Regional Prosperity, Elite Patronage, and Religious Transmission: The Publication and Dissemination of Baojuan Literature in Ming China

Abstract

The Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) was a transformative era for Baojuan (寶卷, “precious scrolls”), a traditional genre of Chinese folk religious literature, which evolved from its Yuan origins to achieve widespread prominence. Luo Qing’s Wubu liuce (五部六冊, “Five Books in Six Volumes”) during the Zhengde reign (1506–1521) marked a pivotal moment, enabling the systematic dissemination of his teachings among diverse social strata and profoundly shaping popular religious beliefs. The Ming Baojuan texts, bridging the developments between the Yuan and Qing periods, offer rich and dispersed data suitable for digital visualization. Employing digital humanities tools such as 3D radar charts and GIS visualization, this study maps the spatial distribution and influence of Baojuan in Ming China. The findings reveal that transportation networks and regional economic prosperity played a crucial role in driving its dissemination, with southern regions–particularly the Wu-Yue region (referring to the historical cultural area encompassing southern Jiangsu and northern Zhejiang, core parts of Ming Jiangnan)–showing high density, reflecting the economic and cultural vitality of Ming Jiangnan. The research further demonstrates that the flourishing of Baojuan publication and dissemination during the Ming period was sustained not only by economic and cultural forces but also by the ruling elite’s patronage, a form of discursive strategies that functioned as a mechanism of sectarian legitimation, thereby underscoring the interdependence of regional prosperity, elite patronage, and religious transmission.

1. Introduction

Baojuan (寶卷, “precious scrolls”) are a distinctive genre of Chinese folk religious literature, traditionally performed through ritualized chanting (xuanjuan 宣卷), circulated in both manuscript and woodblock-printed forms, and designed to fulfill dual roles: facilitating communal devotional rituals and conveying moral–didactic teachings to lay audiences (Che 1996). From the perspective of dissemination, perhaps the most widely circulated literary texts of any sort during the late Ming dynasty were “precious scrolls”, the literary expression of a lively and widespread alternative religious tradition that managed to flourish in many areas over long periods of time (Overmyer 1999).

It should be noted that not all texts analyzed in this study bear the term Baojuan in their titles. Following established scholarly practice (Ma and Han 1992; Overmyer 1999; Che 2000; Berezkin 2020b), we adopt a functional and contextual definition: a text is classified as a Baojuan if it exhibits core formal features (e.g., ritual framing, moral narrative structure, performative markers) and/or is historically attested as part of the xuanjuan tradition, regardless of its self-designation.

The period from the Yuan dynasty to the early Ming dynasty marks the emergence of Baojuan, with the Ming dynasty being the most critical era in its development and peak (Che 1996). The block-printing of Five Books in Six Volumes by Luo Qing (羅清, 1442–1527) during the Zhengde period (1506–1521) of the Ming dynasty serves as a watershed in this progression, for it launched the Luo Teaching into widespread circulation among popular society; the movement surged dramatically during the Wanli era of the Ming dynasty, not only amplifying Luoism’s influence but also challenging the institutional authority of orthodox Buddhism and Daoism (Ma and Han 1992). The reprint versions of Five Books in Six Volumes were also made in the late-Ming period in the reign of the last Ming emperor, Chongzhen (1628–1644) (Yunü Chen 2011; Liu 2009).

Thus, the study of the Ming Baojuan holds significant importance within the broader field of Baojuan studies. And the Ming Baojuan possess unique academic value: temporally, they represent a pivotal phase in the development of the genre—building upon Yuan dynasty precedents and laying the foundation for its flourishing in the Qing dynasty, thereby offering crucial insights into the historical trajectory of Chinese popular religious literature; spatially, the scattered distribution of extant versions (private collections, local archives, and international institutions) present an ideal case for digital humanities approaches such as spatial mapping and visualization (Cantwell and Petersen 2021); culturally, the gradual canonization and circulation of Luo Qing’s Five Books in Six Volumes from the mid-Ming onward reflect the expanding influence of lay religious movements, a phenomenon deeply intertwined with the social fabric and regional dynamics of late imperial China (ter Haar 2014).

The geographical distribution of the Ming Baojuan reflects the spatial imprint of their historical transmission processes. This pattern did not emerge randomly but was shaped by concrete socio-religious infrastructures—particularly temple-based networks that served as centers of ritual performance and textual circulation, regional printing hubs that facilitated reproduction and dissemination, and itinerant xuanjuan reciters who carried their scrolls across different performing places, embedding them in local devotional life. Using currently available published facsimiles of Baojuan literature combined with geographic spatial visualization analysis techniques for comprehensive investigation is an essential direction for the interdisciplinary expansion of Baojuan studies and digital humanities. This approach that connects the Baojuan texts with digital humanities represents a burgeoning academic frontier with significant potential for discovery (Zheng 2024).

While the geographical distribution of Baojuan may not be a new topic, many scholars in the past have noted its regional characteristics and employed localized methods to study Baojuan in specific regions. For instance, Research on Jingjiang Baojuan by Lu Yongfeng and Che Xilun (Lu and Che 2008) and Research on Baojuan in the Changshu Area of Jiangsu Province by Rostislav Berezkin are landmark works focusing on southern Baojuan (Berezkin 2020a). Li Yu’s Survey Report primarily investigates the structural forms of Jiexiu Baojuan (Y. Li 2010). Shang Lixin’s Research systematically analyzes the historical development, form changes, and interrelations with other folk arts in the Northern folk Baojuan (Shang 2015). And the research on Ho-hsi Baojuan reveals the regional and ethnic features of Ho-hsi Corridor (Chiao 1993). In summary, the most recognized regional research on Chinese Baojuan focuses on the Wu Dialect Area in the southern part of China, followed by the studies on the Baojuan from Ho-hsi, Shanxi and other northern areas, all of which have made significant contributions.

1.1. The Evolution of Baojuan Studies in a Global Context

Since Chinese precious scrolls (Baojuan) entered the international academic sphere in the first half of the 19th century (Berezkin 2020b), research in this field has undergone three paradigm shifts.

Firstly, in the foundational phase of Baojuan studies (1830–1980), the international interest in Chinese precious scrolls is related to early Western missionaries’ specialized studies of Chinese folk customs and beliefs for evangelism, which naturally led them to pay attention to Baojuan. The earliest international scholar to study Baojuan was the German missionary Karl Friedrich Gützlaff (1803–1851), who wrote an article summarizing the main content of the Xiangshan Baojuan—the story of Princess Miaoshan—and also translated part of the preface of this text (Gützlaff 1833). During this period, it is evident that early Western missionary studies of Baojuan primarily focused on the relationship between Baojuan and religious beliefs, but they did not delve deeply into the texts themselves. The first scholar to systematically study the origin and evolution of the Xiangshan Baojuan narrative was the British sinologist Glen Dudbridge (1938–2017). Dudbridge approached the subject from the perspective of popular literature, with a focus on novels and dramas. He authored a book specifically dedicated to the transformation of the Princess Miaoshan story, in which he identified the underlying female values within the legend—namely, women’s rights to religious faith and spiritual autonomy (Dudbridge 2004).

In the second phase (1980–2015), the international scholarship on Baojuan began to delve into the social functions of Baojuan texts within the specific context of performance rituals known as xuanjuan (宣卷, the ritualized chanting of Baojuan), while also conducting deeper research into the sectarian Baojuan. In the study of sectarian Baojuan, the most prominent overseas scholar was Daniel L. Overmyer, a Canadian sinologist with a missionary background—his parents had served as missionaries in China. Later, while a professor at the University of British Columbia, he collected numerous Baojuan from the Ming and Qing dynasties and introduced them to the Western academic world (Overmyer 1999). Overmyer also had students who continued his research; they further observed the ritual functions of Baojuan in folk communities, documenting xuanjuan as an activity of worship focusing on popular folk deities (Randall 1994). The Russian scholar Elvira S. Stulova (1934–1993) also made significant contributions to the study of Baojuan performance rituals. She was the first foreign scholar to conduct fieldwork on Baojuan in Jiangsu Province, China. Accompanying Chinese scholars she met during her visit, she carried out field research and observed local “preaching” (jiangjing, 講經) rituals in the Jingjiang region (Stulova 1991). After Stulova, the American scholar Mark Bender also traveled to Jingjiang to investigate the local practice in 1992. Accompanied by Chinese scholars including Professor Che Xilun, Bender conducted fieldwork in Jingjiang (Bender 2001). Bender’s research approach involved a preliminary comparison between Jingjiang’s “holding gatherings and preaching scriptures” (zuo hui jiangjing, 做會講經) and Suzhou Pingtan (蘇州評彈, a form of storytelling and ballad singing).

Since the 21st century, Japanese scholars have also begun to conduct fieldwork in the Lake Tai region of southern Jiangnan in China, studying the social functions of local Baojuan chanting and its ritual relationship with regional culture (Sato 2011). Besides Japanese scholars, Chinese scholars have also paid attention to the xuanjuan rituals in the Jiangnan region. For example, Chen Yongchao has studied the interactive relationship between the evolution of the narrative in the preaching tradition and local folk rituals (Yongchao Chen 2011). During this period, scholars also began to pay attention to examining the differences between various historical editions of the same-named Baojuan within the context of their performance rituals. For example, the prominent Russian scholar Rostislav Berezkin and the French scholar Vincent Goossaert conducted fieldwork on Mount Maoshan to study the different versions of the Sanmao Baojuan and their associated rituals (Berezkin and Goossaert 2012). This scholarly interest in Maoshan’s religious traditions builds upon broader investigations, such as Qijun Zheng’s work on the revitalization of Maoshan Daoism through the circulation of the performative texts such as the Baojuan of the Three Mao Lords during the late Qing and Republican eras (Zheng 2025). Among Western scholars, Professor Wilt L. Idema is the most renowned for his English translations of Baojuan literature. His translations are of exceptionally high quality and have had a significant impact on Western academia. Translating Baojuan into English is crucial because it introduces these materials to international readers who do not read Chinese, enabling Baojuan to gradually become recognized as part of the world’s literary heritage. In recent years, Idema has paid particular attention to Baojuan texts circulating in the Ho-hsi region, and in 2015 he published a collected volume of translations of Ho-hsi Baojuan (Idema 2015).

Thirdly, the digital humanities transformation phase (2015–present) in the study of religious literature, including Baojuan research, has brought about methodological breakthroughs. This transformation involves not merely the introduction of new technological tools, but a profound shift in research paradigms (Hutchings 2015). At its core, digital humanities provide scholars with the capacity to systematically process textual and cultural data, enabling them to move beyond traditional case-by-case interpretation and linear narratives, and instead pursue macro-level analysis and visual representation of religious texts’ transmission networks and the spatial distribution of religious practices. More importantly, as emphasized in the literature, successful digital humanities research must begin with a clear “why”—that is, a well-defined humanistic research question (Cantwell and Petersen 2021). This shifts Baojuan studies from mere technical application toward problem-oriented, interdisciplinary collaboration: digital tools are employed to test or challenge academic hypotheses concerning the origins, evolution, functions, and reception history of Baojuan, thereby enhancing the verifiability and reproducibility of research findings. Thus, the core breakthrough of this third phase lies in the transformation of research thinking—from “text-centered” to “data-driven”, and from “isolated interpretation” to “relational networks”—opening up a new scholarly pathway for understanding the complex ecosystem of Chinese folk religious literature.

1.2. Gaps in Previous Research and the Contribution of This Study

Despite significant scholarly advances, previous research on Baojuan remains constrained by methodological limitations. While prior studies have yielded rich insights into regional characteristics, textual analysis, and ritual practices, they predominantly adopt localized, case-based approaches, resulting in fragmented understandings of transmission mechanisms and a lack of systematic spatiotemporal synthesis. Moreover, scholarship has largely focused on content interpretation and sectarian classification, paying insufficient attention to the infrastructures of woodblock printing, dissemination routes, and the construction of cultural space—particularly during the pivotal Ming dynasty (Berezkin 2013). This gap hinders a comprehensive understanding of how socio-geographical factors and discursive elite patronages jointly shaped the diffusion of popular religious literature.

To address these shortcomings, this study proposes an interdisciplinary, data-driven framework that integrates three methodological innovations: (1) composite data modeling using three-dimensional radar charts to capture engraving styles, textual variants, and transmission pathways—a approach informed by recent scholarship on the material evolution of Baojuan printing formats, which demonstrates that typographic and paratextual features (e.g., colophons, printer’s marks, and binding styles) can serve as reliable indicators of temporal and spatial provenance (Zhang and Sun 2012); (2) dynamic GIS-based spatial analysis to map the radiation networks of major printing centers, Nanjing, Beijing, and Suzhou, and simulate dissemination routes using hydrological and transportation data; and (3) close reading of representative Ming Baojuan to reveal how political elites and local gentry discursively shaped publication and circulation patterns.

This study does not seek to overturn the established view of the dissemination of the Ming Baojuan, but rather to quantitatively elucidate the underlying mechanisms, particularly the roles of elite patronage and economic geography, that enabled and shaped this transmission. By integrating spatial visualization with quantitative analysis, the research advances a paradigm shift in Baojuan studies: moving from static “textual archaeology” toward interactive “dissemination simulation.” As a quintessential form of religious narrative and performative text, Baojuan thus becomes a lens through which to model the spatial morphology and cultural ecology of premodern Chinese religious literature, offering a scalable, interdisciplinary framework for future scholarship.

2. Quantitative Data Analysis of the Macro Baojuan Versions in Ming China

2.1. All Used Sources of Baojuan Versions in This Study

Che Xilun compiled a comprehensive catalogue of Baojuan from both domestic and international public and private collections, spending nearly 20 years to complete The General Catalogue of Chinese Baojuan (hereafter referred to as the General Catalogue), a milestone reference work building upon the earlier cataloguing efforts of scholars (Che 2000). It records 1579 distinct Baojuan titles from the late Yuan dynasty to the Republican period (early 20th century), with over 5000 extant versions and more than 1000 alternative titles.

This study primarily draws on Che Xilun’s General Catalogue and its significant supplementary catalogues as its foundational source, supplemented by recently published facsimile editions of Baojuan literature, including Rare Baojuan from China (Zhonghua zhenben Baojuan) edited by Ma Xisha (Ma 2012), The Harvard-Yenching Library Collection of Baojuan edited by Huo Jianyu (Huo 2013), Folk Baojuan (Minjian Baojuan) edited by Pu Wenqi (Pu 2005), Chinese Folk Baojuan Literature: Wuxi, Jiangsu Volume, Folk Religious Texts from the Ming and Qing Dynasties (Mingqing minjian zongjiao jingjuan) edited by Wang Jianchuan (Wang 1999), and its supplement. Through comprehensive research, the author has also incorporated valuable Baojuan materials from the Waseda University Library collection in Japan, based on high-resolution digital images accessible through its open-access repository1. After statistical analysis, a total of 165 distinct Baojuan titles of Ming origin were identified—defined as texts composed or first printed during the Ming dynasty—along with 71 alternative titles. These are represented by 583 extant versions, which fall into two categories based on material survival (see

Table 1. The number of titles and versions for the extant Ming Baojuan.

The Number of Titles for Ming Baojuan		The Number of Versions for Ming Baojuan
Distinct titles	Alternative titles	Extant versions	Ming and later	Only Qing and later (as valuable indirect sources)
165	71	583	109	474

and Figure 1): (1) Titles for which extant Ming-printed editions (i.e., physically produced during the Ming) survive, often alongside later Qing or Republican reproductions; (2) Titles for which no Ming-printed edition remains, and only Qing or post-Qing reprints or high-quality manuscript copies are extant.

To reconstruct the historical landscape of Ming Baojuan as accurately as possible, this study draws not only on surviving printed or manuscript copies from the Ming dynasty but also on later reproductions (e.g., Qing dynasty woodblock reprints or fine manuscripts) that demonstrably descend from now lost Ming editions. Although these later versions are not classified as “Ming editions” in bibliographic or chronological terms, they serve as valuable indirect sources and secondary textual witnesses for recovering the content and transmission history of Ming Baojuan no longer extant in their original form. Examples include: The Evil-Dispelling Supplement to the Key Teachings of Joyful Mind (破邪補助開心法要), The Evil-Dispelling Demonstration Key Volume with Explanations (破邪顯證鑰匙卷句解), The Baojuan of the Heavenly Immortal Holy Mother Originating from Mount Tai (天仙聖母源流泰山寶卷), The Baojuan of Recompense to Heaven and Earth (佛說弘陽青花報恩天通寶經), The Guidelines for the Start and End of the Hunyuan Bao Lantern (混元寶燈起止規範), The Exorcism Ritual Sutra of Hunyuan and Hongyang (銷釋混元弘陽隨堂經咒), The Baojuan of the Peach Blessings for the Queen Mother of the West and Immortals (西王母諸仙慶賀蟠桃寶卷), The Baojuan of the Three Sovereigns and the Creation of Heaven and Earth, Lamenting the World (佛說三皇初分天地歎世寶卷), and The Baojuan of the Non-Action Golden Elixir Ritual (佛說無為金丹簡要科儀寶卷), among others. Although these versions were printed in the Qing dynasty or later, they were reproduced from fine Ming dynasty printed editions. Therefore, they are included within the scope of this study on Ming dynasty Baojuan. For the 109 titles with extant Ming-printed editions, our primary analytical focus remains on those Ming-engraved versions. Later reproductions are used comparatively—to trace textual variation, scribal adaptation, or ritual transformation—but are never conflated with Ming material editions.

Furthermore, to explore the interaction between Ming dynasty Baojuan and literary works of the same period, another approach is to compare the Ming-engraved Baojuan editions with xuanjuan (宣卷, the ritualized chanting of Baojuan) texts found in Ming dynasty novels. For example, in Jin Ping Mei (金瓶梅, The Plum in the Golden Vase) by the Lanlingxiaoxiaosheng (蘭陵笑笑生, the Scoffer of Lanling), there are five chapters related to the ritualized chanting of Baojuan, specifically in chapters 39, 51, 73, 74, and 82 (Lanlingxiaoxiaosheng 2000). The Baojuan texts involved in these chapters in Jin Ping Mei vary in length, and most are abridged adaptations of Baojuan literature, originating from works such as The Five Ancestors of Huangmei Baojuan (五祖黃梅寶卷), The Exorcism Ritual of the Vajra (銷釋金剛科儀), The Five Precepts Chan Master Baojuan (五戒禪師寶卷), The Three Generations of Dao Cultivation Huang Clan Baojuan (三世修道黃氏寶卷), and The Red Silk Baojuan (紅羅寶卷). With the exception of The Five Precepts Chan Master Baojuan (五戒禪師寶卷), which only survives in the vernacular text The Secret Record of the Five Precepts Chan Master and the Red Lotus (五戒禪師私紅蓮記), the other four Baojuan still have Ming-engraved editions extant, making them excellent materials for comparing variations between Baojuan literature and literary works. Earlier scholarship, lacking access to facsimiles of Ming-engraved Baojuan, was confined to analyzing xuanjuan excerpts within novels like Jin Ping Mei. This limitation underscores the value of distinguishing textual origin from material survival. Therefore, this line of research remains an underexplored field, offering vast potential for future investigation, with ample space for academic growth and fruitful exploration.

2.2. Inclusive Perspective Towards Controversial Cases

It is noteworthy that, in the statistical treatment of certain Baojuan examples, the author has adopted an inclusive approach to avoid overlooking any Baojuan in the Ming dynasty, even in controversial cases. For instance, the specific publication date of The Red Silk Baojuan has been a subject of differing views in academic circles. The version held by the Shanxi Museum bears the inscription at the beginning of the volume: “In the year of Gengyin (1290) of the Zhiyuan era, newly engraved at the Ju Bao Gate outside Jinling, by the monk Ji Ren from the Yuanjue Monastery” (the facsimile edition is shown in Figure 2).

Based on this, Ma Xisha regards it as the earliest Yuan edition (Ma 2012). However, Che Xilun, in his research, notes that the “Ju Bao Gate” refers to one of the new gates built by Zhu Yuanzhang during the early Ming dynasty, namely Zhonghua Gate in Nanjing. Therefore, Che Xilun believes that The Red Silk Baojuan in the Shanxi Museum is a Ming edition.

The Red Silk Baojuan included in Volume 7 of The Chinese Precious Baojuan is a facsimile of the Shanxi Museum version, and on the colophon page, there is a noteworthy inscription from the first year of the Chongqing era: “According to imperial decree, it was revised and issued nationwide, in the first year of the Chongqing era (1212), the year of Ren Shen, on the Winter Solstice” (as shown in Figure 3).

Therefore, the author infers that the Red Silk Baojuan may have originally been published in the first year of the Chongqing era (1212) in the Jin dynasty, making it an early Jin edition. The Shanxi Museum version could then be a Yuan edition in 1290, or, as Che Xilun suggests, a later Ming reprint. However, regardless of whether the Shanxi Museum edition is a Yuan or Ming edition, the facsimile of the reprinted the Red Silk Baojuan, as well as its appearance in the Wanli edition of Jin Ping Mei (The Plum in the Golden Vase), both demonstrate that this Baojuan was widely circulated in the folk community at least by the Wanli period of the Ming dynasty. Therefore, in the absence of a definitive conclusion on whether the Shanxi Museum edition is a Yuan or Ming edition, including the Red Silk Baojuan in the statistics of the Baojuan in the Ming dynasty is both feasible and necessary.

After conducting a comprehensive survey and statistical analysis of the extant editions of the Ming Baojuan, we now have a clearer understanding of the foundational data on textual survival and circulation patterns. These foundational data not only provide us with a macro-level view of the publication and dissemination for the Ming Baojuan, but also lay a solid foundation for further in-depth analysis of related influencing factors, such as natural geography and social stratification. In the following sections, this paper will employ digital humanities tools, including three-dimensional radar charts and GIS spatial visualization, to present and spatially process these foundational data. The aim is to further uncover the underlying patterns and influencing factors behind the publication and dissemination of the Ming Baojuan, contributing to the development of a more dimensional and dynamic history of their transmission.

3. Visualization and Spatial Analysis of the Publication and Dissemination of the Ming Baojuan: Cultural Products Shaped by Regional Economy

3.1. Quantitative Analysis and Spatial Visualization of the Printing Locations of the Ming Baojuan

As is well known, manuscripts were the original form of production and circulation for Baojuan. In terms of versions, manuscripts, due to their ease of production, vastly outnumber block-printed editions in terms of variety. However, when considering the absolute number of copies, once Baojuan was passed down in manuscript form, it was often widely disseminated through block-printed editions. Therefore, the absolute number of Baojuan printed editions from the Ming Dynasty naturally exceeds that of manuscripts. As a result, the Ming block-printed editions being preserved is significantly higher. According to the data for analysis, this is indeed the case. Most of the surviving Baojuan with recorded printing locations are actually Ming block-printed editions, which have a more abundant number of copies, rather than manuscripts. In other words, among the surviving Ming block-printed Baojuan, in addition to the story content, the destinations of the transferred merit (Gongde, 功德) are usually recorded at the beginning or end of the scroll, along with information about the locations of their printers and sponsors. These precious version details can be transformed into quantifiable geographic data distributions and three-dimensional radar charts. By employing clear GIS visualizations, we can explore how the geographical distribution of Baojuan production and circulation intersected with natural hydrological environments—particularly river systems that structured regional transport routes, shaped printing centers, and often aligned with local cultural rituals. This spatial-analytic approach reveals how ecological and infrastructural factors underpinned the dissemination of religious texts in the Ming dynasty. According to the statistics presented above, among the 165 types of existing Ming Baojuan and 583 different versions, 64 versions retain geographic information with patrons and bindings about their publication, becoming the source of

Table 2. Influencing Factors of the Publication for the Extant Ming Baojuan.

No.	Location		Province		Version		Patron		Binding
	Past	Now	Past	Now	Number	Percentage	Number	Percentage	Number	Percentage
1	Beijing	Beijing	North Zhili	Beijing	14	21.87	9	20	13	30.95
2	Yingtian Fu	Nanjing	North Zhili	Jiangsu	12	18.75	7	15.56	5	11.90
3	Suzhou Fu	Suzhou	South Zhili	Jiangsu	11	17.19	10	22.2	10	23.8
4	Shaoxing Fu	Shaoxing	Zhejiang Buzhengsi	Zhejiang	8	12.5	6	13.33	5	11.90
5	Ningbo Fu	Ningbo	Zhejiang Buzhengsi	Zhejiang	7	10.94	7	15.56	7	16.67
6	Liangzhou Wei	Wuwei	Shanxi Xingdusi	Gansu	5	7.81	2	4.44	1	2.38
7	Jiexiu Xian	Jiexiu	Fen Zhou	Shanxi	5	7.81	3	6.67	1	2.38
8	Tianlin Xian	Tianlin	Sicheng Zhou	Guangxi	2	3.13	1	2.22	0	0

.

Table 2 reflects the geographic information corresponding to both past and current place names at the county levels for these 64 versions of Ming Baojuan, as well as their distribution across China’s contemporary provincial administrative divisions. The table also categorizes the versions based on three different analytical dimensions: (1) the number of versions (actual count of versions); (2) whether the patron information for publication is retained (reflecting regional economic strength); and (3) whether the version is an accordion-fold (sutra-style) binding (Jingzhezhuang, 經折裝)—a traditional Chinese folding book format used for Buddhist and Daoist scriptures (indicating regional beliefs).

To synthesize these dimensions spatially, we constructed a 3D radar chart (Figure 4) that visualizes publication activity across the same three variables. To ensure comparability across regions with differing total output, each variable was normalized on a 0–1 scale in percentage way using min-max normalization, and equal weight was assigned to all three dimensions. The resulting composite area for each location thus represents a balanced index of “publication intensity,” integrating textual survival, elite discursive patronage, and binding format. This pattern reinforces and subtly refines our central argument: while Baojuan circulated widely in the Ming China, their production was disproportionately concentrated in economically vibrant regions where elite patronage and established scriptural traditions jointly amplified textual output.

Using the data from Table 2, we also generated the “Distribution Map” (Figure 5) to complement this spatial analysis.

Based on Table 2 and Figure 4 and Figure 5, it can be observed that the locations retaining geographic information about the publication of surviving Ming Baojuan editions are primarily concentrated in eight areas. These specific locations, listed in sequential order from top to bottom in Table 2, are: Beijing, Yingtian Fu, Suzhou Fu, Shaoxing Fu, Ningbo Fu, Liangzhou Wei, Jiexiu Xian, and Tianlin Xian.

Firstly, when sorted by the number of Baojuan versions recorded in Table 2, from highest to lowest, the order is: Beijing, Yingtian Fu, Suzhou Fu, Shaoxing Fu, Ningbo Fu, Liangzhou Wei, Jiexiu Xian, and Tianlin Xian. Secondly, when sorted by the number of versions that retain patron’s information, from highest to lowest, the order is: Suzhou Fu, Beijing, Yingtian Fu, Ningbo Fu, Shaoxing Fu, Jiexiu Xian, Liangzhou Wei, and Tianlin Xian. Thirdly, when sorted by the number of versions in the binding of sutra-style, from highest to lowest, the order is: Beijing, Suzhou Fu, Ningbo Fu, Yingtian Fu, Shaoxing Fu, Liangzhou Wei, Jiexiu Xian, and Tianlin Xian. Therefore, it can be seen that the order varies slightly under these three different measurement criteria.

Since a three-dimensional radar chart visualizes multiple dimensions, the size of the area depicted can directly reflect the comprehensive performance of the evaluated object across these dimensions. A larger area generally indicates that the evaluated object performs well across all dimensions, while a smaller area might suggest deficiencies in certain aspects. According to Figure 4, it is evident that the radar chart area ranks as follows, from high to low: Beijing, Suzhou Fu, Yingtian Fu, Ningbo Fu, Shaoxing Fu, Jiexiu Xian, Liangzhou Wei, and Tianlin Xian. It shows the area for Beijing far exceeds that of the second-ranked city, maintaining an absolute lead in the overall area ranking.

However, there are cases where specific cities rank first in particular categories, such as Suzhou Fu, which ranks first in the “specialized ranking” for retaining printing patron’s information, allowing it to surpass other regions in this aspect. The presence of patrons’ information at the end of a Baojuan indicates whether the publication received funding from other local forces. Those Baojuan versions that retain patrons’ information objectively record the donations by wealthy lay Buddhists to support the publication and circulation of Baojuan. This reflects the economic strength of the region and points to the regional prosperity in Suzhou.

3.2. Reasons for the Widespread Dissemination of the Ming Baojuan: Cultural Products Shaped by Regional Economy

Based on the GIS method, Figure 5 presents the visual distribution of the geographic and hydrological environments of surviving Ming Baojuan versions. It shows that nearly all the locations where these editions were printed are concentrated near major rivers, with the exception of Liangzhou Wei, which is farther from the major rivers. The reasons for this distribution can be summarized in three main points.

Firstly, as major waterways, the large rivers provided convenient transportation routes that facilitated the circulation of block-printed Baojuan texts. During the Ming Dynasty, water transport was a primary means of material and cultural exchange (Brook 1998). Major rivers and canals such as the Yangtze River, Yellow River, Huai River, and the Grand Canal not only connected large cities and rural areas but also formed an extensive waterway network (R. Huang 1974). As a religious and cultural medium, the dissemination of Baojuan relied heavily on these accessible transportation routes. These waterways allowed Baojuan to be quickly transported from the printing locations to all parts of the Ming Empire, thus facilitating the widespread circulation of these precious scrolls. This low-cost transport system not only promoted the popularity of Baojuan but also helped control the costs associated with dissemination.

Secondly, the areas along the large rivers and canals, such as Beijing, Suzhou, Ningbo, and Shaoxing, were economically developed and densely populated, forming a broad market and solid audience base for the dissemination of Baojuan. These regions were not only economic and cultural centres, but their residents also generally had high levels of literacy and a strong demand for the folk culture as a prevalent style of entertainment, resulting in a greater willingness to adopt and disseminate Baojuan as a form of religious folklore culture and chanting literature. Additionally, the thriving bookshops and printing industry in these regions provided essential economic and technical support for the production of Baojuan.

This river-centred pattern of dissemination, however, should not be generalized to all regions of Ming China. As Shang Lixin demonstrates in her comparative study of northern folk Baojuan, communities in arid or landlocked areas, particularly in Shanxi, Hebei, and Gansu, relied far less on commercial print networks and waterborne distribution (Shang 2015). Instead, Baojuan transmission there was deeply embedded in localized ritual practices, kinship networks, and itinerant storytellers, often circulating in manuscript form long after printing ceased. Such regional contrasts underscore that while waterways facilitated mass reproduction and wide circulation in the Jiangnan and North China Plain, the vitality of Baojuan in the north derived more from oral performance, communal memory, and grassroots religious organization. Recognizing this distinction helps contextualize the Ming Baojuan phenomenon not as a monolithic print culture, but as a pluralistic tradition shaped by diverse ecological and socio-economic conditions.

Thirdly, it is worth noting that regions far from the major rivers and canals, such as Liangzhou Wei, could also become important centres for the printing and dissemination of Baojuan. Liangzhou, as a military stronghold in the northwest during the Ming Dynasty, held strategic importance. Despite its relatively remote location, its military significance attracted a large population, including soldiers, officials, merchants, and their families, providing a potential audience for Baojuan and other religious texts. Liangzhou has historically been a melting pot of multiple ethnic groups and religions, leading to a strong demand for religious beliefs and folk entertainment, which created fertile ground for the circulation of Baojuan among other religious textual traditions. The local officials and gentry also supported the publication and dissemination of Baojuan through funding and organizing chanting performances, promoting the spread of Baojuan locally. Furthermore, the influence of the Silk Road played a significant role. As a major crossroads of Eastern and Western cultural exchange, the Silk Road not only facilitated international trade but also promoted the fusion of religious cultures (Tan 2020). For example, Liangzhou Wei, as an important stop on the Silk Road, provided a unique platform for Baojuan dissemination. Here, Baojuan not only met the spiritual needs of the local population but also extended the reach of religious folklore culture and chanting literature to the West.

It should be noted that the observed correlation between riverine networks and Baojuan dissemination may reflect not only the performative and itinerant nature of this genre but also broader patterns of Ming print circulation in water-rich regions. A definitive assessment of its specificity would require comparative mapping with non-religious imprints and non-performative religious texts, such as those documented in Zhongguo daoguan zhi congkan (中國道觀志叢刊), Zhongguo daoguan zhi congkan xubian (中國道觀志叢刊续编), and Zhongguo difangzhi jicheng: siguanzhi zhuanji (中國地方志集成·寺觀志專輯), which were less dependent on oral performance and lay mobility (Editorial Committee 2016; Gao and Wang 2000; Zhang and Zhang 2004). While such cross-genre analysis lies beyond the scope of this study, it represents a promising avenue for future research into the interplay between geography, media form, and religious transmission in late imperial China.

In conclusion, the locations where Ming Baojuan were printed were mostly near major rivers and canals, benefiting from the convenience of water transportation and the economic and cultural prosperity of these regions. Additionally, the special geographical locations along the Silk Road also influenced the dissemination and popularization of Baojuan. These factors together contributed to the widespread popularity of Baojuan in Ming China. In other words, the function of Baojuan dissemination can be understood as a cultural practice that carries the collective memory of the Ming Empire. As Zhao Shichang states, Baojuan creates a space for collective memory, which accommodates cultural phenomena related to the “memory of creation” and the “memory of trauma” (Zhao 2025). Therefore, the development of Baojuan circulation during the Ming Dynasty not only reflects regional identity but also embodies a form of cultural identity that transcends the material existence of geographical spaces, demonstrating a more entertaining, healing and dynamic vitality.

4. Elite Patronage in Ming Baojuan: Discursive Strategies of Sectarian Legitimation

Based on the previous analysis of the geographic distribution of Ming Baojuan printing locations, the three-dimensional radar chart reveals the location with the largest area is Beijing, the political center of Ming China. This reflects the intricate relationship between the Baojuan publishing industry and the ruling elite—not through verifiable financial sponsorship, but through the strategic invocation of elite authority in textual prefaces. Baojuan, as a religious literary text tied to merit and belief, often records the names of putative sponsors to showcase accumulated virtue. The most exquisite Ming editions are those attributed to eunuchs of the Imperial Scripture Bureau (Neijing Chang, 內經廠), though such attributions function primarily as legitimizing devices rather than historical records. Recent scholarship on frontispiece illustrations in sixteenth-century printed Baojuan has shown how visual programs were deliberately designed to convey orthodoxy and divine sanction, often mimicking courtly artistic conventions (Berezkin 2025).

While “elite patronage” may take various forms, this section focuses on its discursive dimension—namely, the ways in which elite endorsement articulated in prefaces, colophons, and commendatory verses functioned as a mechanism of sectarian legitimation. It is crucial to emphasize that the attributions of elite patronage found in Ming Baojuan—such as claims of endorsement by imperial eunuchs, dukes, or high-ranking officials—should not be read as verifiable records of historical sponsorship. Rather, they function as integral elements of a broader sectarian legitimation discourse: performative assertions designed to project orthodoxy, invoke institutional authority, and mitigate suspicion from state and local elites. While such claims are often demonstrably fictitious or unverifiable (as discussed below), their rhetorical potency lies precisely in their strategic appropriation of elite identity to bolster the text’s spiritual and social credibility. We term this rhetorical practice “discursive patronage”: a strategic textual strategy whereby sectarian authors invoke the names, titles, or institutional affiliations of elite figures—not to document actual sponsorship, but to construct an aura of orthodoxy, legitimacy, and state tolerance through the symbolic capital of aristocratic or imperial authority.

The publication and circulation of the folk religious Baojuan in Beijing, the political capital of the Ming Empire, were not solely driven by eunuchs but were significantly facilitated by the patronage of various segments of the elite, reflecting a complex interplay between state power and popular religion. A telling example is found in The Taishang Zushi Sanshi Yinyou Zonglu (太上祖師三世因由總錄), a devotional text in Luoism, a Chinese folk religious tradition founded by Luo Qing (1442–1527), a revered figure who synthesized elements from Buddhism, Daoism, and folk beliefs. This text claims that prominent figures such as the eunuch Zhang Yong and the Duke of Weiguo, alongside a minister named Dang Shangshu, assisted Luo Qing in composing the Five Books in Six Volumes. According to the narrative, these texts were presented to the Zhengde Emperor (Zhu Houzhao), who then bestowed the title “Wuwei Zushi” (無為祖師) upon Luo Qing and authorized the imperial printing and distribution of the Baojuan under the “Imperial Dragon Seal” (Yuzhi Longpai, 御製龍牌)—the ritual tablet bearing dragon motifs that sectarian communities invoked as a symbolic marker of imperial authority. This symbolic authorization led to their dissemination throughout the empire on the 15th day of the 7th month in the 13th year of the Zhengde reign (Wang 1999).

While this account is highly improbable as a literal historical event—given the Ming Empire’s general hostility towards heterodox sects and the lack of corroborating official records—it holds significant value. It demonstrates the Luoist community’s deliberate effort to construct a narrative of legitimacy by associating their founder and scriptures with imperial authority. This strategic appropriation of state symbols represents a crucial attempt by Luoism to transform from a marginalized belief system into an organized religion with a claim to orthodoxy and widespread recognition.

Other prominent aristocratic figures, such as the Duke of Dingguo, Marquis of Xining, and Marquis of Dingxi, are also frequently invoked in the prefaces of various folk religious Baojuan. For instance, the preface to a Ming dynasty woodblock edition of the Hun Yuan Hong Yang Piao Gao Zu Lin Fan Jing (混元弘陽飄高祖臨凡經), a copy of which is preserved at Waseda University and reproduced in vol. 7 of Zhonghua Zhenben Baojuan, states: “The Ancestor also praises the wonderful verses; the Sheng Dynasty’s nation is unified, with the founding hero, the Duke of Dingguo, protecting and promoting the Hunyuan Ancestral Religion.” (Ma 2014).

As shown in Figure 6, it further adds: “The Marquis of Xining praises: ever since the founding of the Hunyuan Patriarchal Teaching in the Wanli era, [Luo Qing] went to the capital at the age of twenty-six. It was indeed a response from the Buddha-Dharma: first he entered the Nai Zi Fu (奶子府, Imperial Wet Nurse Office), and was then transferred to the residence of the Shi family. With the patronage of the Ding Mansion, the teaching greatly flourished throughout the realm—like spring thunder resounding across the land. Such narratives resonate with evidence that vernacular Buddhist stories, including those later codified in Baojuan, were performed and circulated within Ming palace circles, where eunuchs, wet nurses, and noble households served as key cultural intermediaries” (Berezkin 2017). Lord Cheng of the Imperial Stables, Lord Shi of the Inner Scripture Factory, and Lord Zhang of the Armor Factory, the three Dharma-protectors, jointly acclaimed: ‘His practice is rare in this world; his teachings encompass the complete truth of the Three Teachings. He leaves scriptures and delivers scrolls, with ordinary mind and sagehood intermingling. Every word and phrase of his discourse is profoundly mysterious—bringing enlightenment to the masses of the Eastern Land, circulating far and wide in the world. “(西寧侯贊曰：自從萬曆年中初立混元祖教，二十六歲上京城。也是佛法有應，先投奶子府內，轉送石府宅中。定府護持，大興隆天下，春雷響動。御馬監程公、內經廠石公、盔甲廠張公，三位護法同贊：修行世間希有，傳覽三教全真；留經吐卷，在凡心、凡聖交參。評論言言句句玄妙，東土教化群蒙，流通於世。)” (Ma 2014).

The Xiaoshi Xianxing Baojuan (銷釋顯性寶卷), a Ming dynasty scripture originally published in the Wanli 12 (1584) woodblock edition and later reprinted in Wanli 20 (1592) (see Zhonghua Zhenben Baojuan, vol. 6; a copy of the 1592 reprint is held at Waseda University), contains a preface written by Jiang Jianyuan, Marquis of Dingxi. The preface states: “In the twentieth year of Wanli, during the renchen year, in the month of Mengdong, on an auspicious day, I, the Military Governor of the Front Army, the Marquis of Dingxi, Jiang Jianyuan, respectfully write this.” (Ma 2012) As shown in Figure 7, at the end of the Baojuan: “The Marquis of Dingxi Jiang Jianyuan, the military officer Jiang Chengxun, the Marquis of Yongkang Xu Wenwei, the military officer Xu Yingkun, the Earl of Anxiang Zhang Hong, and the military officer Zhang Shi’en… together contributed their hearts to the block-printing.” (Ma 2012).

The so-called “Marquis of Dingxi, Jiang Jianyuan,” mentioned in this Baojuan does not appear in any official Ming dynasty historical records. According to the Gongchen Shibiao (功臣世表, Tables of Meritorious Officials) in the Mingshi (明史, History of Ming), there was no noble title of “Marquis of Dingxi” during the Ming dynasty (Zhang 2007). Moreover, major historical sources and reference works, including the Mingshilu (明實錄, the Veritable Records of the Ming) and the Mingren Zhuanji Ziliao Suoyin (明人傳記資料索引, Index of Ming Biographical Materials), contain no mention of “Jiang Jianyuan,” let alone any record of his ennoblement (Z. Huang 2016; Chang 1965). This designation in this Baojuan is therefore likely fictitious.

While these claims lack corroboration in the Ming official records and may reflect aspirational or symbolic attribution rather than actual elite patronage, they are highly significant. The deliberate invocation of high-ranking nobles and powerful imperial institutions in the preface serves a clear purpose: to construct an aura of legitimacy and state sanction for the text and the religion it represents. By fabricating endorsements from the highest echelons of the Ming elite and key bureaucratic organs, the compilers of the Baojuan were attempting to shield their community from persecution, elevate their sectarian beliefs to the status of orthodox religion, and assure believers of divine and imperial favour. This phenomenon reveals the profound anxiety of folk religious movements regarding their marginal status and their strategic efforts to navigate the perilous boundary between orthodoxy and heterodoxy by appropriating the symbols of imperial authority.

In addition to male aristocrats, royal women were also prominent figures associated with the publication and dissemination of Baojuan in Ming China. A Ming Jiajing edition of the Yaoshi Benyuan Gongde Baojuan (藥師本願功德寶卷) includes a dedicatory inscription that records the patronage of Consort De and the Fifth Princess. According to this inscription, in the twenty-second year of the Jiajing era (1543), these two royal women, “with sincere hearts, generously donated funds” (Pu 2005) for the creation and block-printing of the Baojuan at the Li Family bookshop on Xichangan Street in Beijing. The funds were used to paint images of sacred beings and to produce printing plates, with the aim of circulating the text to “purify disasters, extend life, and ensure blessings for the world.” (Pu 2005). While the historical accuracy of this specific record cannot be independently verified by official sources, it reflects a significant social and religious practice: elite women in the Ming court actively engaged in merit-making activities such as funding the publication of religious texts. This pattern aligns with broader evidence of imperial women’s patronage of religious institutions during the Ming, as documented in studies of the Baoming Temple—a Buddhist convent closely tied to palace women and repeatedly supported by empresses and consorts. (Li and Naquin 1988; S. Li 2007). Whether or not Consort De and the Fifth Princess personally funded this exact edition, their attribution to this act underscores the important role that female piety and patronage played in the religious landscape of the time. This not only provides insight into the spiritual lives of imperial women but also reveals that the large-scale publication of Baojuan in Beijing was a socially accepted practice supported by a broad segment of the aristocracy, including women of high status. Therefore, the dissemination of these texts cannot be attributed solely to eunuchs, but rather to a collective culture of religious patronage among the Ming elite.

5. Conclusions

The Baojuan tradition, encompassing both its textual corpus and its performative chanting practice, is recognized as a form of intangible cultural heritage and carries profound historical and cultural significance through its modes of publication and dissemination. The Ming Dynasty, a crucial period for the maturation and widespread dissemination of Baojuan texts, not only exhibits a clear developmental trajectory in the temporal dimension but also presents distinct regional characteristics in terms of geographic distribution. This study innovatively utilizes digital humanities tools, including Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and advanced data visualization techniques, to deeply explore and integrate data on the basic features of Ming Baojuan and the geographical locations of their publication and dissemination. The research visually presents and analyses the transmission trajectories and impact zones of these texts, offering in-depth insights into their underlying causes. Particularly, a case study of sponsorship in the Ming capital, Beijing, is conducted by systematically examining the paratextual materials (such as prefaces and colophons) of Baojuan texts, extracting data on patrons and locations, and integrating this information into the GIS framework. This approach sheds light on numerous specific factors that influenced the transmission of Baojuan, revealing its complex relationship with social hierarchies and political dynamics. While the broad contours of Ming Baojuan dissemination are well recognized, this study provides the first integrated, spatially explicit model demonstrating how discursive patronage of elite endorsement, regional wealth, and infrastructure jointly structured its diffusion—a framework applicable to other forms of premodern religious print culture.

Firstly, the geographical distribution of the printing and dissemination of Baojuan during the Ming Dynasty was largely concentrated along major rivers and canals. This can be attributed to the convenient waterway transportation, the regional prosperity of economic and cultural activities, as well as the influence of overland trade routes such as the Silk Road and other centres of cultural exchange. The synergy of these factors greatly promoted the widespread circulation of Baojuan texts in Ming folk society.

Secondly, the visualization of Baojuan printing locations reveals significant regional differences between the North and South. Overall, the southern regions surpassed the northern regions in terms of the quantity, density, and scale of publications. This disparity is closely related to the economic vitality of the Jiangnan region, the prosperity of its cultural industries, and the flourishing of folk religious beliefs during the Ming period. In the Wu-Yue region, the Baojuan publishing industry had formed a high-density industrial cluster, which not only sustained and further promoted the local economy, culture, and religious life but also became a concrete symbol of regional and cultural identity. Its vitality transcended the material limits of geographical space, revealing a more dynamic and multifaceted cultural significance.

Furthermore, the large-scale publication of popular religious Baojuan texts in the political centre, Beijing, often invoked the names of emperors, imperial consorts, aristocrats, and powerful eunuchs in their paratexts. However, as argued in Section 4 (“Elite Patronage in Ming Baojuan: Discursive Strategies of Sectarian Legitimation”), these attributions should not be interpreted as evidence of actual elite consensus or institutional endorsement. Rather, they represent a deliberate sectarian strategy, what we term “discursive patronage”, through which folk religious communities appropriated elite identities to construct orthodoxy, enhance textual authority, and mitigate state suspicion. This rhetorical practice reveals not widespread elite acceptance, but the acute awareness among marginal religious groups of the symbolic power of imperial and aristocratic legitimacy in navigating the precarious boundary between orthodoxy and heterodoxy. Yet as later Qing officials like Huang Yupian would vehemently argue, such appropriations of imperial symbolism were ultimately deemed deceptive by the state, revealing the fragile and contested nature of sectarian claims to legitimacy (Y. Huang 1972). Although Huang Yupian wrote in the mid-nineteenth century with a clear anti-sectarian agenda, his records—particularly those referencing Baojuan circulation in the capital region during the late Ming—offer valuable glimpses into the geographic reach and social embedding of these texts.

Therefore, the visualization of the geographical distribution of Ming Baojuan texts not only provides an intuitive understanding of their spatial patterns but also exemplifies how digital humanities approaches can serve as a powerful analytical lens—enabling researchers to move beyond individual texts and uncover, from a macro-level perspective, the deeper cultural and social dynamics that shaped their dissemination.