1. Introduction
The importance of reducing income inequality has been best featured by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), as well as the post-2015 development agenda of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, income inequality has been increasing all over the world in the past decades. From the global perspective, in 2021, the global top 10% owns 52% of total household income, while the bottom 50% captures only 8% of the total income, according to the World Inequality Report 2022. Regarding China, it has experienced a remarkable increase in income inequality since its economic reform and opening-up, although there was a slight decrease in the Gini coefficient after 2008. This high and rising inequality has brought several adverse effects on China [
1]. So far, many studies have been exploring the forces behind income inequality, among them government policies, labor market changes, and individual characteristics are widely referenced [
2,
3,
4,
5,
6].
A few scholars have figured out that happiness accounts for changing income and income inequality [
7,
8,
9]. In China, the happiness level of residents has generally increased since 2010 [
10]. Based on data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), the proportion of residents who are “very satisfied” with their lives increased from 16.1% in 2010 to 33.6% in 2018, and the proportion of residents who are “dissatisfied” decreased from 10.6% in 2010 to 3% in 2018. The variance of residents’ happiness also decreased from 1.04 in 2010 to 0.96 in 2018. At the same time, the Gini coefficient of income during the same period decreased from 0.485 in 2010 to 0.460 in 2018. Hence, the question arises as whether the narrowing of the happiness gap contributed to the decline in income inequality? If so, what are the transmission mechanisms?
This study adds to the existing literature by answering these questions, relying on data from CFPS for five waves of 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, and 2018. We first follow Card et al. [
11] to examine the causal relationship between happiness and income, using unexpected sunshine hours as the instrument variable. Based on these results, we further use a decomposition method to calculate the contribution of happiness gap to income inequality. After that, we check the influencing mechanisms in different income groups, so as to analyze the effect of happiness on individual income via perspectives of physical health, mental health, and spare time devoted to learning.
The results show that happiness is positively and significantly associated with income. This study also employs average daily sunshine hours as an instrumental variable for happiness. Applying this instrumental variable is because: Firstly, existing literature indicates that climate data, such as daylight exposure, can influence people’s happiness [
12,
13]; secondly, average daily sunshine hours do not directly affect residents’ income. The results from the two-stage least squares estimation also show that an increase in happiness can raise residents’ income, consistent with the baseline regression results.
Further, it shows that the gap in happiness among different groups of people has contributed to income inequality. Interestingly, this contribution has declined over time. The mechanism analysis suggests that physical and mental health as well as spare time devoted to learning are the pathways. Specifically, happiness increases individual income by improving physical health among the upper-middle-income group and increasing spare time devoted to learning in the high-income group. Conversely, happiness reduces psychological stress in the low-income group, leading to a lower income inequality, which explains the diminishing contribution of the happiness gap to income inequality over time.
Our study sheds light on the existing studies in the following three aspects. First, to the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to calculate the specific contribution of the happiness gap to income inequality. Our decomposition method is based on the Shapley decomposition, referring to Chen et al. [
14]. Second, this study adds to our understanding of happiness. The existing literature rarely focuses on the effect of the happiness gap on income inequality or only provides indirect evidence by examining the heterogeneity effect of happiness on income among different income groups [
15]. The results of this study show that the happiness gap is in fact an important contributor to income inequality. Third, we study the mechanisms of happiness gap on inequality from the perspectives of physical and mental health as well as spare time devoted to learning [
16,
17], therefore complementing the literature regarding how the happiness gap may affect income inequality.
2. Literature Review
Happiness is a kind of positive emotion, showing that individuals are in a state of full attention, pleasure, and devotion [
18,
19]. It affects the physical and mental health of individuals, their work life and even the development and stability of society as a whole. Research on happiness and the standard of living of the population can be traced back to Fisher and Hanna (1931) [
20]. They argued that workers’ emotional instability leads to maladjustment in their occupations and that poor moods impede success. Later, Diener explored the concept and measurement of subjective well-being in his seminal 1984 article “Subjective Well-being”, positing that happiness is primarily a subjective emotion. Drawing on the perspective of Benjamin et al. (2014) [
21], this study utilizes respondents’ subjective ratings of their own happiness as an indicator to measure happiness (in accordance with Benjamin et al. (2014) [
21], this paper employs subjective well-being as a proxy for individual happiness; therefore, the two terms are used interchangeably in the subsequent text).
So far, many scholars have conducted research on the impact of happiness or life satisfaction on the income of individuals, organizations, and nations, and most of these studies have shown that happiness promotes income growth [
7,
8]. Other scholars have found that happiness can improve physical and mental health [
22,
23], labor productivity [
24], social skills [
25], and residents’ sense of responsibility [
26], which therefore increase the income levels of individuals, organizations, and society as a whole.
2.1. The Impact of Emotions on Income Disparities
We searched for published studies and working papers analyzing the effect of happiness on income inequality. We employed search engines including Google Scholar, Research Gate, ISI Web of Science, and Econlit and entered keywords such as “happiness”, “subject well-being” on the one hand, “inequality”, “unequal development” and “income distribution” on the other hand. So far, there is no study directly examining the relationship between happiness and income inequality, while there are only three studies investigating the relationship between emotions (including mental health) on the one hand, economic outcomes on the other hand. Lund et al. (2020) [
15], through an experiment of 39 mental health interventions in 36 low- and middle-income countries, find that improvements in the mental health of the population contribute to the improvement of economic level of the country. This effect was stronger in countries with higher income, which was nearly twice as high in the 12 highest-income countries than in the 12 lowest-income countries. Li and Yu (2020) [
9] study the impact of happiness on residents’ consumption using CFPS data, noting that the happier the head of the household, the higher willingness to consume. Their mechanistic studies have found that happiness can contribute to an increase in residents’ income by encouraging individuals or households to enrich their social networks, with higher happiness groups experiencing greater income growth. In contrast, negative emotions, such as stress, may worsen income distribution. Camacho (2008) [
27], based on data of Colombian newborns from 1998 to 2003, finds that violence-induced psychological stress in pregnant women leads to lower newborn weights. In turn, babies born with lower birth weights have worse disease conditions in adulthood, which, as the author points out, has a negative impact on intergenerational human capital accumulation, thus, exacerbating income inequality.
2.2. The Mechanisms Through Which Emotions Affect Residents’ Income
Furthermore, we have reviewed the relevant mechanisms, through which emotions may affect income and income inequality, including the impact of emotions on health, job performance, and cognitive abilities (these mechanisms will be tested in
Section 4.4, Mechanism Analysis). Some literature points out that happiness is positively correlated with an individual’s physical and mental health. Cohen et al. (2003) and Appleton et al. (2011) [
22,
23] conduct studies on 18–55-year-olds, respectively, and find that positive emotions strengthen an individual’s resistance to a number of illnesses. Blanchflower et al. (2013) [
16], through a survey study in the UK, find that good mood promotes the development of good living habits, thus, improving physical and mental health. Through a survey of over a hundred workers, Yuliana et al. (2015) [
28] argue that increased work stress exacerbates burnout in the workplace, which negatively affects work efficiency. Tenney et al. (2016) [
17] also point out that employees with higher happiness not only have better health but also have a better ability to regulate themselves under work stress. Andersson and Harnois (2020) [
29], using data from the U.S. General Social Survey (GSS), find that women with low well-being have difficulty overcoming stress from job pressure and gender discrimination. Barker et al. (2021) [
25], through an experiment in poor rural households in Ghana, demonstrate that well-being can increase household income levels by reducing depression and enhancing cognitive and social skills. In addition, subjective emotions can also affect motivation to learn. As indicated by Delaney et al. (2014) [
30], through a laboratory experiment, residents over the age of 50 would significantly reduce their effort to learn about financial decisions when they are under increased stress.
Some scholars have also found that happiness can influence income levels by affecting personality traits such as patience and conscientiousness. Fry’s (1975) [
31] results from an experiment with children show that people who have positive emotions during childhood tend to have better patience. Specht et al. (2013) [
26], using data from a German micro-survey, argue that individuals with higher life satisfaction have better emotional stability and dutifulness, and show greater performance when facing with social role transitions (e.g., marriage, childbearing, employment).
Overall, the fact that the effect of happiness on income varies among residents engaged in different industries, or with different cognitive abilities, suggests that there is an effect of the happiness gap on income inequality, which inspires us to explore the mechanisms by which the happiness gap affects income inequality. As such, this study aims to examine the contribution of the happiness gap to income inequality and its influencing mechanisms, which can be estimated through a regression-based decomposition method according to the Shapley theory.
5. Discussion
Figure 1 shows that, on average, happiness is positively correlated with residents’ income. However, despite South China being usually relatively more developed than North China, in 2012, 2014, and 2016, happiness’ level was higher in North China than in South China (in accordance with the Qinling-Huaihe Line for division, in our sample, South China includes provinces such as Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Fujian, Jiangxi, Hubei, Hunan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Chongqing, Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, while North China contains provinces such as Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei, Shanxi, Liaoning, Jilin, Heilongjiang, Shandong, Henan, Shaanxi, Gansu). This is because this relationship may also be influenced by social and cultural factors. Some research has pointed out that, the happiness, sense of achievement, and satisfaction of Asian people are not only influenced by economic factors but also directly or indirectly affected by other social factors [
60]. From a socio-cultural standpoint, there exist notable disparities between Northern and Southern China. Individuals from the North are often characterized by their forthright and open-minded personalities, whereas those from the South are typically distinguished by their meticulous and detail-oriented nature. The Northern region has been profoundly shaped by Confucian cultural influences, which emphasize collectivism and strong familial bonds. In contrast, the Southern region, marked by its advanced economic development and cultural pluralism, places a greater emphasis on individualism and self-fulfillment. In addition, in families with a high value on continuing the family line, the correlation between income and happiness is stronger, whereas in families that emphasize self-actualization, the correlation is weaker [
61].
Moreover, from a historical perspective, certain provinces have possessed developmental advantages, which have also been associated with relatively higher levels of happiness. For example, although the northern regions were more developed in terms of early civilization, their economic development gradually lagged behind compared to southern regions due to prolonged warfare and the southward shift in the political center. In contrast, the southern regions, with their superior natural conditions and relatively stable social environment, gradually became the economic center, resulting in relatively higher income levels and greater happiness among residents. Currently, residents in China’s eastern regions, particularly in the Yangtze River Delta and the Pearl River Delta, generally enjoy higher levels of income and happiness.
Finally,
Figure 1 illustrates the positive correlation between happiness and residents’ income, a relationship that is further confirmed by the baseline results (see
Table 2). This finding is also consistent with the work of [
7,
8], who argue that happiness can promote economic growth, as well as [
24], who found that happiness can enhance labor productivity.
6. Conclusions
Reducing income inequality is key to realizing common prosperity and positive emotions are key to productivity or income. However, so far little is known whether income inequality will decrease if low-income individuals become happier. Based on data from CFPS, this study analyzes the impact of the happiness gap and income inequality, applying the decomposition method by Chen et al. (2011). We further explore the mechanisms through which the happiness gap may affect income inequality from perspectives of physical health, mental health, and spare time devoted to learning.
To start with, the descriptive analysis suggests that during 2010 and 2018, the happiness and income levels have both increased in China. However, in terms of the differences between different income groups, we find that the income of the top 20% is much higher than other groups. Moreover, people with a higher level of happiness usually have higher income as well.
Secondly, we examine the causal relationship between happiness and income by applying the ordinary least squares and the two-stage least squares models. The results confirm that happiness is positively and significantly associated with individual income. For every 1% increase in happiness, the logarithmic value of the level of personal income will increase by 0.064–0.124%. The results are robust by replacing the dependent variable, adding new control variables, and using different datasets.
Thirdly, we assess the contribution of the happiness gap to income inequality. Overall, the happiness gap is found to contribute between 2.71% to 4.95% to income inequality, indicating that the happiness gap among different groups of population amplifies their income inequality. Interestingly, we found that the contribution of the happiness gap to income inequality shows a downward trend as the overall happiness of residents increases. In other words, from a static point of view, the gap in happiness is a source of income inequality, while from a dynamic point of view, reducing the proportion of people who are dissatisfied with their lives will help narrow income inequality.
Fourthly, the mechanism analysis suggests that happiness has a greater impact on physical health improvement of the upper-middle-income group and, thus, contributes more to the promotion of the income of this group. While happiness does not have a significant impact on the number of hours of spare time study in the lower-middle-income group, it positively affects the highest-income group. This suggests that the happiness gap brings about income inequality mainly through promoting physical health in the middle- and high-income groups and spare learning hours in the high-income group. Interestingly, this paper also finds that happiness contributes to the decline in the frequency of psychological stress, which is stronger for the lower- and middle-income groups, which may explain why the contribution of the happiness gap to income inequality has diminished in recent years.
In addition, the results for this study have some policy implications. It is essential to enhance residents’ sense of acquisition, satisfaction, and happiness, especially the low-income group, thereby reducing income inequality. The specific policy recommendations can be made that, first, pay attention to the mental health of people with employment difficulties. Especially, the government can establish a social service and protection system that integrates skills training, employment support, and psychological treatment. Second, social organizations, social workers, and mental health experts are encouraged to actively participate in community mental health services, and attention is paid to the screening, prevention, diagnosis and treatment of mental illnesses among low-income people. Thirdly, community-based health lectures, fitness classes, and nutritional guidance can be implemented, with a focus on improving environmental sanitation facilities. Fourthly, the establishment of community learning centers that offer vocational training platforms and other forms of extracurricular learning opportunities is recommended.
Last but not least, this study also has some limitations. First, since there is currently no multidimensional scale available to measure residents’ happiness, this study can only use a single dimension, with happiness values ranging from 1 to 5. In the future, it would be possible to consider a comprehensive assessment of residents’ happiness levels from multiple dimensions, which could lead to more precise results. Second, the variables used in this study for mechanism testing are also self-reported, especially physical health and stress frequency. These variables lack objective measurements. In the future, with more accurate survey data, it would be possible to analyze which objective physical factors are affected by happiness, thereby influencing residents’ income and income inequality.
Future research may consider the following directions: first, exploring alternative decomposition methods, such as applying the Oaxaca-Blinder-RIF (OB-RIF) approach, to further decompose the structural and endowment effects of happiness. Second, using micro-level data from other countries to validate the findings and examine whether the conclusions hold globally. Third, conducting further analyses by considering the respondents’ family backgrounds and the socio-cultural characteristics of their regions to provide a more nuanced understanding of the issue.