The Qurʾān Teaching Activities of Jaʿfarī Communities in Türkiye: An Analysis from the Perspective of Instructors

Abstract

The objective of this paper is to ascertain the manner in which the Qurʾān teaching activities are conducted in Jaʿfarī communities that are part of the multicultural structure of Türkiye. The methodological approach of this study is a case study design. This study’s sample consists of nine instructors who voluntarily work in Qurʾān teaching centres for Jaʿfarī communities. Criterion sampling and maximum diversity were employed in the selection of the participants. The data were collected using a semi-structured interview form. The collected data were subjected to a descriptive analysis. This study’s findings are as follows: firstly, the importance of early childhood education in the transmission of the Qurʾān among the Jaʿfarīs is evident. Secondly, the basis of this teaching is the Alif-Baa Juz education. Thirdly, mosques, association centres and neighbourhood houses play an important role in this teaching activity. Finally, according to Qurʾān instructors, traditionally the mosques were the primary centres for Qurʾān education; however, this has been lost especially after the pandemic. In addition to having the knowledge and competency of the recitation of the Qurʾān, the instructors who are supposed to work in these places are required to behave in accordance with Islamic morality. Over the recent times, families have started to prioritise their children’s academic success over religious education. Lastly, Jaʿfarīs do not have any safety concerns pertaining to the state while carrying out religious education activities. The findings, in general, reveal that Jaʿfarīs have similarities with the traditional teaching of Qurʾān in terms of method, content, materials and to some extent instructor competence, etc. The results of this paper are significant in terms of providing a concrete indicator of the pluralistic understanding that Türkiye advocates in religious education policies and in understanding the religious education practices of Jaʿfarī communities.

1. Introduction

The Jaʿfarī madhab/religious school is a group that belongs to the Imāmiyyah branch of the Shī’ah religious school.1 They are distinguished from other Shī’ite groups by their fiqh-based religious approaches (al-Kummī (Shayh Sāduk) 1978; Fığlalı 1984; Kutlu 2009). This religious school, which was shaped around the teachings of Imām Ja’far al-Ṣādiq (d. 765) throughout history, represents a theological and legal tradition in the Islamic world (Ekinci 2019; Modarressi Tabataba’i 2022).

While regions with a significant Shī’ite population, such as Iran and Azerbaijan, are notable for being the homeland of the Jaʿfarīs, in Türkiye they are also present in significant numbers, especially in the eastern provinces, where they are particularly concentrated in regions close to the borders of Iran and Azerbaijan (Andrews 2000), most notably in Iğdır (Üzüm 1993; Yavuz 2014; Doğru 2023; Morkoç 2023).

The advent of the Jaʿfarīs within the context of the Ottomans is traced back to the latter half of the eighteenth century. With Nādir Shāh’s (d. 1747) accession to the throne of Iran, his acceptance of Jaʿfarī madhab as the official religious school of the state and his request for the Ottomans to recognise this religious approach as the fifth right school through the ambassadors he sent to the Ottoman capital is an important part of this process (BOA, A. {DVNSNMH.d. 3/31: 1742; Pour 1977). However, a detailed response was provided to Nādir Shāh, in which it was conveyed that the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud I (d. 1754) did not endorse this request and that the Jaʿfarī madhab could not be designated as one of the official religious schools for the Ottomans (BOA, A. {DVNSNMH.d. 3/24: 1741).

Although the Ottoman Empire did not officially recognise this school, the popularity of the Jaʿfarīs over the years in the Arab geography under Ottoman control is reflected in Ottoman archive documents. Reports, ostensibly dispatched from Baghdad, unequivocally substantiate the prevalence of Jaʿfarīs in the late nineteenth century (BOA, Y. PRK. MF. 2/36: 1892). Nevertheless, this religious group and its adherents did not present any challenges to the Ottomans. Indeed, it is documented that the governorships of Baghdad and Basra implemented the requisite measures to ensure the unobstructed execution of the annual mourning rites, and that they subsequently reported this situation to the authorities in Istanbul (BOA, DH. MKT. 1059/40: 1906; BOA, DH. ŞFR. 224/88: 1898). Indeed, it was documented in a report by the Ottoman ambassador to Tehran that, when the dates corresponded to the First World War, the Jaʿfarīs would arm themselves and comply with the call for jihad declared by the Ottoman Sultan (BOA, DH. EUM. 7.Şb. 2/45: 1914). This situation demonstrates that the relations between the Ottomans and the Jaʿfarīs were characterised by pragmatism, even during challenging periods.

In this context, the Jaʿfarīs occupied an unofficial position within the multi-religious and multi-diverse structure of the Ottoman Empire. Despite the presence of diverse differences, a successful policy was pursued to preserve peace and order. Following the establishment of the Republic, the Jaʿfarī communities experienced a decline in numbers within the newly formed Republic of Türkiye. There is a paucity of documentation concerning this matter in the initial official records. Presently, the majority of Jaʿfarīs in Türkiye are citizens of Azeri origin, residing in regions such as Azerbaijan, Nakhichevan, Kars and Iğdır, which are situated along the border of Iran and Armenia. The demographic composition of these communities is predominantly constituted by individuals who have been residing in these regions for an extended duration. However, a proportion of the Jaʿfarī population, whose exact number is unknown and who are dispersed in different locations, consists of individuals who have migrated from northern and southern Azerbaijan at various temporal periods and have established themselves in Anatolia (Banaz 2020a). This demonstrates that the Jaʿfarī communities in Türkiye continue to be an integral component of the region’s cultural diversity, a phenomenon attributable to both its historical and geographical affiliations.

Jaʿfarī communities in Türkiye are notable for their closed social structures and tradition-bound religious identities (Banaz 2017, 2020b; Demirci 2006; Yeler 2006). The religious education activities of these communities have evolved as an intrinsic mechanism, thereby assuming a pivotal function in the preservation of their religious and cultural values (Bakırlı 2019; Muhammadi 2015). In this particular context, the practice of religious education for Jaʿfarīs has not only constituted a form of worship, but also a means of reinforcing the Jaʿfarī identity and ensuring its transmission to subsequent generations (Albayrak 2006a; Banaz 2017, 2020a). In a country such as Türkiye, which is characterised by a high degree of ethnic and religious diversity, and in some provinces where Jaʿfarīs are present in significant numbers, educational practices assume a pivotal role in the preservation of communities’ identity and in facilitating interaction with other social structures (Albayrak 2008).

An examination of the historical process of the Jaʿfarīs’ existence in Türkiye reveals that the primary objective of religious education is to safeguard and disseminate their religious structure and identity (Banaz 2020a). During the Pahlavi Dynasty after 1925, in line with the policies of Reza Shah, studies were carried out for the ‘Alawī and Shī’ite groups living in Anatolia through Shī’ite al-dā’īs (missionaries), and in this process, young people were taken to Iran for religious education in Qom Madrassahs (Hakyemez 2016; Saray 2008). Upon their return to Türkiye, these young people initiated a series of activities related to the Jaʿfarī approach. The role of religious education in the preservation of communities’ identity, as well as its function as a propaganda mechanism to disseminate beliefs to large populations, has been a subject of interest (Banaz 2020a).

The religious education activities of Jaʿfarī communities are predicated on the paramount significance attributed to the teaching of the Qurʾān. In addition to this, the guidance of innocent imams within the Shī’ite tradition and the fiqh-based structure of the Jaʿfarī school, which is based on the Qurʾān as well as the Sunnah of the Shī’ah books, play another essential role (Davudî 2013). The Qurʾān is a multifaceted text with a variety of functions. In addition to serving as a guide to worship, it also plays a role in shaping the religious lives of individuals and reinforcing solidarity within the communities (Kasapoğlu 2016).

Jaʿfarīs place significant emphasis on the provision of Qurʾān education to their children from early ages, with this education being perpetuated within mosques, associations and domestic settings. Jaʿfarīs undertake the responsibility of imparting religious education, particularly the Qurʾān-based instruction, within their own institutions with their own teaching staff and through learning processes they have devised. This approach is informed by the incompatibility between the religious education policies espoused by the state and the tenets of Jaʿfarīs, which precludes the provision of multi ecole-based education for their children. The absence of formal governmental institutions, such as religious educational institutions or theology faculties, which belong to Jaʿfarīs and leaves room for Jaʿfarī fiqh across Türkiye compels them to assume responsibility for organising this education within their communities (Banaz 2020a; Mazlumder 2010). It can be posited that this situation emanates from the imperative to safeguard the religious identity and practices that are peculiar to their own understanding. In this context, the Qurʾān teaching activities that the Jaʿfarīs in Türkiye undertake within the framework of religious education can be regarded not only as a religious obligation but also as a strategy of historical continuity and cultural preservation of the Jaʿfarī communities. In this respect, the focus of the Jaʿfarī communities on Qurʾān education is of central importance in terms of preserving religious practices and strengthening social belonging.

In the extant literature, research on the Jaʿfarīs in Türkiye predominantly adopts a sociological approach (Güngör 2014; Kara 1999; Şaş 2019; Şenyurt 2021; Turmuş 2018; Yakar and Yakar 2021; Yeler 2006, 2019). However, no academic study has been identified that focuses on the Qurʾān education of the Jaʿfarīs living in certain regions of Türkiye.

Secondary literature searches were carried out using the National Theses Databases of the Council of Higher Education (YÖK), the Platform of Islamic Theology Articles (ISAM), the Dergipark website and the Türkiye Articles Database (National Library), which are the primary data sources and where Turkish academic research articles are listed and indexed. A comprehensive examination of these databases revealed no study that was directly or indirectly related to the research topic. The majority of studies conducted in this field are in the domain of sociology of religion, with the Jaʿfarīs living in Türkiye being the primary focus (Albayrak 2006a, 2006b; Bakırlı 2019; Demirci 2006; Muhammadi 2015). Additionally, studies examining the relationship between religious practices and fiqh are undertaken (Aktaş 2018; Atik 2016; Eraydın 2023; Karaman 1993; Koçoğlu 2015; Niyazov 2006; Yiğit 2019). In the extant literature, these groups are examined within the framework of the history of religious schools (Ataibiş 2019; Ergüven 2004, 2018; Kaplan 2008; Karağaç 2021; Öztürk 2006; Tanış 2023; Tigrak 2022; Üçer 2008). It is evident that Jaʿfarī groups are discussed in regard to other issues, such as theology and religious education (Doğan 2017; Sefer 2017).

In the extant literature, no evaluation has been identified regarding the Qurʾān teaching methods employed by Jaʿfarī groups residing in Türkiye. The present study aims to address this lacuna in the extant literature by offering an original contribution to the field through a focus on the Qurʾān teaching practices of Jaʿfarī groups in Türkiye. The present study employs a qualitative approach to examine the approaches to teaching the Qurʾān, the methods used in this process and religious education practices. As far as it is understood, no study in the literature has hitherto been conducted on the teaching of the Qurʾān of the Jaʿfarī living in Türkiye. The central research question guiding this study is as follows: What are the teaching methods of the Qurʾān by Jaʿfarī groups residing in Türkiye taking into consideration the experiences and opinions of the Jaʿfarī Qurʾān instructors?

Traditional Qurʾān Teaching: Historical and Methodological Background

The learning, recitation and teaching of the Qurʾān have been regarded as both an act of worship and a religious duty throughout Islamic history. Indeed, the process of the propagation of Islam commenced with the command “Read” (al-‘Alaq, 96/1), and Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was the first to learn and teach the Qurʾān. Following his demise, the teaching of the Qurʾān remained the cornerstone of the Islamic educational system, emerging as one of the earliest formed scholarly disciplines and maintaining its significance throughout history (Erbaş 2018).

The house belonging to Arqām Ibn Abī al-Arqām, one of the earliest Muslims, is considered the first educational centre in Islamic history. The educational activities conducted in this centre, known as Dār al-Arqām, constituted the systematic foundation of the Islamic educational system. During the era of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), educational activities were conducted in the ṣuffa, mosques and private houses, and these activities continued during the period of the Rashidun Caliphs. With the rapid expansion of Islam, the caliphs ensured the dissemination of Qurʾān instruction by dispatching the Companions to various regions (Dinç 2018).

Initially, Qurʾān instruction was predominantly conducted in mosques; over time, mosques evolved into dedicated educational institutions known as “Dār al-Qurʾān”, where Qurʾān education was delivered independently. During the Seljuk and Ottoman periods, institutions such as Dār al-ḥuffāz and Dār al-qurrā’ were established, where disciplines such as ‘ilm al-qirā’at and ‘ilm makhārij al-ḥurūf were taught at an advanced level. In the Republican era, these institutions were replaced by formal Qurʾān courses operating under the auspices of the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Zengin 2011).

In the early periods, the teaching of the Qurʾān was conducted through writing, mushāfaha (reciprocal recitation) and memorisation. Over time, the science of tajwīd was incorporated into this process, rendering the instructional framework more systematic. In Anatolia, methodologies such as qirā’at al-sab‘a and ashara taqrīb, recitation with melodic modes (maqām) and tasḥīḥ al-ḥurūf were integrated into the educational processes. These lessons typically commenced in the early morning, with a break for lunch, and concluded in the late afternoon. Fridays, the month of Ramadan and the two Eids were designated as holidays.

The teaching of the Qurʾān was generally conducted in three stages. In the initial stage, pupils were introduced to the Arabic letters and vowel markings through Alif-Baa instruction. In the second stage, students, referred to as “juz’ students”, underwent training to enhance their reading speed. In the third stage, pupils known as “muṣḥaf students” recited the Qurʾān in its entirety, adhering to the rules of tajwīd, and completed their education with a ceremonial completion of recitation (khatm). Upon completing this process, students had the option to continue with ḥifẓ (memorisation of the whole Qurʾān), and at more advanced levels, they pursued studies in tashīḥ al-ḥurūf and qirā’at al-sab‘a and ashara taqrīb (Akaslan 2018).

In contemporary Türkiye, Qurʾān education is formally conducted in Qurʾān courses and mosques under the jurisdiction of the Presidency of Religious Affairs, as well as in Imam Hatip (Religious) schools and Faculties of Theology under the General Directorate of Religious Education of the Ministry of National Education. Additionally, educational activities continue on a voluntary basis under the auspices of various civil society organisations. The Qurʾān education processes of Jaʿfarī communities are also evaluated within this framework. Within this historical continuum, the methods and techniques of Qurʾān instruction institutionalised in Türkiye and preserved in accordance with the literature, official regulations and formal institutions have been categorised as “Traditional Qurʾān Education”. In line with curricula, course content and legal frameworks, this traditional mode of instruction has been maintained as the mainstream approach, systematically continuing to the present day. Educational and instructional activities conducted outside this formal structure have been positioned in opposition to the mainstream approach. Lastly, all the institutions conducting Qurʾān education governmentally accept this method as “traditional”.

2. Method of Research

2.1. Pattern of Research

The research method employed is a case study, which is classified as a qualitative research method. According to Cresswel, the case study is defined as “a research approach that involves the detailed and in-depth examination of multiple sources of information (observations, interviews, audiovisual materials, documents and reports) about real-life, contemporary, or multiple bounded systems (situations) over a period of time” (Creswell 2013, p. 144). Alternatively, it can be defined as “a qualitative approach in which a description of a situation is provided, or the themes of the situation are presented” (Creswell 2013, p. 145). The objective of the case study is to provide a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the subject under investigation (Yin 2017, p. 4). The present study seeks to examine the opinions of Jaʿfarī instructors with regard to the teaching of the Qurʾān to Jaʿfarī members in mosques, associations and neighbourhood homes.

2.2. The Working Group

In this research, criterion sampling and maximum diversity, which are both forms of purposeful sampling, were utilised to ascertain the composition of the study group. Criterion sampling involves the study of situations that meet a set of predetermined criteria (Şimşek and Yıldırım 2013, p. 140). The criteria stipulated in this study were that the instructors should possess undergraduate and graduate degrees, should be engaged in the Qurʾān teaching centres throughout the year, including summer and winter, due to the formal education periods of Türkiye and should fulfil these duties actively. The objective of maximum diversity sampling is to create a small sample that reflects the diversity of individuals involved in the problem under study to the greatest extent possible (Şimşek and Yıldırım 2013, p. 140). Variations were made on issues such as the types of courses in which the participants work, the cities where the courses were thought, the working hours and ages of the instructors. The identities of the participants were kept confidential, and they were labelled as T1, T2 and T3. The demographic characteristics of the study group are as follows (See

Table 1. The study group of the research.

Place Codes	Gender	Profession Groups	Education Levels	Durations of Teaching Activity	Places of Teaching	Ages	Location
T1	Male	NGO Volunteer	BA degree	5	Association	45	Istanbul
T2	Female	NGO Volunteer	BA degree	4	House	40	Istanbul
T3	Female	NGO Volunteer	BA degree	3	Association	35	Igdır
T4	Male	Religious Official	Master’s Degree	15	Mosque	42	Igdır
T5	Female	Student	BA degree	2	Association	25	Igdır
T6	Female	Housewife	BA degree	3	House	38	Kars
T7	Male	Religious Official	BA degree	14	Mosque	50	Ankara
T8	Male	Government Official	BA degree	10	Mosque	48	Ankara
T9	Male	Freelance	BA degree	7	Mosque	46	Istanbul

):

2.3. The Data Collection Tool

The data for this study were collected using a semi-structured interview form that was developed by the researchers. In the preparation of the interview form, particular attention was paid to the following principles: the questions were to be easy to understand and open-ended; any leading in answering the questions was avoided; focused questions were to be included; multi-dimensional questions were to be excluded; alternative questions and probes were to be included; and the questions were to be arranged in a logical order (Şimşek and Yıldırım 2013, p. 156) Initially, an extensive review of the extant literature on Jaʿfarīs and the pedagogy of the Qurʾān was conducted, culminating in the formulation of a preliminary interview form. This form was then subjected to rigorous scrutiny by experts in the field, who offered their invaluable input to refine the instrument. A preliminary test was then conducted with two instructors teaching the Qurʾān to the Jaʿfarīs to determine the comprehensibility of the questions. The data obtained from the preliminary test were then examined, and it was determined that the questions in the draft form were both comprehensible and sufficient to identify the situations related to the problem of the research. These questions were then applied to the participants in the study group.

The semi-structured interview form comprises the following questions:

• How do you conduct the Qurʾān teaching programme implemented in Jaʿfarī communities in Türkiye and what are the aims of this programme?
• What teaching methods and techniques do you use and how do you determine them?
• How do you evaluate the contribution of these methods to the students’ learning process of the Qurʾān?
• What competencies and qualities must an educator possess in order to successfully teach the Qurʾān?
• What physical spaces or digital facilities do you use in the Qurʾān education?
• How do you see the impact of teaching content, materials and educational opportunities on student access and learning experiences?
• How do you see the impact of the Qurʾān education on social harmony and integration within the communities?

2.4. Analysis of the Data

The data for the research were obtained from the opinions of the instructors who participated in this study, as recorded on the interview form after the ethical permissions from the institution and participation confirmation of the participants had been granted. Initially, a meeting was arranged with the participants, after which interviews were conducted at pre-determined times, with an average duration of 40–45 min per interview. During the interview phase, direct questions were not posed; instead, a preliminary conversation was initiated to establish a foundation of mutual trust between the researcher and the participant. Following this, the researcher provided a comprehensive overview of themselves and the study. Special care was taken to provide satisfactory feedback regarding the participant’s concerns and questions. Following the establishment of mutual trust, the primary research questions and in-depth inquiries were directed towards the participant. Subsequently, the voice recordings were transcribed in a computerised environment, and a descriptive analysis was conducted on the resulting text. The identification of codes resulted in the establishment of categories, and the subsequent determination of themes was informed by these categories.

2.5. The Validity and Reliability

In order to ensure the internal validity (credibility) of this study, a sample was determined to be suitable for this study’s purposes. Confirmation was obtained for the participants’ involvement, the names of the study group were kept confidential and coded, additional permission was obtained for audio recordings and a communication environment based on trust and free from anxiety was established. To ensure internal reliability (consistency), the researchers varied the coding of the data during the analysis of the study, and the data were re-examined at a later time. The similarity of the codes was also taken into consideration. Regarding transferability, detailed information concerning the characteristics of the study group, the research process, data collection and analysis methods is included. Finally, to ensure confirmability, the data were archived, an impartial approach was taken during the data collection and analysis process and expert opinion was sought regarding the research results.

3. The Findings

The findings of the research indicate the utilisation of both traditional and contemporary methods (materials) in the practices of Jaʿfarī communities with regard to the teaching methods of the Qurʾān. The findings emerging from the data obtained in this context consist of four themes and thirteen categories. The following discussion will elaborate on these themes and categories.

3.1. The Teaching Methods of the Qurʾān

The following four categories are listed as the methods employed in the traditional Qurʾān teaching: Alif-Baa Juz education, the face reading2 level of the Qurʾān, the Qurʾān memorization and Tajwīd practices of the Qurʾān. A subsequent analysis of the research findings showed that the teaching methods of the Qurʾān in Jaʿfarī communities were carried out within the framework of four similar categories. The first of these categories is Alif-Baa Juz teaching, which encompasses reading, memorising and Tajwīd practices related to the Qurʾān. The analysis of the interview data revealed that the training methodologies, application practices and individual approaches employed by Jaʿfarī instructors significantly influenced the methods of teaching the Qurʾān. It was observed that there was a consensus among all the participants on this issue. The subsequent section of this research will provide detailed information regarding the categories determined based on the opinions of Jaʿfarī instructors.

3.1.1. The Alif-Baa Juz Training Stage

In Jaʿfarī communities, the basis of teaching the Qurʾān is the Alif-Baa Juz education, just like in the traditional teaching methods (T1, T2, T9). The pedagogy of Alif-Baa teaching emphasises subjects such as short and long sound signs, read and unread letters, waqf (stopping a sound at the end of a word), ishbia’, ijtimā e sākināin (the coming together of two calm letters), waqf signs and muqatta ‘at of letters (T4, T7). Additionally, makhārij and talaffudz, which refer to the correct sounding and pronunciation of letters, are emphasised by educators during the teaching phase (T3, T5, T9). It was highlighted that writing the letters on the board by the instructors and reinforcing them by having the students write from time to time are among the prominent methods employed at this stage (T5). The subjects mentioned above are considered essential by instructors for the transition to face reading of the Qurʾān and teaching Tajwīd practices (T5, T7, T3). For instance, a participant stated that students who learn letters in the primary stage learn their connections with each other at the next level and start reading by connecting words together and then improve reading the sentence (verse) by connecting words together. Finally, the student becomes ready for the level of face reading the Qurʾān in front of an instructor (T6). The findings obtained as results of the interviews demonstrate that teaching Alif-Baa Juz is indispensable for students to develop their Qurʾān reading skills and to have basic Tajwīd knowledge. In this respect, the findings regarding the Alif-Baa Juz teaching method of Jaʿfarī communities indicate that it is similar to traditional teaching methods. The findings demonstrate that, in the context of Jaʿfarī communities, while the vocalisation system employed in the teaching of the Qurʾān remains consistent in practice, it exhibits a divergence in conceptualisation, being characterised as “long and short sound signs”, from that of the traditional one. A further distinction emerges in the conceptualisation of the letters. In traditional Alif-Baa teaching, letters are divided into two categories: thick and thin. The findings reveal that the letters are classified not only based on the thick and thin categories but are also categorised as “readable” and “unreadable”3 letters, diverging from the traditional teaching classifications. A subsequent analysis of the participants’ perceptions regarding the efficacy of the methodologies employed in the instruction of Alif-Baa Juz revealed that individual student learning speed and proficiency, in conjunction with the pedagogical competencies of the instructor, emerged as the pivotal factors in this regard (T1, T5, T8).

3.1.2. The Face Reading Stage

In the Jaʿfarī communities, it has been observed that in the initial part of the face reading phase, instructors engage in single vocalisation through reading aloud, in the classroom and, on occasion, in chorus. This exercising, which is firstly in person and then in chorus with the guidance of the instructor, seems to be a distinguishing character of Jaʿfarīs at this stage. This phase is complemented by the auditory engagement with the recitations of designated readers, who are referred to as ustād/master (Caferilik 2024), both collectively and individually (T4, T6, T8, T9). It was stated that the surahs in the juz, which are slightly longer than the short surahs such as al-Bayyinah and al-Inshirah, are made to be read by the student before moving into the face reading stage, and the student who successfully passes this stage is advanced to face reading level (also known as musḥaf stage) (T3, T5, T7). The findings revealed that although the face reading phase of the Qurʾān was partially carried out individually, it was generally implemented in the form of collective repetition.

3.1.3. The Memorization Stage

At this stage, Jaʿfarī instructors prioritise the student’s proficient reading level before progressing to the hifz/memorisation stage. Later, if the student demonstrates a sufficient level of proficiency in face reading, the instructors commence the memorisation phase with short surahs, progressing subsequently to the memorisation of the entire Juz/chapter of Amma, the final and 30th section of the Qurʾān which encompasses surahs extending from 78 to 114 (T5, T7). An analysis of the methods employed by instructors revealed a lack of consensus on the approach to memorisation. However, the findings indicated that instructors employed a range of strategies, including the guidance of masters, the repetition of the face reading and the encouragement of memorisation through family members’ participation as a form of homework (T2, T4, T8). This approach bears a resemblance to traditional mainstream methods employed in the Qurʾān memorisation instruction. In the context of traditional Qurʾān education, the subsequent stage in the memorisation process entails the memorisation of the Qurʾān entirely. The findings indicated that the Jaʿfarī communities within the borders of Türkiye could not provide a supportive environment for their students to engage in the process of entire memorisation. The statements provided by participants and instructors indicated that this was due to the short-term nature of the courses and the absence of adequate infrastructure for training in memorisation. As a result, the individuals aspiring to become hafiz/memorizer, a technical term used for the people who memorise the whole Qurʾān, are directed to Qurʾān teaching centres in countries like Iran and Iraq instead of Türkiye (T5, T7, T8, T9).

3.1.4. The Tajwīd Practising Stage

The Tajwīd education is an integral component of the teaching processes of the Qurʾān in Jaʿfarī communities, just like others. This education is taught through Tajwīd books written according to the Ḥafṣ’s Narration or the narration of Imām ‘Āṣim, the narrator, which is adopted by 90% of the Islamic world today. Due to some subjects of Tajwīd education, they are given theoretically in the Alif-Baa Juz education stage before moving into the face reading stage, and the Tajwīd practice stage is taught in the face reading stage (T5, T7). In contradistinction to traditional mainstream education methodologies, the subjects of waqf, ishbia’ and ijtimā e sākināin, which are encompassed within the purview of juz education, are not included in the Tajwīd curriculum. These issues are addressed in the ibtidā phase (T5, T7, T8). The way these subjects are taught bears a resemblance to conventional traditional education methods (T1, T2, T4, T9).

The findings presented above have enabled the identification of four fundamental categories under the overarching theme of Qurʾān teaching methods employed by Jaʿfarī communities. The basis of teaching the Qurʾān is Alif-Baa Juz teaching. It is understood that the dissemination of fundamental information, encompassing short and long sound signs, read and unread letters, waqf signs and madd letters, occupies a pivotal role in this elementary education process. Makhārij al-ḥurūf (sounding the letters correctly) and talaffuzh/pronunciation (phonetic) training also represent an important process that Jaʿfarī instructors take into consideration. In the face reading phase, the focus shifts to loud and collective reading practices, utilising listening and ear fullness methods, and drawing upon the recitations of expert instructors. During the memorisation stage, students are encouraged to memorise the short surahs, which are the ones between the surah al-Duhaa and al-Nass, predominantly from the Juz of Amma. The role of family members in supporting this process is also highlighted as being crucial. The findings show that students are not provided with training at the entire memorisation level, and those who wish to undertake such training are directed towards other courses. Tajwīd training is provided in accordance with the Ḥafṣ’s narration and is supported by both theoretical and practical stages. Research findings also indicate that Jaʿfarī communities have largely adopted traditional Qurʾān teaching methodologies.

3.2. The Qurʾān Education Curriculum and Materials

Three categories were identified in accordance with the responses to the primary and secondary questions posed to the working group for the development of the Qurʾān teaching curriculum and course materials employed in Jaʿfarī communities. The findings were then analysed within this framework. The analysis revealed that the training curriculum was not externally devised, but rather, it was developed autonomously by the instructors (T1, T3, T5). Given the existence of materials, textbooks and related documents prepared by their own publishing houses, it is understood that these instructors have determined or used this curriculum themselves. Furthermore, the responses indicated the incorporation of digital materials in the courses (T7, T9).

3.2.1. Alif-Baa Juz Books and Digital Materials

The primary material employed in the Qurʾān education of the Jaʿfarī communities is the Alif-Baa Juz book, published by Kevser Publications and prepared by a commission. Also, the Juz book written by Sayyed Muḥammad Ḥusayn Balāghī is used (T5, T7). In addition, other versions of Alif-Baa Juz books are also used other than Jaʿfarī publications (T3, T8, T9). It is understood that there is no insistence or compulsion regarding the usage of course materials, and the instructor’s preferences are decisive. It is stated that the utilisation of publications involving paintings and visual elements are particularly efficacious in the pedagogy of the Qurʾān to early age groups (7–10), and is therefore favoured (T2, T6). The use of writing to teach the letters and words of the Qurʾān, as understood from the findings, is beneficial in reinforcing the teaching process, and therefore the blackboard is used effectively in learning environments (T1, T7). However, the increasing presence of technology in learning processes has led to a recent rise in the use of visual and audio materials by instructors when teaching the Qurʾān (T4, T8).

3.2.2. The Tajwīd Teaching Material

In the context of Tajwīd education, the Tajwīd book prepared according to the Ḥafṣ’s Narration of Sayyed Muḥsin Mousavī is regarded as the prevailing reference point (T4, T8). In addition to Jaʿfarī publications, other Tajwīd sources are utilised as educational materials in these training processes (T5, T3). It has been observed that there is no insistence or coercion in this regard, and the instructor’s preference is decisive.

3.2.3. Materials for Face Reading Stage

It has been observed that the musḥafs referred to as Egyptian Musḥafs or Medina Musḥafs, written in Tāhā Osman calligraphy, were utilised during this period. Other printed musḥafs have also been employed in these educational processes. However, emphasis was placed on the effective use of digital materials, such as videos, audio recordings and interactive elements, in reading processes (T4, T5, T8). For instance, one participant stated that “students now use digital media such as phones or tablets instead of print media” (T5).

A general evaluation of the materials employed in the teaching of the Qurʾān revealed that the educational curriculum did not originate from a central source, with learning processes being established in accordance with instructors’ individual preferences. The findings show that the Jaʿfarī communities primarily prefer their own publications, using the juz book prepared by Kevser Publications and the one written by Sayyed Muḥammad Ḥusayn Balāghī for the teaching of Alif-Baa Juz. Nevertheless, it has been observed that other printed versions of juz books that do not belong to the Jaʿfarīs have been used in the learning process. Moreover, an increasing use of digital materials in teaching processes has been noted. While Sayyed Muḥsin Mousavī’s Ḥafṣ’s Narration was taken as the basis for Tajwīd education, it was understood that different sources were also evaluated in this process. While Egyptian and Medina Musḥafs are employed in the face reading level, it is revealed that digital channels and interactive elements are increasingly favoured by instructors in the learning processes. Furthermore, it is understood that technological materials, including video and audio recordings, play a substantial role in educational processes.

3.3. The Qualifications of the Qurʾān Instructors

Following a comprehensive analysis of the findings pertaining to the theme of ascertaining the competencies of instructors providing Qurʾān education in the Jaʿfarī communities, and the criteria by which these individuals are identified, it was determined that the qualifications of these instructors could be classified into three distinct categories. The analysis of these findings indicated that these qualifications were analogous to those possessed by educators engaged in traditional Qurʾān instruction. Specifically, the qualifications required for being a Qurʾān instructor within the Jaʿfarī communities are outlined as follows: proficiency in reciting the Qurʾān, accurate pronunciation (Makhārij al-ḥurūf and talaffuzh) and adherence to moral principles as outlined in the Qurʾān (T7, T9). For individuals possessing these qualifications to be appointed as instructors, it was stated that they are selected by knowledgeable individuals known as “ahunt” (comparable to ‘ulamāʾ) or the Jaʿfarī association managements. In some places, it has been asserted that these instructors are also subject to inspection (T3, T5). The findings also suggest that, in terms of educator qualifications, these instructors must be members of the Jaʿfarī religious school. While there is no explicit mention of designated selection or appointment criteria for these instructors, it is observed that no defined framework for their supervision has been established.

3.3.1. The Proficiency in Reciting the Qurʾān

The findings indicate that all Qurʾān instructors in the study group received their training firstly in Iran’s Qom Madrasah and Jaʿfarī madrasahs in Najaf. Additionally, some of them, if they like to, continue their training in local Jaʿfarī course centres in certain cities across Türkiye, including Iğdır, Istanbul and Kars. A significant proportion of these instructors were also trained in Imam-Hatip high schools in Türkiye, and they have a bachelor’s degree (T1–T9). It has been observed that these instructors, who are involved in teaching the Qurʾān, adhere to methods in line with Jaʿfarī traditions, teach the Qurʾān to students without exhibiting any misbehaviour about Shī’a and Sunnī differences and guide students to behave in accordance with Islamic morality (T3, T4, T5, T7). According to all participants, it is a common opinion that the instructors are competent in the recitation of the Qurʾān (T1–T9). However, no consensus could be determined regarding the “adequacy” status of instructors.

3.3.2. The Accuracy in Pronunciatio—Makhārij Al-Ḥurūf and Talaffuzh

Given that the letters of the Qurʾān are Arabic and Arabic has its own phonetic structure, it is imperative for the instructors to be proficient in sounding and pronunciation, makhārij al-ḥurūf and talaffuzh (T1, T3, T5, T7). In this regard, it was observed that qualifications such as a certificate of makhārij, which indicates that the instructor received tasḥīh al-ḥurūf training/licence from a fam-e moḥsin/qualified mouth instructor, just like in the traditional teaching of the Qurʾān, are not among the qualifications of Jaʿfarī instructors. The fam-e moḥsin/qualified mouth education alongside the related certificate are provided by The Presidency of Turkish Religious Affairs, but the Jaʿfarīs do not have such institutions. It is observed that the Jaʿfarī instructors do not attend these education and certificate programmes. Therefore, it is possible to say that the makhārij training received from local courses or madrasahs is sufficient to be an instructor (T1–T9).

3.3.3. The Adherence to Moral Principles Set by the Qurʾān

In the context of Jaʿfarī communities, educators are selected based on a specific set of qualities, one of which is the demonstration of Islamic morality in their behavioural practices (T2, T4, T5, T9). It was asserted that individuals who do not adhere to the principles and ethical roles delineated in the Qurʾān are not equipped to provide this training, regardless of their possession of other qualifications. There was a strong emphasis on the importance of educators gaining social respect, given their role as exemplars in the dissemination of the Qurʾān (T5, T7, T8). Furthermore, it was emphasised that instructors should be patient, compassionate and pedagogically competent, particularly in their approach to children and young individuals (T2, T3).

The findings show that, in addition to possessing the ability to read the Qurʾān correctly and pronounce the verses with precision, these instructors must also demonstrate behaviour that is in accordance with Islamic morality. The instructors are typically individuals who have received education in Iranian madrasahs, local Qurʾān courses or Imam-Hatip high schools. They provide guidance to students in Qurʾān education, exhibiting a commitment to inclusivity, as they do not differentiate between Ahl al-Sunnah or Shiite. Regarding makhārij education, while special conditions such as tasḥīh al-ḥurūf or fam-e moḥsin are not a prerequisite, the training received from local courses/institutions is considered sufficient to qualify an instructor. A salient criterion for instructors is the demonstration of behavioural practices that are in accordance with the principles delineated in the Qurʾān. Characteristics such as social respectability, patience, compassion and the development of appropriate behaviour for young people play a decisive role in the selection of these individuals. It is imperative for instructors to provide guidance to students on moral values, as this underscores the notion that education encompasses not only the transmission of knowledge but also a moral process.

3.4. The Teaching Venues

The research findings revealed three categories of venues employed for Qurʾān education activities in Jaʿfarī communities, alongside their different qualities. Given the absence of institutional educational and training venues in Jaʿfarī communities that are comparable to those found in the traditional mainstream, it is understood that these educational activities are carried out in mosques, association buildings and neighbourhood houses belonging to the Jaʿfarīs. This is partly due to the political situation, whereby the state, just like for other communities, has not allocated educational spaces specifically for Jaʿfarī use, and the Jaʿfarī communities refrain from providing education in governmental institutions. These factors contribute to the decision to carry out educational activities in private places. However, concerns regarding the preservation of Jaʿfarī identity during the education process in state-owned non-formal religious education institutions have also been cited as a reason for conducting religious education in these alternative locations (T1–T9).

It is evident that education is intricately intertwined with communities’ spirit within Jaʿfarī communities (T5, T7, T8). In this sense, the locations where education is imparted contribute to the socialisation of students and their development in a religious environment. While the institutional perspective towards mosques and association centres ensures that the teaching activities carried out in these places are more disciplined, the training activities carried out in neighbourhood houses allow people to study in a more comfortable environment (T2, T4, T8). This diversity also indicates that education methods are shaped according to individual and social needs (T5, T7).

3.4.1. The Mosques

The findings indicate that the mosques of the Jaʿfarīs are one of the locations utilised for Qurʾān education. It is understood that there are approximately 300 mosques under their control throughout Türkiye (Banaz 2020a). In the event of these mosques being equipped with separate, adjacent spaces, these training sessions are organised in these classroom environments or in the prayer area within the mosque when there is not any separate section (T3, T5). However, it is evident that young people have recently shown a marked preference for alternative educational settings, such as association/cultural centres, which offer a wider range of social activities (T2, T3, T9). This shift in preference has led to a decline in the use of mosques as primary educational institutions, despite their historical and cultural significance in teaching the Qurʾān.

3.4.2. The Association Centres

According to the secondary literature, the total number of official association centres in use are only 30 in Türkiye (Banaz 2017). It has been observed that association or cultural centres, which are among the social spaces that Jaʿfarī communities utilise extensively, also serve as locations for the dissemination of Qurʾān education (T3, T5). The classroom environments created in these spaces function as places where students can collectively receive Qurʾān education (T2, T4, T6). While more serious and structured training is held on weekends, especially in association centres, it was understood that these trainings were given in smaller and more intimate groups in neighbourhood houses.

3.4.3. The Neighbourhood Houses

In addition to mosques and association centres, Jaʿfarī communities’ members also use the residences of Jaʿfarī members located within the neighbourhoods. In these domestic settings, the Qurʾān is taught through individualised instruction during gatherings (sohbat), as in the form of evening conversations for men and in daytime for women (T5, T7, T9). When the findings are considered in general, it is understood that Jaʿfarī communities use mosques, association centres and neighbourhood houses as educational venues. It was observed that in mosques, if available, detached course classes are used; otherwise, the education is organised within the mosque itself. However, following the emergence of the pandemic, there has been an observable shift towards a more individualised form of religiosity, which has led to a notable decline in the utilisation of mosques for educational purposes. Consequently, there has been a notable shift in the focus of training towards association centres. The association centres offer more systematic training on weekends. Additionally, individualised Qurʾān education is provided during gatherings, with separate sessions designated for men and women. Teaching activities, particularly in small groups in neighbourhood houses, are characterised by a warmer and more sincere environment. These centres fulfil a pivotal role in the religious education of Jaʿfarī communities, serving as venues for the integration of social life and religious education.

4. Discussion and Conclusions

In this study, the Qurʾān teaching processes among the Jaʿfarī communities living in Türkiye and the challenges encountered in these processes are comprehensively examined through qualitative data analysis. Based on the findings, the methods, materials, instructor qualifications and functionality of educational spaces used in the Qurʾān teaching practices of the Jaʿfarī communities—particularly in provinces such as Igdır, Istanbul and Kars—are presented through descriptive analysis. This study concludes that the Qurʾān education methods among the Jaʿfarī communities are conducted within a hybrid structure that incorporates both traditional and modern elements.

According to the findings of this study, Qurʾān instruction is understood to be a primary and overarching concept for the Jaʿfarī communities, encompassing other religious activities as well. This observation aligns with previous research conducted on the Jaʿfarīs. Notably, in a study conducted by Yıldız, 97.6% of the Jaʿfarī participants expressed their desire for their children to learn to read the Qurʾān, further supporting the significance of this education within the communities. Moreover, Yıldız’s research indicates that Jaʿfarī adherents primarily acquire their religious knowledge from Jaʿfarī scholars, their parents, books and Qurʾān courses, highlighting the central role of Qurʾān instruction and its instructors in the Jaʿfarī communities (Yıldız 2009).

The research findings indicate that the foundation of Qurʾān instruction within Jaʿfarī communities is based on the Alif-Baa primer. During this process, students are taught fundamental concepts, such as short and long vowel markers, pronounced and unreadable letters, waqf signs and madd. It has been observed that students who acquire these basic skills progress to the stage of reading directly from the text. Additionally, the proficiency of instructors in articulation and pronunciation, as well as their ability to guide students, accordingly, has been identified as a significant factor in the instructional process. Tajwīd education is provided based on the Ḥafṣ transmission, and the materials used are structured within this framework. In conclusion, it has been determined that the instructional methods prevalent among Jaʿfarī communities largely correspond to the traditional Qurʾān teaching approaches described in the literature (Erbaş 2018; Dinç 2018).

The findings of this study indicate that for instructors providing Qurʾān education in Jaʿfarī communities, possessing mere proficiency in articulation (makhraj) is not sufficient; rather, adhering to Islamic ethical conduct is also considered a fundamental criterion. It has been observed that instructors, beyond merely transmitting knowledge, attain social respect as role models and leave a positive impact on their students. Indeed, a study conducted by Bakırlı similarly highlights that those members of the Jaʿfarī communities regard religious instructors as figures deserving of respect, a finding corroborated by the results of the present research. Based on these findings, it becomes evident that instructors contribute to education not only academically but also morally, underscoring the significance of their role as guides in Qurʾān instruction (Bakırlı 2019).

Another finding of this study reveals that although Jaʿfarīs living in different provinces of Türkiye reside in various locations, they have generally migrated from Igdır and Kars and tend to marry within their own communities, which results in a strong mutual familiarity among them. This internal communal recognition has been identified as a significant criterion in the selection of religious officials. Indeed, a study conducted among Jaʿfarīs indicates that the process of selecting religious officials is largely based on a reference system. Key determinants within this system include where the religious official received their education, whether they adhere to the customs and traditions of the communities and whether they have committed any disgraceful offences. These findings highlight that social acceptance and the intra-group reference mechanism play a central role in the selection of religious officials within Jaʿfarī communities (Öztaş 2024).

Social change diversifies needs and expectations, necessitating the evolution of the skills and competencies expected from individuals. In particular, instructors engaged in religious services must not only possess foundational knowledge in their respective fields but also acquire up-to-date skills in areas such as communication, general culture, pedagogy and digital literacy. Religious officials play a crucial role in both formal and non-formal religious education processes, interacting with individuals of all ages, providing guidance on religious matters and actively participating in religious activities. As key actors in these processes, they have a direct impact on the overall quality and effectiveness of religious education.

In this context, for effective religious education, it is essential that religious officials possess strong professional knowledge, enhance this knowledge using contemporary tools and resources and apply it effectively in their duties. Furthermore, they are expected to uphold professional ethics, serve as role models through their conduct, enlighten society on religious matters and actively engage in religious practices. Additionally, they should have a deep understanding of Turkish history and culture, be equipped with universal and democratic values, demonstrate respect for human rights, show sensitivity to their surroundings, interpret knowledge considering their experiences and apply it within a social context.

In Türkiye, the Presidency of Religious Affairs has categorised the competencies required for Qurʾān course instructors under three main headings: general culture, core competencies and specialised competencies (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı 2024). Within this framework, it has been concluded that systematically implementing these competencies and establishing measurable criteria in the selection of instructors are crucial for improving the quality of religious services. However, considering that the assessment of the outcome or quality of an activity requires observable or measurable criteria, it has been determined that this principle does not clearly apply to the Jaʿfarī communities. Indeed, this study has found that there are no standardised or measurable principles governing the selection of Jaʿfarī instructors.

Studies have shown that Jaʿfarīs express a preference for Jaʿfarī religious scholars to receive education in Jaʿfarī educational institutions established in Türkiye (Yeler 2006). This is primarily because there is no state-affiliated educational institution in Türkiye dedicated to training Jaʿfarī instructors in matters of jurisprudence (fiqh). As a result, most instructors receive their education in Qom, Iran. Like the findings of this study, previous research has also indicated that instructors predominantly graduate from Jaʿfarī madrasahs (such as those in Qom, Iran and Najaf), local Qurʾān courses (in Igdır, Istanbul, Kars, etc.) or Imam-Hatip high schools in Türkiye (Öztaş 2024).

Due to the absence of an institution where they can ensure their children receive education in accordance with their own teachings, families who send their children to madrasahs in Iran to meet this need have expressed their concerns on various occasions. Since Jaʿfarīs differ from the Sunnī groups in Türkiye regarding fundamental matters, such as belief and worship, they are apprehensive about the potential social and political challenges that may arise from sending their children to Iran for religious education (Yeler 2006).

Religion, and more specifically religious education, when properly designed, has the potential to integrate societal differences through an empathetic perspective, rather than excluding them. In Türkiye, particularly in the formal religious education programmes implemented in schools, the principles of learning from religion and learning about religion serve as foundational approaches. These approaches aim to provide students with an objective, descriptive and analytical understanding, enabling them to recognise both interpretative differences within their own religion and various other religions, beliefs and worldviews.

The curriculum presents Islam and other religions from a descriptive, objective and multi-faith perspective. Islam is taught within the framework of fundamental principles established by the Qurʾān and the Sunnah, while the interpretative traditions that have emerged within Islamic thought are addressed in an empirical and academic manner (Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı 2024a). Although previous Religious Culture and Moral Education curricula have sometimes been criticised for insufficient coverage of Ja’farism, research indicates that Jaʿfarī communities have responded positively to its inclusion, reflecting an effort toward broader representation (Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı 2024b).

Compared to formal religious education in Türkiye, inclusive perspectives in non-formal religious education activities often remain theoretical and are not widely reflected in practice. For instance, the lack of opportunities for Jaʿfarī instructors to receive religious education in Türkiye highlights not only the absence of a pluralistic approach but also contributes to social differentiation. Indeed, a study on Jaʿfarīs in Türkiye has addressed this issue, emphasising that the lack of access to religious education negatively impacts social integration (Yeler 2006).

Moreover, research findings indicate that more than half of the participants expressed opposition to their children receiving religious education from a Sunnī instructor or institution in the absence of a Jaʿfarī alternative (Yıldız 2009; Yeler 2006).

The locations where Qurʾān education processes are conducted have been identified as mosques, association centres and neighbourhood houses. Lacking formal institutional settings, like traditional educational establishments, Jaʿfarī communities continue their Qurʾān instruction through courses organised in mosques, association centres and private homes. The findings indicate that Jaʿfarīs, who have maintained their religious activities in Eastern Anatolia since the Ottoman period, still carry out informal religious education within the framework of the tolerance granted to them by the state. This situation may also be interpreted as a result of the implementation of pluralism policies in religious education in Türkiye.

Due to certain concerns, Jaʿfarīs are reluctant to send their children to state-run religious education institutions and instead seek to establish their own educational spaces. While Jaʿfarīs are not regarded as a problematic group within Türkiye’s pluralistic religious framework, their concerns regarding the preservation of their sectarian identity need to be addressed. A qualitative study conducted with Jaʿfarī individuals has identified two differing perspectives on whether Jaʿfarī mosques should be affiliated with the Presidency of Religious Affairs. The first group opposes such affiliation, arguing that the state’s financial support for religious education centres and imams is impermissible (ḥarām). Additionally, they assert that if the mosques were under the authority of Diyanet, imams would not have full discretion over their sermons and khuṭbahs. The second group, however, considers affiliation with Diyanet acceptable on the condition that Jaʿfarī mosques remain free from external control, supervision or intervention in doctrinal and practical matters (Sovgatov 2023). Another study found that half of the participants deemed it appropriate for Jaʿfarī religious officials to receive salaries from the state (Bakırlı 2019). In this context, there is a need for religious education policies that ensure the active participation of Jaʿfarī communities and foster mutual trust. Institutional barriers preventing Jaʿfarī communities from accessing formal religious education in Türkiye should be removed, and their concerns regarding the qualifications of instructors should be adequately addressed.

The challenges faced by Jaʿfarī communities in the Qurʾān education and instruction processes have been examined in detail. Key issues identified include parents’ reluctance to enrol their children in religious education, the growing disengagement of youth from religious learning and the negative influence of social media and other modern elements on younger generations. These findings suggest that, like the mainstream religious communities, Jaʿfarī communities in Türkiye exhibit tendencies toward secularisation.

Additionally, inadequate physical conditions of educational facilities, financial constraints and the inability of instructors to adapt to the evolving dynamics of contemporary society have further exacerbated these challenges. A particularly pressing issue is the discontinuity in education caused by young people travelling during the summer months, the restriction of courses to weekends and the resulting inconsistency in instructional continuity. A study also revealed that participants found the courses provided in Jaʿfarī mosques to be insufficient in meeting educational needs (Bakırlı 2019).

A study conducted by Öztaş has identified Jaʿfarī foundations and associations as significant venues that contribute to the social interactions of their members. In fact, these institutions have recently been observed to possess greater functionality than mosques, serving as spaces for religious ceremonies, religious education for individuals of all ages, entertainment and social activities. Their role in fostering socialisation has made them a preferred choice among communities’ members across different age groups (Öztaş 2024). This study also observed a decline in the role of mosques in Qurʾān instruction compared to the past, indicating a shift in educational and communal engagement towards these alternative institutions

In summary, this study has found that the preferred Qurʾān instruction methods within Jaʿfarī communities, in some respects, resemble the traditional mainstream Qurʾān teaching methods. However, significant differences have been observed in learning processes—encompassing methodology, instructor qualifications, educational settings, curriculum and assessment practices. For instance, the Alif-Baa primer education and Tajwīd-compliant recitation are not exclusive to Jaʿfarī communities but are widely employed across the Islamic world. However, Jaʿfarī communities diverge from the mainstream in certain aspects, such as the flexibility of instructors regarding articulation (makhraj) and pronunciation, the relative weakness in ḥifẓ (Qurʾān memorisation) training and the absence of a well-defined framework for instructor qualifications. These findings indicate the need for structured professional development programmes for instructors, ensuring continuous training within an organised framework. Additionally, the establishment of institutions within the country to facilitate ḥifẓ education, along with the development of qualified instructors and structured teaching processes, has been identified as a crucial necessity.

Ultimately, this study provides significant insights into the religious education practices of Jaʿfarī communities, and the challenges encountered in these processes. The findings contribute to the broader discourse on religious education in Türkiye and address a gap in the literature by offering a comprehensive analysis of Jaʿfarī approaches to Qurʾān instruction. Consequently, this study stands out as an original contribution to this field.