectual disability from society. Vocational training centre B was placed far away from others so that the whites would keep it a secret that white people could also have intellectual disability. The school was for white people only”

(Julian sports coach, 31 May 2020).

It seemed that the white community felt shame for having children with intellectual disability and hid them. Vocational centre B was surrounded by neighbouring plots that were involved in farming projects such as horticulture and poultry. There were also residential areas around the vocational training centres. The centre did not have any interaction with its neighbours regarding work skills training and the youth did not participate in the neighbours’ farming projects (Journal entry, 31 May 2019).

Safety concerns restricted youth interactions and job opportunities beyond the vocational training centre, with one skills trainer noting, “We must report to head office if we want to go out with the youth for their safety”

(Emilda, 3 June 2019).

There was a company which made bricks near the school and a company that sold seeds, but the centre had no interactions with these companies, even for work skills training of the youth (Journal entry, 3 June 2019).

There was also a school that teaches farming near the centre; however, the youth had no interactions with the school. There also was a small shopping centre near the centre. The shopping centre was not very well developed though. The students hardly went there. However, during the time of observations, the students went to the supermarket to carry out their tag rugby project. They went to pick up litter and swept the shopping centre. The community members were pleasantly surprised to see them and what they were able to do. It seemed that the members of the community in that area have very little contact with the youth with intellectual disabilities (Journal entry, 2 June 2019).

One skills trainer explained that there were very few interactions between the youths and the surrounding community members because the vocational training centres required permission from the head office to allow the youths to interact with people from outside of the centres to protect the youth with intellectual disabilities from abuse. She expressed a need to keep the children safe, which meant the youths hardly got to interact or receive opportunities to do jobs outside of the vocational training centre.

“If we want to go out with the youth, we must let head office know our plans… We must report to head office if we want to go out with the youth for their safety”

(Emilda, skills trainer, 3 June 2019).

All staff and personnel working with the youth were required to undergo vetting and sign child safety documentation to ensure proper safeguarding measures.

3.4. Gender Disparities

The remoteness of the vocational training centres also created gender disparities. At vocational training centre A, which was a day school, there were 25 males as opposed to only five females. The reason for this huge gender disparity was due to parents being afraid of their daughters being sexually abused. The way to the vocational training school was isolated and hidden; thus, the parents’ fear of their daughters being sexually abused was genuine (Journal entry, 21 November 2018).

The primary school for children with intellectual disabilities, which was right next to the vocational training centre A, had an almost equal number of females to males, possibly because they provided a bus to pick up their students from home. This was probably a safer option for the female students (Journal entry, 20 November 2018).

This gender disparity also influenced the skills being trained at vocational training centre A. The skills being taught included packaging of bin liners, gardening, cooking, rearing chickens, and carpentry in the form of making coffins. They used to teach beading, but this stopped as the number of females decreased. The female youth were only involved in cooking for the staff and other students as well as packaging bin liners. Only one male youth who was a research participant in the study was being trained in cookery. The female youth would not participate in courses that were viewed by the skills trainers as more suitable for males such as gardening, carpentry, and animal husbandry (Journal entry, 21 November 2018).

In contrast, although vocational training centre B was in a remote area, it had boarding facilities. There were more males than females. At vocational training centre B there were 36 females and 57 males. The training of vocational skills was suited to both gender roles of males and females. The vocational training centre offered courses in cookery, laundry, agriculture (planting of vegetables and dairy farming), pottery, carpentry, selling items in the thrift shop, administration, and receptionist skills as well as weaving. Male youths would participate in some of the courses being taught that would be termed more suitable for females. Male youths were being trained in cookery. Similarly, female youths were being trained in agriculture, e.g., growing of crops and dairy farming. However, only female youths were involved in laundry training and weaving. Similarly for carpentry, only males were participating (Journal entry, 20 June 2019).

3.5. Marketing of Youths’ Capabilities

For both vocational training centres; their plans on how to improve their interactions with nearby businesses were insufficient. There were occasions where both centres had potential opportunities to advertise but did not take up the opportunity. The athletes who were participating in the Special Olympics had an opportunity to attend a cultural cookery festival that was hosted by the First Lady, Mrs. Auxillia Mnangagwa. There were other colleges there that trained in vocational skills, who were advertising by giving out pamphlets with information. However, none of the vocational training centres for youth with intellectual disabilities brought any advertising materials to increase awareness of the youths’ skills development. I noted this difference: I was given a pamphlet with information about what their schools offer at their head office. It seemed that a lot more needed to be done to raise awareness of the youth with intellectual disabilities the skills that they were being trained in so that they could access more skills training, donations, and work opportunities (Journal entry, 24 May 2019).

The mass media acted both as a facilitator and a hindrance towards the shaping of skills development for youth with intellectual disabilities who participated in sports. The media did not really touch on topics to do with skills development or work options for the youth with intellectual disabilities.

However, they showed individuals or groups making donations to persons with disabilities. Occasionally, Zimbabwean television and radio stations also spoke about different types of disabilities, including intellectual disabilities. The youths who went to the 2019 Special Olympics in Abu Dhabi were also interviewed and shown on Zimbabwe TV, and parts of the Special Olympics were shown on Zimbabwe TV. The Paralympic games, in which some of the youths in the study participated, were also shown on TV by the Zimbabwean Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC).

The ZBC was in fact facilitating awareness of the youths and their capabilities by broadcasting their sports events. The media coverage provided an opportunity for some of the youth to showcase their sporting abilities, specifically in unified sports, which was at times on the same level as their peers without disabilities [1]. The media coverage also showcased the youth’s abilities to work hard and persevere:

“They are capable of working hard,”

(Nicholas, sports coach, 27 April 2019)

“He once had his hand injured but that didn’t deter him from playing golf. He still went to play at Moscow and won a medal”

(Mason, sports manager, 22 November 2019)

However, these youth sports events needed more media coverage as they would only occasionally be shown on television. The youth’s abilities regarding work skills required more media coverage. The limitations in the marketing of the vocational training centres led to the limited involvement of civic and social groups in the skills development of youth with intellectual disabilities.

3.6. Lost Opportunities for Transition into Work

Vocational centre A was situated in an industrial area where manufacturing companies, which manufacture plastics, medical drugs, leather handbags, blankets, and steel products, were situated. There were also companies that manufactured cooking oil, machinery, and tiles. There were shops that sold building materials, fast food outlets, a central hospital, and a funeral parlour very close to the vocational training centre. These were all potential areas for skills development or recruitment. Julian, the sports coach, explained the following:

“A school like vocational training centre A, was located in an industrial area so that the youth could learn the skills of industry in sheltered employment”

(Julian, sports coach, 31 May 2020).

However, during the time of the study, vocational training centre A only had two projects from nearby companies, namely, to pack bin liners and manufacture coffins. One of the skills trainers reported that they used to have significantly more projects from neighbouring industrial companies but because of the economic hardships Zimbabwe was going through at the time, the opportunities to find work from nearby industries had greatly decreased (Journal entry, 22 November 2018).

Vocational training centre A was also renting out some space to a company that made ‘Freezits’ (frozen lollipops) although the youths were not directly involved in this project. There was not much interaction between the centre and the neighbouring businesses. Youth with intellectual disabilities did not go on attachment in the nearby businesses. However, the school occasionally wrote letters asking for donations for their youth for sports events. Vocational training centre A would write to neighbouring companies asking for sports attire, sports equipment, and sponsorship of food items for forthcoming sports events (Journal entry, 22 November 2018).

Next to vocational training centre A, there was a primary school for children with intellectual disabilities. Some of these children from the primary school were going to be trained in vocational skills at the vocational training centre A in future. Regarding the vocational training centres’ curricula, vocational training centre A taught practical skills, namely, gardening, rearing chickens, carpentry, cookery, and packaging of bin liners, preparing their youth for more practical work. The students were involved in packaging bin liners at the school with the assistance and under the supervision of their skills trainers in a setup that resembled a sheltered workshop. A sheltered workshop provides persons with disabilities with a training environment that is specially designed to accommodate the limitations arising from their disabilities. Sheltered employment at the vocational training centre was a positive measure as it helps the youth to learn work habits and other work skills. The coffin-making that was taught in carpentry also resembled the set-up of a sheltered workshop where the youths were assisted and monitored by their skills trainers. The vocational training centres where the study was conducted had a mission statement to facilitate a conducive environment in which training was based on individual needs and capabilities so that each youth would achieve their highest potential.’ However, the students were never attached to the open labour market, so it seemed that the school was preparing them for self-employment, sheltered employment or work as gardeners. The opportunities for work in the open labour market were also scarce owing to the harsh economic environment (Journal entry, 25 November 2018).

Similarly, vocational training centre B taught practical skills such as agriculture, including gardening and dairy farming, carpentry, weaving, cookery, doing laundry, and pottery. The skills taught also resembled more sheltered employment as opposed to open labour employment. The community also donated towards the livelihoods of youth with intellectual disabilities and their families. There were people from the community who took Benjamin’s father to a training course on how to make fishponds. Benjamin’s father was self-employed, and he worked making fishponds for fish farmers for a living.

“There were some people who came to the school saying they would like to assist the children to have at least something that they can do. So, they want to teach the parents so then the parents will teach their children. So, the father went to be trained in how to make those fishponds. So that is the work that he is currently doing”

(Mary parent, 20 October 2019).

At vocational training centre B, non-governmental organisations and individuals donated clothes, food items and equipment to be used for skills training; for example, the training centre had a thrift shop where they encouraged people and organisations to donate clothes so that youth with intellectual disabilities can re-sell them to people visiting the school and to the youths in the school. From reselling the clothes, the youths and the school would benefit by getting an income and learning essential work skills of selling items and handling customers. However, very few people would come to their thrift shop as it was not widely known that it existed. (Journal entry, 3 June 2019).

4. Discussion

The analysis of the findings indicated that the remote locations and gender disparities due to these remote locations were one of the main reasons that added to the invisibility of the youth. Female youth had less access to vocational training centres as their parents had concerns for their safety. Youth with intellectual disabilities are vulnerable to violent attacks and sexual abuse [14]. In Zimbabwe, women and girls are twice as likely to experience gender-based violence than their male or female counterparts without disabilities [38]. The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency stated that up to eighty seven percent of women with disabilities are victims of sexual violence [15].

There were lost opportunities in terms of livelihood development for the youths as the vocational training centres were not utilising surrounding businesses to partner with them and enhance the youths’ livelihood development. Some parents were being trained in how to train their children in work skills; however, the parents were not teaching their children the skills they had learnt, which created more missed opportunities for the youth’s livelihood development. The youth’s exclusion to their parents’ businesses could be because the parents were afraid of stigma to their families and to their business. Rohwerder [41] mentions in his study that persons with disabilities are often stigmatised and discriminated against in Zimbabwe. The skills that the youth were being taught were not being marketed effectively to potential employers. A sheltered workshop allows persons with disabilities to be trained in work skills and adjust to the norms of work, develop social skills, and possibly advance on to supported work or to the open labour market [42].

Similarly, McConkey et al.’s study [19], conducted in Poland, Hungary, Serbia, and Ukraine, found that youth with intellectual disabilities were often placed in specialised settings from their peers and this had the effect of promoting social isolation. The limited interactions the youth were being subjected to meant that the youth were being prepared for more sheltered employment as opposed to working in the open labour market.

During the colonial era, the white populations were separated and enjoyed more privileges than the black population. This discrimination is evident amongst the schools where the study was conducted. Vocational training school A, which was historically designated for black people, was less resourced than vocational training school B, which was meant for white people during the colonial era. The remoteness of the vocational training centres made it unsafe for girls to attend, especially vocational training centre A, which had no boarding facilities. There was a genuine fear amongst the parents of female youths that their daughters may be sexually abused on their way to school. Women with intellectual disabilities and girls are vulnerable to violent attacks and sexual abuse [14]. These findings correlate with statistics by Chikate, which state that up to eighty seven percent of women with disabilities in Zimbabwe are victims of sexual abuse [15]. The gender disparities where the vocational training centres had more male youths than female youths were also a problem regarding negative attitudes. The female with intellectual disabilities youth were not encouraged to participate in work skills development. No provisions of reasonable accommodation were made for them to ensure that they had equal opportunities to develop their work skills at the vocational training centres.

In Zimbabwe, the insufficient concern to ensure that female youth develop work skills and access work opportunities could possibly be because women culturally are viewed as caregivers and men are seen as breadwinners. These findings are similar to Chikate’s findings [15] where he found that Zimbabwe was largely a patriarchal society where the rights of women were disregarded. Lindstrom et al. [16] had similar findings in the United States, where she identified limited career opportunities and barriers to skills development for women as well as sexual harassment, indicating that discrimination against women with disabilities is a global and significant problem.

The youth showed many abilities that were useful in the world of work. They performed their duties efficiently. They were dedicated to their work. They showed leadership and time management skills. They could perform physical types of work proficiently, yet their skills were well hidden from potential employers as the youth’s training centres were secluded from the rest of their communities.

Sadly, the youth in this study were not receiving enough coverage to showcase their athletic abilities and they were receiving even less coverage to showcase their work skills. The marketing of skills that youth with intellectual disabilities were capable of to potential employers was inadequate. Opportunities to market the youth’s skills were available at sports events, but the vocational training schools did not take advantage of such opportunities. On the other hand, colleges of youth without disabilities would advertise the skills that they were teaching their youth through pamphlets and through talking to potential employers at the same sports events.

Fortunately, the mainstream media would sometimes showcase the athletic talents of youth with intellectual disabilities. For example, their hard work, motivation, and perseverance. The media coverage also gave the youth opportunities to compete with youth without disabilities at the same level. It also show-cased the youth’s abilities to interact well with their peers without disabilities [2]. McConkey et al. [19] also highlighted the importance of media coverage in marketing the youth’s talents to the community. There was a need for more awareness raised regarding the capabilities of youth with intellectual disabilities to potential employers to enhance the youth’s work opportunities.

Holwerda et al. [21] conducted a study in Netherlands to ascertain the predictors of work outcomes for youths. They believed personal factors such as motivation, personal expectations regarding future work level, and the living situations of these youth were useful predictors of the youth’s work outcomes. However, they conducted their study in the Global North where youth with intellectual disabilities had better prospects for disability grants, vocational training, and work internships as well as a clearer pathway towards work in comparison with Zimbabwe, where these factors seemed to play an even more important role in predicting work outcomes for youth with disabilities. They were disadvantaged by economic and social factors as well as prejudicial attitudes that they encountered, rather than just their impairment. Opoku et al. [43] found similar barriers to employment for persons with disabilities in Kenya.

At the time of the study, Zimbabwe as a country was experiencing a great deal of economic hardship. Muzurura [44] also found in his study in Zimbabwe that there was inadequate investor confidence due to corruption and political instability. There were also economic sanctions placed on the country by the US and other western countries. These were contributing towards Zimbabwe’s deteriorating economy [45], further endorsing the disadvantage. There was massive corruption amongst captains of industries and politicians that further contributed to the economic meltdown [46]. It was very expensive to operate businesses which meant that businesses either had to downsize or close [47]. Most companies were failing to operate at full capacity and some companies were closing, leaving many workers unemployed and many Zimbabweans suffering while other companies were even relocating to other countries [44]. The closure or downsizing of businesses meant that there were fewer companies willing to assist the vocational training schools for the youth with resources or work opportunities. The availability of fuel, electricity, and water were erratic, making it difficult for businesses to manufacture goods and operate efficiently [47]. Muzurura [44] also found that there was an unemployment rate of 90% amongst Zimbabweans in 2015, and most Zimbabweans were forced to rely on the informal sector such as vending and selling second-hand clothes.

Financial constraints were limiting youth’s involvement in sports and their work skills development. There were limited financial resources that impacted access to funding in order to purchase sports equipment, offer transportation to sports venues, and book sports facilities. Bossink et al. [48] from the Netherlands conducted a peer reviewed literature search and found that limited financial support and inadequate provision of transportation to sports venues were barriers to the participation in sports activities by youth with intellectual disabilities. Limited resources were also limiting the scope of work skills that youth could be trained in to make them employable. In some instances, economic hardships were disrupting the youths’ advancement in sports as some athletes with intellectual disabilities could no longer afford the school fees at the vocational training centres, which meant the end of their sports training and participation. Youth with intellectual disabilities were overprotected and secluded from the rest of society. The staff working with the youth seemed uncomfortable with the idea of the youths having too many interactions with communities near the training centres or performing work attachments at nearby businesses for fear that the youths may be abused. The surrounding communities had limited awareness of the youth’s existence. The relationships between the vocational training centres and nearby businesses about offering work attachments or work opportunities for the youth were restricted. Simplican et al. [49] commented that researchers have also argued that settings for youth with intellectual disabilities, which are segregated, can also offer a sense of belonging, friendship, and safety. Although the fears that these youths were vulnerable to abuse were genuine, there was a need to find a balance between protecting the youths from harm and exposing them to work skills development outside of the school so that the youth would also have opportunities for work in inclusive settings as opposed to just sheltered employment. Callus et al. [50] conducted a study on the overprotection of youth with intellectual disabilities. They also found that overprotection of these youths was a disabling barrier in employment and skills development and hindered the youth from reaching their full potential. Salt [51] in the UK also commented that parental and service provider concerns over safety and security may prevent youth with intellectual disabilities from opportunities of positive risk taking and experimentation.

5. Conclusions

This paper presented the findings and discussion related to skills development and work opportunities that were identified for youth with intellectual disabilities through sporting events. Physical, economic, social, and attitudinal factors contributed to shaping the livelihood development opportunities of the youth with intellectual disabilities. At the same time, the remote locations of vocational training centres were an additional factor that hindered youth’s visibility. Using sporting events as a medium to promote and create livelihood opportunities for youth with intellectual disabilities can contribute to addressing their untapped potential and capabilities. Further research is needed to identify the specific supports and resources required to enable youth with intellectual disabilities to access and engage in livelihood development opportunities provided at sports events.