The Development of Islamic Education in Islamic Primary Schools in The Netherlands

Abstract

This article examines the development of Islamic education in Islamic primary schools in the Netherlands from 1988 to 2025. Since the early 1970s, the Muslim population in the Netherlands has grown significantly—initially due to labor migrants from Turkey and Morocco, and later as a result of asylum seekers from countries such as Somalia, Iraq, and Syria. The desire to practice and pass on their faith led to the establishment of mosques, educational centers, boarding schools, and eventually Islamic primary schools. In 1987, some of the founders of Islamic primary schools aspired to establish institutions similar to Madrasas, focusing heavily on Islamic instruction such as Qur’an recitation and Hadith studies. However, these ambitions could not be realized due to funding requirements. Others were inspired by the Imam Hatip schools in Turkey, which offer religious subjects such as Qur’an, Hadith, and Sira (the life of the Prophet Muhammad) alongside the national curriculum. Ultimately, a Dutch model of Islamic education emerged—partly influenced by the Imam Hatip concept, yet possessing a distinct identity. This study investigates how Islamic education has evolved in practice through semi-structured interviews, school observations, document analysis, and a national survey of religion teachers. The findings indicate that the desire to provide Islamic religious education was the primary motive behind the founding of the first Islamic primary school in 1988. Since then, this objective has remained central to school boards and parents alike. Religious education has progressed from fragmented teaching materials rooted in Arabic and Turkish contexts to coherent, Dutch-language curricula. By 2025, the teaching materials of Worden wie je bent (“Becoming Who You Are”) and the Amana have become dominant. Instruction encompasses not only religious knowledge and Qur’an recitation but also social-emotional development, citizenship, and sexuality education within an Islamic framework.

1. Introduction

As of 2025, the Netherlands is home to over one million Muslims, representing approximately six percent of the total population (CBS 2025).

The desire among Muslim migrants to practice and transmit their faith to future generations prompted the early establishment of mosques (Yar 2017). The founding of Islamic primary schools followed this broader process of institutionalization. In 1987, Muslims discovered that they, like other religious groups in the Netherlands, had the constitutional right—under Article 23 of the Dutch Constitution—to establish publicly funded schools. The first two Islamic primary schools were founded in 1988 (Budak 2014; Budak et al. 2018; Shadid and Koningsveld 1991; Wagtendonk 1991). By 2025, there are 86 Islamic primary schools and 6 secondary schools based on Islamic principles in the Netherlands (DUO 2025).

Freedom of Religious Education

The Dutch educational system recognizes two types of schools that are equally funded by the government: public and denominational schools. Denominational schools—including Islamic schools—constitute roughly 71% of the national education system, while Islamic primary schools represent approximately 1% of all primary schools in the country.

Public schools do not subscribe to a specific religious or philosophical worldview; they are neutral in nature. This neutrality implies that pedagogical and educational frameworks are not informed by any religious doctrine. However, upon parental request, public schools are obliged to organize religious education. Denominational schools, on the other hand, are allowed to structure their education based on specific religious or pedagogical worldviews, such as Catholicism, Protestantism, Islam, Dalton education, or the Rudolf Steiner method. Both types of schools are subject to identical inspection standards and must comply with the Primary Education Act (WPO) (Bronneman-Helmers 2011; Grondwet 2012; Onderwijsraad 2012). Within these parameters, school boards are granted autonomy in shaping the content of religious instruction.

2. Religious Education as the Primary Motivation for the Establishment of Islamic Primary Schools in The Netherlands

In 1987, Mr. Akbulut inquired whether Islamic religious education could be offered at his daughter’s Catholic primary school. The principal replied, “If you want to practice your own religion, then you should start your own school” (Akbulut 2016, p. 165). This response prompted Mr. Akbulut, along with members of the Iskender Pasa Mosque in Rotterdam, to submit an application for the establishment of an Islamic school. This led to the founding of the Al-Ghazali School in Rotterdam in 1988, under Article 23 of the Constitution. The founders aimed to provide an education rooted in the Qur’an and Sunna (Budak 2014; Budak et al. 2018; Ginjaar-Maas 1989).

Previous research into the ideological foundations, establishment, and structure of the first Islamic primary school (Budak et al. 2018) reveals that the founders envisioned two distinct models for Islamic schooling. The first model was inspired by the Madrasa—a traditional institution focused exclusively on Islamic subjects such as Qur’an recitation, Hadith, Sira, Aqîda, and so forth. The second was modeled after the Imam Hatip schools in Turkey, which serve as preparatory institutions for imams and religious scholars, combining Islamic studies with general subjects such as mathematics, language, and biology.

A school based on the Madrasa model was deemed incompatible with the guidelines set by the Dutch Inspectorate of Education. However, the legal framework did allow school boards to appoint their own teachers, design the content of religious instruction, and structure their pedagogical and educational practices according to their religious worldview (Grondwet 2012). Although this framework did not permit the establishment of a traditional Madrasa, it offered even more flexibility than the original Imam Hatip model.

This study offers critical insights into the evolution of Islamic education in the Netherlands and provides valuable input for school boards, teacher training institutions, policymakers, and curriculum developers aiming to shape future-oriented Islamic education.

3. Methodology

This qualitative study is based on semi-structured, retrospective interviews with eight school board members and eight school principals. All participants have at least ten years of experience in schools that have existed for over 25 years, thus allowing for a comprehensive analysis of developments since the inception of the first Islamic primary schools.

Additionally, 30 school visits were conducted, involving in-depth conversations with principals and religion teachers. School websites, brochures, and policy documents were also analyzed.

All but two interviews were recorded using a voice recorder; the remaining interviews were manually transcribed. All recordings were fully transcribed verbatim. Data analysis followed a deductive structure based on three temporal categories: past, present, and future. The analytical framework employed was that of close reading (Rubin and Rubin 2005, p. 206). In the first phase, codes were assigned based on key concepts introduced by the respondents themselves. In the second phase, these codes were clustered into thematic categories, maintaining the original terminology wherever possible. Although the paper does not employ a formal theoretical framework, it follows a historical-sociological approach aimed at descriptive analysis and contextual understanding rather than hypothesis testing.

Particular attention was paid to the future visions of school board members and principals regarding Islamic primary education. Reports of the school visits were shared with the participating institutions. Finally, a national survey was distributed to all Islamic primary schools in the Netherlands, with the majority of responses completed by religious education teachers.

4. Results

4.1. Purpose and Pedagogical Vision of Religious Education

All interviewed school leaders and teachers unanimously agreed that Islamic religious education is not intended to train students to become Islamic scholars. The primary aim is to guide students in their religious, social, and moral development, enabling them to grow into conscious and engaged citizens within Dutch society.

The lessons focus on acquiring foundational knowledge about the articles of faith (such as belief in Allah, angels, divine scriptures, prophets, the afterlife, and divine decree), the five pillars of Islam, the biography of the Prophet Muhammad, and essential ethical teachings (akhlāq). According to several respondents, the school’s role extends beyond cognitive knowledge transmission; it should also foster the development of a positive Islamic identity. Teachers view it as their responsibility to prepare students for social realities, including potential encounters with negative stereotyping. Schools are perceived as environments where students are nurtured into proud Dutch Muslims who participate in society without compromising their religious identity. One principal put it succinctly:

“We are here to stay, and we must contribute to building this country, live together, and share both joy and sorrow. That, I believe, is our main objective at school—to raise children to be proud of their background, their identity, and their religion, so they know who they are.”

(IB)

4.2. Language Development and Transition to Dutch

The first Islamic schools offered religious education in Arabic and Turkish. Founders of Moroccan descent often insisted that the language of instruction be Arabic, as it is the language of the Qur’an. Schools founded by Turkish administrators offered religious lessons in Arabic for Arabic-speaking students and in Turkish for Turkish children, often using imported teaching materials from Turkey, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.

With increasing linguistic diversity, questions arose about the suitability of instruction in Arabic and Turkish, especially as many students did not speak these languages. Consequently, some school boards decided to offer religious education in Dutch to ensure accessibility for all students, necessitating the development of Dutch-language instructional materials.

Initially, imams were employed to teach religion. However, their lack of pedagogical training often created friction. As one administrator (AB) explained:

“Well, we tried that for a while. But that imam had nothing to do with our curriculum—he had his own teaching style, with a stick in his hand, claiming authority. The teachers kept coming to me saying, ‘This can’t go on.’ I had to repeatedly ask the imam not to use the stick. He’d say, ‘They don’t listen. I have to be the boss.’ That went on for a few months. Then we had to replace the imam again. Tried younger ones. That didn’t work either.”

Such classroom incidents eventually led some teachers to consider reporting the situation to the inspectorate. In response, schools reassigned religious education to language teachers employed under the state-funded OALT (Education in Immigrant Languages and Cultures) program. In some schools, lessons were still delivered exclusively in Arabic. Gradually, however, all Islamic schools transitioned to Dutch, a process accelerated after 2001. Until 2004, OALT teachers were funded by the Dutch government. After this funding was discontinued, schools were forced to appoint new teachers capable of teaching in Dutch. Since the abolishment of OALT in 2004, the definitive shift to Dutch-language religious instruction has been universal across Islamic schools in the Netherlands (Budak 2021; Onderwijsinspectie 2003).

However, this decision brought a new issue: a lack of theologically trained teachers proficient in Dutch. Furthermore, no fully developed teaching curriculum was yet available in Dutch.

4.3. Development of Teaching Materials

In the early years, schools used teaching materials from the administrators’ countries of origin. Soon, the need for a Dutch-language curriculum became apparent. In 1990, a working group from the Al-Ghazali School and SPIOR (Platform for Islamic Organizations in Rijnmond) developed an initial framework. Inspired by the German syllabus “Religiöse Unterweisung für Schüler islamischen Glaubens” (Landesinstitut für Schule und Weiterbildung 1986), this material was used internally and never fully published but served as a precursor to later curriculums.

In 1993, the “Project Dien” initiative introduced the Islamic Religious Education Program, the first Dutch curriculum available to all Islamic primary schools in the Netherlands and Belgium, developed by staff at the Islamic primary school Er-Risele in Leiden (Ploeger and Oueslati 1993). This was followed by the Workbook on Islamic Behaviour (Ploeger and Oueslati 1994) and The Life of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) (Ploeger and Oueslati 1996), published in two parts.

In 1995, the Islamic Pedagogical Center (IPC) was founded to support schools in curriculum and material development. In 1999, the Religious Education School Plan: Theory and Practice of Islam in Islamic Primary Schools (Budak 1999) was introduced with the aim of developing a comprehensive curriculum. Although the ISBO (Islamitische Scholenbesturen Organisatie) the umbrella organization of board members of Islamic schools - organized meetings with religion teachers from across Islamic schools, the initiative was hindered by language barriers and theological disagreements. Nevertheless, this plan formed the foundation for the SLO & ISBO curriculum (2007) and Becoming Who You Are.

Also in 1999, Islam Lessen (Islam Lessons), a full curriculum translated from Turkish and published by Belgium’s Diyanet, became widely used in the Netherlands until about 2007. However, the curriculum consisted only of student workbooks and lacked teacher guides or materials for younger children (ages 4–6).

Following the 9/11 attacks, Islamic schools were inspected for social cohesion (Onderwijsinspectie 2002), and for the first time in 2003, religious education in denominational schools was also evaluated (Onderwijsinspectie 2003). These inspections triggered changes. OALT was abolished in 2004, and the ISBO was tasked with developing a Dutch-language religious curriculum in collaboration with the Netherlands Institute for Curriculum Development (SLO) (Budak 2021). That same year, ‘Vertel mij over islam’ (Tell Me About Islam) (Sert 2004) was published but lacked guides and age-specific content.

4.3.1. SLO & ISBO: 2007

At the request of the Ministry of Education, ISBO started working with SLO to develop a curriculum for Religious Education (Onderwijsinspectie 2003). It took no less than three years before SLO and ISBO succeeded in releasing a teaching curriculum to the market. The “Religious Education School Plan: Islam—Theory and Practice in Islamic Primary Schools” (Budak 1999) served as the foundational document for the development of the SLO & ISBO curriculum (2007) titled Islamic Religious Education Lessons. This curriculum consisted of four binders, covering grades 1 through 8.

The curriculum was primarily teacher-oriented. It did not include student workbooks, which meant that teachers were required to develop much of the teaching material themselves. The absence of ready-made, child-friendly materials led to considerable dissatisfaction among religious education teachers. Many of them criticized the curriculum for not being accessible to children and for lacking a confessional perspective that would support the spiritual formation of students.

As a result, teachers quickly began searching for alternative curriculums to compensate for the shortcomings of the SLO & SBO approach. One such alternative was the Regenboog (Rainbow), which was published in the same year.

4.3.2. Regenboog: 2007

In 2007, the publisher Al-Ḥadîth released a ten-volume educational curriculum (Al-Hadîth 2007). Although, like Islam Lessen, this curriculum was not originally a Dutch publication, it was nevertheless adopted by a number of Islamic primary schools in the Netherlands.

Despite the availability of numerous student workbooks, the Regenboog (Rainbow) was often perceived as dry and uninspiring. Teachers reported that the curriculum lacked the didactic depth and pedagogical appeal needed to engage students effectively in Islamic religious education.

4.3.3. Amana: 2015

Commissioned by the Amana school board, Asma Claassen developed the Amana (Honesty) curriculum in two volumes. Volume one covers core topics like the Prophet Muhammad, ‘Aqîda’, prayer, Ramadan, and pilgrimage. Volume two addresses additional subjects like the Islamic calendar, prophets, akhlâq, and the Companions. The curriculum incorporates cooperative learning and connects theory to daily student experiences (Claassen n.d.).

4.3.4. Worden wie je bent: 1999–2021

The most comprehensive curriculum is Worden wie je bent (Becoming Who You Are), covering grades 1–8 with teacher manuals and student workbooks. It builds on Budak’s 1999 plan and has been incrementally expanded with publications such as My Imaan (2002), Ramadan Booklet (2003), Offerweek (Sacrifice Week) (2004), Mijn akhlaaq en mijn lichaam (My Akhlaaq and My Body) (2005), Ik ben een moslim (I Am a Muslim) (2006), Op zoek naar jezelf (In Search of Yourself) (2010), Bewust op reis (Mindful Journey) (2017), Het Kompas van mijn leven (The Compass of My Life) (2018), Op weg met de profeet Moehammad (On the Road with Prophet Muhammad) (2019), and Op pad met de profeten (On the Road with the Prophets) (2021). In 2020, the curriculum was updated with full teacher guides for all grades (IUA and SIMON 2025).

A key innovation is the inclusion of lessons for children aged 4 to 6 and the introduction of the “Growth and Bloom” model, developed by Budak. This model emphasizes self-reflection, asking students to consider stories, events, or actions to develop personal perspectives grounded in Islamic tradition.

4.3.5. Mijn prachtige religie: 2012

In 2012, Salman et al. (2012) published Mijn prachtige religie (My Beautiful Religion 1), followed by Part 2 in 2013 (Salman et al. 2012). None of the respondents indicated using this curriculum as a primary curriculum, though some reported using it as a supplementary material.

4.3.6. Current Situation: 2025

Currently, over thirty Islamic primary schools use the Becoming Who You Are curriculum. Approximately twenty schools use the Amana curriculum. All other curricula have virtually disappeared from the landscape. The remaining schools use either self-compiled materials or allow teachers to design their own lessons. This latter group often expresses dissatisfaction and is considering transitioning to one of the structured curriculums.

4.4. Instructional Time

Time allocated for religious education ranges from 30 to 90 min per week, excluding approximately 30 min reserved for the noon prayer (ṣalāt al-Ẓuhr). In most schools, daily Qur’an recitation precedes other lessons. Furthermore, time spent on Islamic holiday celebrations is not officially counted as religious education, even though such activities are religious in nature. Schools using the Becoming Who You Are curriculum provide 45 min of theory and 45 min of Qur’an recitation and interpretation (QRB). Many respondents consider the available instructional time insufficient.

4.5. Assessment and Evaluation

Originally, assessment consisted of oral questioning and written exams. Today, teaching materials include multiple-choice questions, presentations, matching exercises, and puzzles. The Becoming Who You Are curriculum also uses Kahoot-based quizzes and offers a digital final exam—the “Ik-Toets” (Self-Test), taken by students at the end of group 8 (Budak 2016).

A unique form of assessment is the Personal Development Plan (POP) used in groups 7 and 8. This form focuses less on knowledge acquisition and more on self-reflection.

4.6. Integration of Identity Across Subjects

According to respondents, religious education should not be limited to designated class hours. Ideally, it should be integrated across subjects. For instance, geography lessons could include Qur’anic verses about water, seas, or mountains, while history lessons might incorporate elements of Islamic history, such as Andalusia.

Moreover, the teacher’s identity should be visible in pedagogical practices. Teachers are encouraged to recognize that religious identity goes beyond religious lessons or dress codes. Even non-Muslim teachers are encouraged to embed Islamic elements into their lessons (Budak 2022).

In all Islamic schools in the Netherlands, the day begins with Qur’an recitation and/or supplication (duʿāʾ). The midday prayer (Ṣalāt al-Ẓuhr) is performed in nearly every school. Schools often require or encourage Islamic dress, particularly for girls to wear the headscarf. The two major Islamic holidays, Ramaḍān and ʿĪd al-Aḍḥā, are celebrated in all schools.

Furthermore, boys and girls are separated during sexual education and physical education classes. Schools typically close on Friday afternoons so that staff and students may attend Friday congregational prayers (Jumuʿa).

4.6.1. Citizenship Education

While Islamic schools enjoy pedagogical freedom, they must also comply with national standards on citizenship, social integration, and sexual education (Onderwijsinspectie 2016).

Under the Primary Education Act, schools are required to provide citizenship education that guarantees the following core values of a democratic constitutional state (Onderwijsinspectie 2020, p. 22):

• Freedom of expression: Everyone is free to express their thoughts—both orally and in writing—and to hold opinions that differ from others. This also includes the right to express one’s religion and to share one’s opinion with others, as long as one abides by the law.
• Equality: All people are equally valuable, regardless of their beliefs or religion. You do not need to agree with others’ ideas or practices, but you must recognize that people with different views are just as worthy as you and your group.
• Understanding of others: This involves making an effort to understand why individuals or groups hold certain beliefs or customs by considering their background and why these practices are meaningful to them.
• Tolerance: This means accepting others’ opinions or behavior, even if you disagree. It also entails allowing space for others to express their views and conduct, within the bounds of the law.
• Autonomy: Everyone has the right to decide who they want to be and how to live their life. This includes the freedom to choose one’s own beliefs or religion, as long as this occurs within the legal framework.
• Rejection of intolerance: This means actively disapproving of intolerance. Intolerance denies others the right to their views or actions simply because one disagrees, and it opposes giving others space to express themselves.
• Rejection of discrimination: This refers to standing against the unequal treatment of people or groups. Discrimination involves the belief that people with other beliefs or practices deserve less freedom or should be restricted or forbidden from expressing them.

Schools are assessed based on how explicitly and structurally they implement these values in their teaching practices.

Islamic schools occupy a unique position in this debate (Budak 2021; Taspinar and Bouimj 2023). On the one hand, like other denominational schools, they possess constitutional freedom under Article 23 to offer education based on a religious worldview. On the other hand, they are expected to actively contribute to the general education and democratic participation of pupils.

Research shows that Islamic schools do not shy away from this dual responsibility (Budak 2021; Beemsterboer 2025). At many schools, Islamic identity is consciously integrated with citizenship education through themes such as respect, responsibility, community engagement, and social-emotional development.

Almost all schools make use of social-emotional education curriculums like De Vreedzame School (The Peaceful School) (Vreedzaam 2025) or Leefstijl (Lifestyle) (Kieft 2024). These frameworks are supplemented with Qur’anic verses and Hadiths aligned with their core themes, allowing values like empathy, respect, cooperation, and personal responsibility to be taught in harmony with Islamic principles.

4.6.2. Sexual Education

Since 2012, sexual and relational education has been included in the core objectives of the domain “Orientation on Yourself and the World” (Bron et al. 2015; SLO 2021). According to the Dutch Ministry of Education, students must learn to deal with diversity in sexual orientation and gender identity and to develop respect for the sexual integrity of themselves and others (Onderwijsinspectie 2020).

This obligation applies to all schools, regardless of their religious affiliation. The Inspectorate of Education monitors whether schools:

• Provide age-appropriate and developmentally appropriate sexual education;
• Allow space for differences in sexual norms and values;
• Equip students to be resilient against transgressive behavior;
• Address sexual diversity as part of active citizenship education.

The manner of implementation may differ, as long as the statutory objectives are met. Schools are allowed to convey their religious identity, as long as this does not lead to exclusion or discrimination (Onderwijsinspectie 2020).

Islamic primary schools acknowledge the importance of sexual education but approach the subject from Islamic core values, such as: modesty (ḥayāʾ), purity and cleanliness, respect for the body, marriage as a religious and social framework, and family-centered upbringing.

In practice, this means that Islamic schools strive for a balance between legal curriculum requirements and their religious-pedagogical vision (Kaya-Postema 2022).

Examples of resources used in this context include:

• Veilig opgroeien en zo! (Safe Growing Up and So On!) (Bayrak de Jager and Claassen 2011)
• Help! Ik word volwassen (Help! I’m Growing Up) (Claassen 2013)

School visit reports reveal that many Islamic schools approach sexual education by linking it to themes like bodily integrity, personal responsibility, and the development of assertiveness. Lessons are typically delivered separately to boys and girls, with content adjusted based on age and developmental stage.

Topics covered include puberty, menstruation, physical changes, and setting personal boundaries, all addressed in a safe, respectful learning environment that emphasizes trust, discretion, and dignified communication.

In 2019, the practice of sexual education in Islamic schools drew national attention following a controversial television broadcast by Nieuwsuur titled “Allah Despises Homosexuality.” The program suggested that Islamic schools structurally avoided or neglected topics related to sexual diversity. This caused widespread public outrage, parliamentary questions, and calls for stricter oversight (Holdert and Kouwenhoven 2019).

In response, the Education Inspectorate conducted investigations at 42 schools, including six Islamic primary schools. The Inspectorate found that none of the Islamic schools were in violation of the core educational values. However, two schools were advised to offer greater coherence and more targeted instruction in sexual education (Onderwijsinspectie 2020).

5. Conclusions and Discussion

The development of Islamic primary education in the Netherlands between 1988 and 2025 reflects a layered and dynamic process in which religious pedagogy, legal frameworks, and societal expectations have continually interacted. What began as an initiative by the Muslim community to provide education rooted in Islamic values has evolved into a professionalized educational sector, both in content, organization, and didactics.

From their inception, religious education has constituted a central pillar in the identity of Islamic schools. Initially based on instructional models from countries of origin, religious education has evolved into Dutch-language, context-sensitive methods such as Becoming Who You Are and Amana. These curricula combine theological instruction with citizenship education, social-emotional development, and self-reflection (Budak 2021; Claassen n.d.).

Islamic schools have thus developed a pedagogical model in which religious identity is acknowledged as a source of moral action and social engagement. The ambition is clear: to educate students as active Dutch Muslims who combine their faith with shared democratic citizenship.

5.1. Religious Education Under Societal and Political Scrutiny

Islamic schools occupy a vulnerable position within public and political discourse (Shadid and Koningsveld 1992). Since the early 2000s—particularly following the terrorist attacks of 2001 and media reports such as the 2019 Nieuwsuur broadcast—these schools have come under intense public scrutiny. Religious education and sexual education are especially subjects of societal concern and political intervention (Onderwijsinspectie 2020).

While oversight and transparency are legitimate aims, both practical research and literature indicate that excessive external pressure can result in defensive teaching strategies, erosion of trust, and stigmatization (Essabane et al. 2022). Consequently, the debate should shift from ideological conformity to a focus on quality and pedagogical autonomy.

5.2. The Integration of Religious Identity and Citizenship

This and earlier research show that respondents are consciously committed to avoiding a dichotomy between religion and citizenship (Budak and Ter Avest 2012). Instead, they view these as mutually reinforcing components. Curricula such as Becoming Who You Are exemplify this integration, combining moral, spiritual, and social development within a coherent educational framework.

Citizenship education is integrated into religious education, the Hadith of the Week, and the daily social conduct of students. Values such as respect, justice, responsibility, and solidarity are taught not only as Islamic virtues but also as core values of the Dutch democratic constitutional order (Onderwijsraad 2021). This overlap provides a shared moral foundation upon which both curricular content and school culture can rest.

5.3. Sexual Education: Between Duty of Care and Religious Boundaries

Sexual education remains the most sensitive domain. While Islamic schools recognize the importance of sexual development, they aim to offer it within the boundaries of religious doctrine. In practice, this means addressing topics such as puberty, purity, boundaries, and respect, often gender-separated and in collaboration with parents.

Tensions primarily arise around subjects such as sexual diversity and gender identity. Schools actively seek educational strategies in which the transmission of knowledge does not necessarily imply normative acceptance. According to respondents, it is both possible and necessary for schools to teach about pluralism in society without renouncing their religious beliefs.

This requires inspection policies that allow room for contextualized education, provided that core values such as equality and safety are upheld.

5.4. A Broader Pedagogical Mission

Islamic schools take seriously their pedagogical mission to prepare students for a pluralistic, demanding, and at times critical society. Their goal is not merely preservation of identity but the formation of resilient citizens—individuals who are both religiously rooted and socially engaged (Budak and Ter Avest 2012). This approach deserves recognition and support, not suspicion.

Achieving this aim requires structural collaboration between schools, teacher training institutes, umbrella organizations (such as ISBO), government bodies, and the Inspectorate of Education. Key to this collaboration are: respect for pedagogical diversity, commitment to professional development, and equitable evaluation practices.

5.5. Comparison with Islamic Education Elsewhere in Europe

This study shows that Islamic primary education in the Netherlands differs from that in other European countries by its full public funding under Article 23 of the Dutch Constitution, its integration of Islamic and civic values, and its Dutch-language curriculum. Unlike in countries such as France or Germany, where Islamic education is often provided as a supplementary or private initiative, the Dutch model is fully recognized within the public system, resulting in what may be termed a Dutch Islamic model (Wagtendonk 1991).

A distinctive characteristic of this Dutch model lies in the way governmental citizenship requirements influence the pedagogical and moral language of Islamic schools. The national framework for citizenship education provides a normative context that shapes the educational discourse around democracy, sexual diversity, and interreligious relations. Consequently, the pedagogical language used in Islamic schools tends to be both respectful and inclusive, promoting dialog and mutual understanding rather than exclusion.

A second distinctive feature is the theological and cultural diversity of students and parents, representing various madhāhib (Islamic legal traditions). This internal diversity generally leads to a more accommodating attitude within schools towards theological plurality. Rather than adhering to one dominant interpretation, most Islamic schools in the Netherlands adopt an inclusive pedagogical stance that emphasizes shared moral values and common Islamic identity over sectarian or jurisprudential distinctions.

Together, these elements—the civic framework imposed by the state and the internal theological diversity of the Muslim population—have contributed to a uniquely Dutch form of Islamic education, characterized by inclusivity, respect, and contextual adaptation.