The New Normal in Pastoral Care: The Enduring Legacy of Media Appropriation in the Post-Pandemic Roman Catholic Church

Abstract

By leveraging 20 semi-structured interviews conducted in 2020 and 2024 with parish priests and laypeople with an office in the Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone (Italy), this paper explores the enduring legacy of the pandemic in terms of digital engagement in Roman Catholic pastoral activities. Additionally, it investigates the impact of ICT and AI on religious authority. A comparison of the two waves of interviews shows that in the new normal, there has been an acceleration of the adoption of ICT and AI, primarily for internal communication purposes. However, faithful engagement and interaction through new and old media have remained one-way, reinforcing current ecclesiastical power hierarchies. Despite some inherent theological limitations to a more participatory use of ICT, the presence of pockets of innovation in extra-sacramental activities points to future possibilities for empowering laypeople and engaging with the faithful without compromising Church doctrine.

1. Introduction

In early 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic brought unprecedented challenges to many aspects of life, including religious practices and pastoral care in the Roman Catholic Church. Social distancing measures and restrictions on public gatherings compelled religious institutions to adopt new media and digital tools at an accelerated pace to maintain connection with their congregations. As churches closed their doors, digital platforms became essential for continuing religious services, pastoral care, and communication. Online and offline spaces, once seen as separate and competing realms, became intertwined as churches sought to maintain connections with their congregations and reassert their positional influence both online and offline (Campbell 2024). However, this rapid transition posed a learning curve, as religious organisations adapted to digital tools without the necessary expertise, learning through a process of trial and error (Arasa et al. 2022). This rapid shift not only transformed the way religious activities were conducted but also raised fundamental questions about the enduring legacy of digital engagement in the Church’s pastoral mission. Different Christian traditions varied in their responses, with some denominations more inclined to adopt digital tools than others, which still preferred more traditional and hierarchical mass media (Gelfgren 2024). For example, Catholic organisations mostly reached their members through the streaming of traditional services and by providing information on websites. An analysis of the 19 most widely used Catholic websites revealed that they often only conveyed information and showed few signs of interaction and participation, making it difficult to build and strengthen a sense of community (Diez-Bosch et al. 2017).

Literature on how the Catholic Church engages with new media has been flourishing; however, it often takes the media as the starting point for its research questions and analysis. However, this media-centred perspective, as Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal pointed out, overlooks individuals who do not engage in media production or who do not use the organisation’s media ensemble, i.e., the specific set of media available and potentially utilised within the Church. For this reason, there is a need for research that focuses on the actor perspective, investigating individual actors and their media usage or non-usage (Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal 2020). Moreover, while many studies have focused on the immediate shift to online religious services, few have explored the lasting legacy of these changes over time. Furthermore, at the intersection of new media and religion, there is a need for studies that employ a triangulation of mixed methods, including quantitative and qualitative investigations, as well as comparative research and longitudinal analyses beyond one-shot case studies, to provide insights into the tensions and paradoxes within religious organisations and authority over time (Cheong 2017).

This paper addresses these research gaps by building on a quantitative survey and expanding it with two waves of qualitative interviews, capturing the impact of digital technologies on pastoral care during the initial COVID-19 outbreak and four years later. In particular, this study aims to address two main research questions: (1) Four years after the pandemic outbreak, what is the enduring legacy of this experience in terms of digital engagement and technological integration in Roman Catholic pastoral activities? And (2) How have digital technologies and AI influenced the roles, responsibilities, and authority of parish priests and laypeople in leadership positions within contemporary Roman Catholic organisations?

The paper is structured as follows: in the next section, we will briefly present the current state of the research field. In the third section, we will introduce the materials and methods used. The results will be presented in the fourth section, followed by a discussion in the fifth. Finally, section six will present the paper’s conclusions and limitations.

2. Current State of the Research Field

The interdisciplinary field of digital religion studies, which can be divided into four waves, has been growing over the past decades and has been approached through the lens of existing media theoretical frameworks, especially the mediation, mediatisation, and social shaping of technology (Evolvi 2021; Campbell 2017). Whereas initial studies focused on online communities and practices, as well as how digital religion is influenced by historical and social factors, more recently, the focus has shifted to the interconnectedness of online and physical religious experiences. Currently, the emphasis lies on social and ethical questions, including the use of AI and other digital tools (Campbell and Evolvi 2020; Evolvi 2022). Among other aspects, both old and new media can challenge traditional religious authority structures and hierarchies (Campbell 2007), blurring the relationship between clergy and laypeople. To understand this phenomenon, Heidi Campbell’s works are foundational (Campbell 2007, 2012, 2020; and Campbell and Teusner 2011). To comprehend the role played by the internet in creating new possibilities and challenges related to religious authority, she suggests applying a categorisation and distinction of four different layers and types of authority: ideology, text, structure, and hierarchy (Campbell 2007, 2020). These layers illustrate the ways in which ICTs impact religious authority and reshape both the power structures as well as the experiences of religious communities. Religious ideology, or as Giorgi (2019) suggests, theology, emphasises the creation of a religious identity, with the internet facilitating the dissemination of religious ideologies and reinforcing or reshaping these identities. Religious texts address the role of sacred texts, such as the Bible, in the current digital area. A primary question here concerns the authority or function of these texts online compared to offline. Religious structures refer to the organisational aspects of religious communities; for example, they might use social media to communicate, creating broader interactions. Finally, religious hierarchy focuses on the traditional roles of religious leaders. Here, the internet enables new figures to emerge as religious authorities, often bypassing established hierarchies. By providing community leadership and interpretations, they challenge the traditional structures of religious organisations. Indeed, recent studies have shown that digital media allow individual priests to expand the range of information available and shape identity construction, thereby enhancing their religious authority (Altenhofen 2021).

In addition to Campbell’s contribution to the field, several other studies have focused on the challenges of traditional religious authority structures and how these may be reshaped through the use of ICT. By adopting a mediatisation of religion theoretical approach and unpacking the concept of religious authority in roles, structures, theology, and texts, as suggested by Campbell (2007), Giorgi (2019) analysed online discussions among LGBT+ Christians, emphasising how ICT can amplify minority voices in the Catholic Church and impact traditional authority. Furthermore, Cheong et al. (2011) discussed how new media empower alternative voices and influence epistemic authority within religious organisations. More recent publications have examined Pope Francis’s use of digital media and his strategy for balancing tradition with modern demands of communication, showing that this shift presents challenges, such as reconciling personal styles with the doctrinal needs of the Church (Vitullo and Mastrofini 2023). More generally, Cheong (2024) has discussed the tensions between traditional authorities in the religious context and the democratising effects of using digital platforms, as well as the ability of the faithful to participate in religious communication. Additionally, she has explored the “logic of complementarity”, which suggests that ICT can support authorities, redefine their leadership roles, and balance traditional hierarchy with the interactive, more decentralised nature of ICT (Cheong 2021).

The pandemic was also a defining experience in the area of faith, sparking a range of research—including our earlier studies (Isetti et al. 2021a, 2021b)—conducted during this time. Some researchers have analysed shifts in religious attendance patterns by comparing pre-pandemic and pandemic levels (Alfano et al. 2020). Others have investigated clergy experiences during the pandemic, showing how traditional ministry adapted to new health constraints (Johnston et al. 2022). Other foci have included the exploration of how Catholic priests worldwide responded to the pandemic and how they adapted and utilised ICTs to remain connected with their communities during this period of isolation (Arasa et al. 2022). A topic that became more urgent during the pandemic was the discussion regarding the possibility of online platforms hosting Eucharist. Some have argued that real physical presence and virtual gatherings in cyberspace are not as far away as they might seem, and that at least some Eucharistic approaches would accept communion in cyberspace (Turnbull 2021). Another theme covered by several studies concerns identity formation in religious groups through the use of ICT, revealing how online spaces can foster a sense of belonging and identity (Frei-Landau 2020). Other studies have shown a more dynamic nature within and between religious groups, leading them to adapt their identities in response to external pressures, such as health regulations and civic responsibility during the pandemic (Kühle and Larsen 2021).

The role of more advanced digital tools, such as AI, has gained significant momentum in recent years, especially with the rising popularity of tools such as ChatGPT. Kirk A. Bingaman’s book “Pastoral and Spiritual Care in a Digital Age” (Bingaman 2018) has been a precursor to discussions in later publications, exploring current challenges in using digital tools for pastoral care and emphasising the importance of adapting to digital demands. Simmerlein (2024) studied the first large-scale AI-led church service, revealing mixed reactions among participants, including a sense that theological depth was lacking.

Focusing on the current state and future challenges, Pauline Cheong and Heidi Campbell discussed unresolved issues such as authenticity and authority, along with ethical concerns. They highlighted that digital religion is in a transitional phase with promising potential yet accompanied by ongoing tensions (Cheong and Campbell 2024).

In this paper, we primarily focus on the institutional perspective to analyse how religious authority structures change and adapt to the introduction of ICT, drawing on Heidi Campbell’s (2007, 2020) framework, which highlights four levels of authority at play in online contexts. This approach allows us to explore how hierarchical organisations, such as the Catholic Church, navigate challenges and opportunities posed by the use of digital tools. Complementing this, we also draw on Radde-Antweiler’s social–constructivist perspective, which focuses on actors in their mediatised worlds and their individual media repertoires (Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal 2020; Radde-Antweiler 2018). This dual approach reveals that attitudes toward digital tools are shaped not only by institutional policies and guidelines but also by personal experiences and technological familiarity. Such a nuanced actor-centred examination enables a deeper understanding of how ICT mediates authority and fosters new dynamics within the Church’s structure.

3. Materials and Methods

The data analysed in this article stem from a three-step mixed-methods research project conducted between 2020 and 2024, focusing on the region of South Tyrol, Italy. The reasons for selecting this trilingual northernmost Italian region as a study area were detailed in a previous publication (Isetti et al. 2021a). Indeed, high religious engagement, advanced digital infrastructure, an autonomous statute, and linguistic and cultural diversity are all elements that make South Tyrol an interesting case study for investigating the impact of the pandemic on local pastoral activities and how priests and laypeople representing the parishes interact with ICT.

This paper builds on an online quantitative survey conducted in the first months of the global pandemic involving 164 parish priests and parish council presidents in the Catholic diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone (Isetti et al. 2021a). The survey aimed to investigate how pastoral care was delivered and changed through the use of ICT in religious activities during the COVID-19 outbreak. At the end of the survey, participants had the option to leave their contact details for follow-up qualitative telephone interviews. This second step of the research project was conducted to provide greater depth to the quantitative data and monitor developments in the months and years following the most acute phase of the pandemic. Specifically, semi-structured interviews were conducted in 2020 (T1) and again in 2024 (T2), with parish priests and laypeople officially representing the faithful (parish council presidents) from the Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone in South Tyrol (Italy), for a total of 20 interviews. This two-wave follow-up study aimed to investigate the immediate impact and enduring legacy of the COVID-19 pandemic on the pastoral (digital) activities of both parish priests and council presidents. Figure 1 illustrates the research timeline alongside pandemic milestones, marking key stages in data collection (green) in relation to the pandemic’s onset, lockdown periods, and its official end (violet).

3.1. Sample and Data Collection

The interviews were conducted in two tranches: the first one (T1, 10 interviews) took place between August and October 2020, while the second one (T2, 10 interviews) occurred between July and September 2024.

T1 participants included a random sample of (1) respondents to the quantitative survey conducted in March–April 2020 and, to reduce selection bias, (2) parish priests within the Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone who did not participate in the online survey.

In T2, all T1 participants were contacted and invited to participate in a follow-up interview: 8 agreed to participate again, while 2 were unresponsive. Consequently, 2 additional participants were recruited. In T2, the participation of a key informant was also achieved.

Table 1. Characteristics of the interview sample (n = 20).

Interviewee	Role	Age Range	Gender
Interviewee 1 (T1 & T2)	Parish priest (5 parishes)	≥80	Male
Interviewee 2 (T1)	Parish priest (7 parishes)	71–80	Male
Interviewee 3 (T1 & T2)	Parish council president	71–80	Male
Interviewee 4 (T1 & T2)	Parish council president	41–50	Female
Interviewee 5 (T1 & T2)	Parish council president	61–70	Male
Interviewee 6 (T1 & T2)	Parish council president	61–70	Male
Interviewee 7 (T1 & T2)	Parish council president	61–70	Female
Interviewee 8 (T1 & T2)	Parish priest (2 parishes)	51–60	Male
Interviewee 9 (T1 & T2)	Parish priest (2 parishes)	71–80	Male
Interviewee 10 (T1)	Parish priest (3 parishes)	51–60	Male
Interviewee 11 (T2)	Key informant	41–50	Male
Interviewee 12 (T2)	Parish priest (7 parishes)	31–40	Male

provides an overview of the characteristics of the interview sample.

In total (T1 + T2), 20 interviews were conducted with 12 participants (6 parish priests, 5 parish council presidents, and 1 key informant). The discussions took place either face-to-face or via Zoom, Microsoft Teams, or telephone. The duration of T1 interviews ranged from 25 to 53 min, with an average length of 38 min, while T2 interviews ranged from 19 min to 1 h and 25 min, with an average length of 44 min. Interviews were held in the interviewees’ preferred language of choice, choosing between the two official languages of the region—German (19) and Italian (1), audio-recorded, and then transcribed verbatim.

Finally, if made available by the respondents, additional materials were included, e.g., a parish priest’s diary and preparatory notes for the interview, documenting his experiences during the first months of the pandemic.

3.2. Interview Guide

The first and the second waves of interviews (T1 and T2) thus served as a methodological tool to compare the immediate effects of the pandemic on media appropriation (Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal 2020) and technological integration in Roman Catholic pastoral activities with their enduring legacy in a post-pandemic world. Additionally, the second tranche of interviews (T2) delved into four main topics: (1) stocktaking the enduring changes in religious practices, church attendance, and community engagement four years after the outbreak of the pandemic; (2) the impact of digital technologies and media communication tools (i.e., the pandemic’s legacy concerning the adoption of digital tools for religious practices, examining their influence on rituals, community building, and pastoral care); (3) the use of AI in pastoral activities (including respondents’ perceptions of AI, its role in supporting and/or transforming pastoral practices, and possible ethical and theological implications); (4) leadership dynamics and governance (i.e., changes in the relationship between parish priests and laypeople with an office in the Diocese, shifts in authority, responsibilities allocation, and decision-making processes). All participants were asked the same main questions; however, there was flexibility to explore their responses in further detail and to change the sequence and phrasing of questions when deemed necessary.

3.3. Data Analysis

The analysis of the interviews and written material was carried out by one author of this paper and one research assistant using the MAXQDA 24 software. The coders were not involved in the interview process to ensure a fresh perspective on the data and to minimise possible bias (Cofie et al. 2022). The analysis employed qualitative content analysis, following a systematic approach that combined inductive and deductive coding. Initially, a deductive coding framework was established, based on Campbell’s four-layer categorisation (Campbell 2007): text (pastoral guidelines, Church teachings, encyclicals, and references to the Bible and Vatican Council II), theology (commonly held beliefs, ideas of faith, or shared identity), structure (community structure, patterns of practices, roles, and responsibilities), and hierarchy (the distribution of authority and power). We proposed to use the term theology rather than ideology, as the former often implies a set of secular or political beliefs, while the latter addresses the foundational spiritual principles, doctrines, and interpretations of religious texts that shape Church authority and practices. In addition to these codes, we introduced a media repertoire (Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal 2020) code, with its subcodes developed inductively. This code encompassed all instances in which respondents named specific communication tools—whether interactive or non-interactive—highlighting how these tools are utilised and integrated within their religious practices. This dual approach to coding allows for a comprehensive analysis that captures both the structural elements of authority as outlined by Campbell and the actor-centred practical implications of media usage within the Church.

Further subcodes were developed inductively. The coding allowed for an investigation of how religious authority in the Roman Catholic context influences, and is influenced by, the adoption of new technologies, including AI.

3.4. Ethics, Consent and Anonymity

The interview partners provided written informed consent before the interviews. The consent forms could be completed in either Italian or German. Participants were informed that they could withdraw from the study without providing any explanation; however, none decided to do so. All names and identifying elements have been removed to protect participants’ anonymity.

4. Results

Before delving into respondents’ perspectives on ICT and AI in pastoral care and activities through the lenses of text, theology (Section 4.1), structure, and hierarchy (Section 4.2) (Campbell 2007), we will first outline how interviewees engaged with both new and old media (i.e., their media repertoire) during the lockdown and social distancing phase (T1) and in the new normal era (T2).

When the pandemic broke out, there were two main attitudes in response to the national lockdown: “Some adapted very quickly and moved their offerings online, while others simply waited for things to blow over and then resumed contact with people” (T2, Interviewee 12, priest). The latter suspended all activities during the lockdown, except, e.g., phone counselling. However, in the summer of 2020, to work around government regulations regarding social distancing, they organised outdoor Masses in cemeteries, squares, and even in the mountains: “Since the church is on the village square, we can put the faithful in front of the church with chairs, distanced, we have a loudspeaker outside […]. It went well. There were about 10–15 people outside the church door, and they were able to join in the celebrations” (T1, Interviewee 2, priest).

In T1, interviewees who reported using ICT to engage with parishioners confirmed that during the lockdown, activities were primarily limited to one-way communication, such as sending out parish briefs, updating the parish website, and streaming Masses. This is in line with the survey results (Isetti et al. 2021a). Respondents also frequently mentioned radio, with one parish even broadcasting its own channel: “The rosary was then prayed over the parish transmitter. And you can hear it in the whole deanery, […] people greatly appreciated that, because even if you didn’t have the opportunity to say goodbye to the deceased, at least you were there in thought with the rosary for the souls” (T1, interviewee 4, president). Barriers to wider ICT adoption included a lack of technological infrastructure and competencies for delivering high-quality videos, as well as the availability of better streaming or TV services elsewhere: “We thought about using YouTube […], but the fibre optic cable hadn’t been laid yet anyway and that’s why it failed. And a competent person then said that if we put something out for people, it should be of a certain quality. And that’s why we simply told people to use the radio” (T1, interviewee 3, president). In addition to these tools, more interactive options, such as the aforementioned telephone counselling and social media, were also used. However, it is important to note that, while social networks were employed, they mostly facilitated one-way communication, serving as platforms to stream Masses and share information and updates, rather than fostering interaction with the faithful: “Every day I put messages in the WhatsApp status and these were viewed by about 200 people a day” (T1, interviewee 1, priest). The comparison of T1 and T2 interviews reveals an increased engagement with ICT tools in pastoral activities, as noted by the president of a parish council: “We have upgraded significantly; we even set up a fixed camera and connected it digitally so that it can be turned on and off from the sacristy. They have done a fantastic job with that” (T2, Interviewee 4, president).

However, interactive media remained underutilised: “The chat groups are hardly used by the parish. You could say they are like Vatican digital dinosaurs. And you always need someone to manage these things, and unfortunately, no one has been found to take on that task so far” (T2, Interviewee 4, president), pointing to the persistence of a digital skills gap. Nevertheless, the use of ICT for internal communication purposes has ostensibly become the new norm: “I do use WhatsApp and the internet to reach everyone via e-mails […]. We never had online meetings before, but now, if there’s something urgent to decide, we do” (T2, Interviewee 7, president). A rare example of sustained digital engagement cited by a respondent is the online Word-sharing evenings, where participants share and discuss their personal reflections on biblical readings. Originally transitioned online in response to pandemic restrictions and promoted by the local Diocese (Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone 2024), these gatherings have largely returned to in-person formats by T2. However, some online groups have continued, particularly among geographically dispersed members.

4.1. Theology and Text

This section explores how theology, i.e., commonly held beliefs, ideas of faith, or shared identity, and text, i.e., gospel, encyclicals, and the final document of Vatican Council II (Giorgi 2019), shape interviewees’ perceptions of the use of ICT in the context of pastoral care. Additionally, in light of recent developments in the use of AI in religious practice (Simmerlein 2024), this section will also consider LLM (Large Language Models)-generated texts within pastoral activities and how respondents perceive them. As religious texts drive theological beliefs, the two are closely intertwined. Therefore, the two concepts of theology and text will be considered together in this section.

At the peak of the pandemic, respondents generally expressed confidence that the Church and religion could provide support to the faithful in times of crisis, also by means of digital offerings. This was already highlighted in 2020, both in the survey that was conducted during the lockdown (see Isetti et al. 2021a, 2021b) and during the social distancing phase (T1). Indeed, participants expressed hope that a deeper engagement with ICT by the Church would create opportunities for innovation and help reach those faithful who had lost the habit of attending church services: “It is hoped that quite a few people who had given up going to church would discover [i.e., thanks to ICT] the opportunity to attend church services privately […]. There are not only disruptions but also creativity” (T1, priest, thoughts). This hope, however, went hand in hand with the fear that the faithful might lose the habit of physically attending Mass, a concern that, four years into the pandemic, seems justified. Indeed, T2 respondents reported that, while church activities have returned to pre-pandemic levels, church attendance has dropped: “Many people have simply made themselves comfortable at home in front of the radio or TV” (T2, Interviewee 4, president), suggesting that these media channels have contributed to a decline in in-person participation, effectively cannibalising attendance. One interviewee compared the habit of going to church with jogging: “Once you have the habit of going jogging every week, you run every week. If you stop, resuming requires a certain effort, a certain conviction to start again and so if there is no conviction it doesn’t start again, that’s it” (T2, Interviewee 11, key informant). These accounts underscore the perceived trade-off between using digital tools to maintain religious practices in times of emergency and adapting to societal changes, and the desire for the faithful to maintain their physical connection to the Church and the whole community. Indeed, “the community of believers is a central point for the Church […]. I always say the Masses, and the church service are important, but it’s just as important to sit together in the café afterwards and have a coffee, a chat, exchange ideas, get together once a week. I think that’s just as important as going to church” (T1, Interviewee 5, president). There is indeed a strong conviction that “you need the community. Community is essential” (T2, Interviewee 1, priest), which starkly contrasts the “real” community that meets in person with the online “solitary” community.

Respondents cited religious texts to support their stance on digital tools in pastoral care. For example, one respondent emphasised the irreplaceability of physical presence in religious practices by referencing the sacraments: “Once the emergency is over, we must return to presence. It is straightforward: to fully participate in the Mass, one eats and drinks, but also the other sacraments require physical touch and contact […]. ICT enlarges the radius of participation, which is though not full, because you don’t have contact with any community, you don’t share with anyone, you remain solitary” (T2, Interviewee 11, key informant). This perspective is rooted in the Church’s traditional teachings, which stresses the physical and communal dimensions of faith: “The Vatican Council II profoundly changed the ideological framework and began to conceive the Church as a community of the baptised” (T2, interviewee 11, key informant). Indeed, “the rituals are prescribed, and practices can hardly be changed” (T2, Interviewee 8, priest), suggesting that TV and radio services are just poor substitutes for the physical experience.

In terms of texts, interviewees noted that the internet provides the faithful with infinite possibilities to find (religious) information and content. Despite the potential loss of control over these unchecked sources, respondents were not particularly concerned, believing that the faithful are able to discern reliable information from unreliable sources: “If someone is interested in religion, they will find many offers on the internet. Personally, I was quite often on the homepage of the German Jesuits and they offered relatively nice and good family services” (T1, interviewee 3, president).

An interesting aspect was the interviewees’ stances on religious texts and homilies written with the support of AI. Respondents did not express a negative attitude; in fact, some even used LLM-generated texts themselves. Participants recognised that LLM-generated texts are reliable sources and provide a solid foundation for, e.g., homilies or prayers: “If I have a funeral, e.g., of a young person, […], I think about a poem or something similar […]. When I need further elaboration or a thought, ChatGPT helps formulate some things […]. We formulated these prayers so beautifully. You have to work with it, of course, and personalise it” (T2, Interviewee 1, priest). They did, however, consider it essential to apply critical thinking, check, and “humanise” these texts, to ensure they sounded authentic and heartfelt: “As someone who leads liturgical services, […] I connect well with the congregation when I include personal insights and experiences in the interpretation of Biblical texts” (T2, Interviewee 3, president).

Finally, interviewees recognised that “our ecclesiastical language no longer reaches people” (T1, interviewee 3, president), especially the younger generations. In this regard, LLM-generated texts can help “refresh” traditional language, making it more suitable and appealing to a younger audience: “I asked ChatGPT: ‘Adapt the text for young people around 20 years old’ […]. AI helped me to simplify, to use more, let’s say so, catchy expressions, to slim down, to dust off the text” (T2, interviewee 11, key informant).

4.2. Structure and Hierarchy

This section delves into the layers of structure and hierarchy within the Church as an organisation. Structure refers to the arrangement of roles and responsibilities, including the various roles individuals play, how tasks are divided, and the processes that guide operations (Campbell 2007). Hierarchy, on the other hand, addresses the distribution and perception of power and authority within organisation. Since roles and responsibilities in the Catholic Church are intrinsically tied to traditional hierarchical orders, we will consider them together, as they frequently overlap and influence one another.

Roles and responsibilities can be divided into those that are prerogative of the clergy and those that pertain to laypeople with an office in the Diocese. Some respondents noted that the pandemic negatively impacted ecclesiastical authority and its power structures, as it prevented the clergy from fulfilling their main calling and responsibilities, which include performing the liturgy, administering the sacraments, and offering comfort to those in need: “Unfortunately, the Church has lost a great deal of its authority due to its forced absence precisely where it is most at home, in the liturgy, the sacraments, and with the elderly, the sick and the dying, as well as those in mourning” (T1, priest, thoughts).

At the time of the quantitative survey distribution in 2020, the Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone counted 145 parish priests/administrators. However, in the following four years, this number declined steeply to 90, with an average age of 75. This trend has resulted in work overload for the clergy: “The average parish priest has 4–5 parishes to look after, a figure that is bound to rise dramatically. Therefore, there is a big issue of overload, so much to do” (T2, Interviewee 11, key informant).

To address this trend, more responsibilities are increasingly being assigned to lay volunteers: “More responsibilities are being delegated than before because of the priest shortage […]. The involvement of laypeople was already in place, but the need has increased, making their contributions even more crucial” (T2, Interviewee 5, president).

Priests’ attitudes in this regard were ambivalent. Some priests willingly delegated activities to laypeople, often without feeling the need to maintain oversight: “Laypeople do take on more tasks, even without me giving them instructions. They work very independently” (T2, Interviewee 9, priest). Delegated responsibilities may include activities that require ICT competencies, as reported by some respondents: “We have a homepage and (during lockdown), in consultation with the parish priest, I posted a few short thoughts every day” (T1, Interviewee 3, president).

However, when it comes to delegating activities that priests consider to be their prerogative, laypeople often encountered some resistance: “(Laypeople) are very engaged and are pleased to participate in and help design, celebrate, and develop certain liturgical events. However, older members (i.e., priests) don’t always fully accept this […]. While laypeople are eager to take on these roles, the priest prefers to handle things himself. He is essentially the one in charge” (T2, Interviewee 5, president).

Moreover, several laypeople believed that the Church was out of step with the times: “The institution of the Church should align itself a bit more with today’s society […], loosen the reins a bit. But of course, that means a loss of power […]. Priests, in my opinion, should be allowed to live in a family or at least in a house with several people. Just to get a sense of today’s life; they are often so out of touch with the world” (T2, Interviewee 4, president).

The inherent rigidity of current hierarchies hinders the introduction of major changes and participatory decision-making processes, leading to frustrations among laypeople:

“Some of the directives that come from the local church, the Curia or the Vatican itself are a big deal for me. And they always have to be adopted 1:1 […]. The current constellation of power in the Vatican simply does not allow certain innovations […]. Pope Benedict writes that […] the priest is not a member but a leader. And when you read this sentence, you think it’s just about maintaining power, and that the laity or the people are excluded. A lot should change […]. My hope is that there are well-trained viri probati, including married ones, who can take on the priesthood, and women too”.

(T1, Interviewee 3, president)

Some parish priests also expressed concerns about current decision-making processes and power structures, which have been further exacerbated by digital tools. Moreover, they noted that laypeople often tend to reproduce and mirror these structures, failing to engage the broader community:

“People are generally accustomed to making decisions independently rather than incorporating multiple viewpoints […]. Clericalism is still predominant in the Church. This means that not only do priests make most of the decisions, but laypeople working within the Church also tend to emulate the decision-making style of the priest […]. This issue is compounded by the Church’s rigid structure, which offers little flexibility and involves few decision-makers […]. Breaking down these entrenched structures, which are often related to power dynamics in the Church, is very challenging. The pandemic and related digital developments have reinforced these rigid structures”.

(T2, Interviewee 8, priest)

Respondents did not mention the emergence of new leading figures who have become influential in the digital sphere by bypassing established hierarchies.

5. Discussion

This paper builds on a quantitative survey conducted during the initial months of the COVID-19 outbreak, targeting parish priests and council presidents within the Catholic Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone in South Tyrol (Italy) (Isetti et al. 2021a). This second phase of research aimed to provide further qualitative insights and track developments in the months and years following the pandemic’s most acute phase. In particular, our two-wave follow-up study investigates both the immediate impact and enduring legacy of the COVID-19 pandemic on pastoral (digital) activities. Additionally, it examines how religious authority in the Roman Catholic context both influences and is influenced by the adoption of new technologies, including AI.

Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal’s (2020) pre-pandemic analysis concluded that there was no one general attitude toward media in the Roman Catholic Church, but rather a coexistence of different views and approaches. However, the COVID-19 outbreak shifted some coordinates and disrupted entrenched practices. Marzano’s (2020) ethnographic research conducted during the quarantine identified three general attitudes characterising the interruption of all activities (suspension), the online transposition of usual liturgical activities (reproduction), and the creation of new rituals (replacement). Experiences collected in T1 during the lockdown and social distancing phases revealed that most respondents fell into the suspension and reproduction categories, with minimal or non-existent creation of new digital religious practices. In terms of media repertoire, i.e., the specific media toolkit that individual actors use (Hasebrink and Hepp 2017; Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal 2020), there is a variable mix of old media (e.g., radio and telephone) and new media (e.g., social media, parishes’ homepages, e-mail, video-conferencing, and streaming platforms).

By the T2 phase, the pandemic had undeniably accelerated the adoption of ICT in pastoral activities; however, a distinction should be made. On the one hand, there was a noticeable shift toward e-mail exchanges, WhatsApp groups, and video conferencing for internal communication within the organisation. These operational changes were driven by necessity during the pandemic but have persisted post-crisis out of convenience. On the other hand, regarding outreach and engagement with the faithful, a few respondents highlighted that some digital offerings, such as Mass streaming, have been continued; however, there remains a strong emphasis on physical presence. Yet, despite the easing of pandemic restrictions and the return of traditional religious services, there has not been a corresponding increase in in-person attendance. Even when digital practices are organised, they are corollary rather than central. Typically, online offerings are extensions of in-person events held at church, allowing outsiders to participate without creating genuinely digital initiatives tailored for this medium. In short, we are witnessing the phenomenon that Chris Helland describes as ‘religion online’ (Helland 2005). Indeed, the so-called ‘media pioneers’, i.e., those who intensively engage with digital media in their religious life and activities, are the exception, not the rule. In this case, the results point to a ‘rubber band effect’, with several activities scaled back to pre-pandemic times.

To explore how religious authority in the Roman Catholic context influences and is influenced by the adoption of ICT and AI, we examined our data through the lenses of the four different layers or types of religious authority outlined by Heidi Campbell (2007): text, theology, structure, and hierarchy. These layers illustrate how ICTs impact religious authority and reshape both the power structures and the experiences of religious communities. Religious texts and theology are closely linked, as texts often serve as the foundation for ideological convictions. For example, the Council Vatican II stresses the importance of community for the Church’s life (Second Vatican Council 1963). This doctrinal shift compels respondents to actively encourage the faithful to return to in-person participation and rebuild the “real” religious community. Indeed, they consider the “solitary” online religious experience to be a poor substitute for the authentic and communal experiences found in the church.

Moreover, the respondents’ scepticism surrounding the use of modern technologies for engaging with the faithful cannot (only) be explained by a lack of ICT competencies. Indeed, in the Catholic context, community life, rites, and rituals are characterised by a marked physicality (Garner 2021). For example, full participation in the sacraments always entails an element of physical and even material contact–such as the use of water in baptism, bread and wine in the Eucharist, anointing in confirmation and of the sick, and the exchange of rings during marriage. Specifically the reception of the Eucharist, considered the “more perfect form of participation in the Mass” (Second Vatican Council 1963), cannot be easily replicated online in the Catholic and Orthodox contexts (Isetti 2022), contrary to the Anglican context (Turnbull 2021). Indeed, the Anglican Church, from a theological point of view, places greater importance on the Word than on the sacraments, which has important consequences for attitudes in favour of the online migration of certain religious practices. Moreover, in the Protestant world, authority is more decentralised, and established hierarchies are less pronounced, which also fosters greater openness toward the adoption of digital media (Gelfgren 2024).

Even for ‘substitute’ forms of worship, when the Eucharist cannot be celebrated, e.g., the Celebration of the Word or the Liturgy of the Hours, gathering in one place remains fundamental (Parish 2020). However, during the pandemic, experiences such as online Word-sharing evenings demonstrated that some activities could effectively take place digitally. As sharing functions more as a form of quasi-liturgical meditation than merely a catechetical format, it may represent new possibilities for development in the digital space. Indeed, to quote Edward Foley (2021), “The power of God’s Word does not evaporate over the Internet”.

In terms of text, an interesting case is the use of LLM-generated texts, which many respondents used as basis to better formulate meeting protocols, press releases, but also prayers, and homilies (Simmerlein 2024). Furthermore, AI is being used to rejuvenate the language of the Church, which many perceive as disconnected from contemporary society. This shift is particularly significant to offset the growing trend of secularisation noted by most respondents, particularly among younger generations. By leveraging AI tools, some respondents aimed to create more relatable and engaging content that resonates with modern audiences. This effort also underpins Pope Francis’ strategy of reaching younger people via social media, thereby bringing a personality generally regarded as an unapproachable authority closer to the people (Vitullo and Mastrofini 2023). While recognising the usefulness of AI in this regard, interviewees also recognised its limitations. To be impactful, these texts need to be “humanised” and personalised. However, few ethical or theological concerns were raised regarding their use. Indeed, the respondents who used AI did so with a blend of trust and familiarity, engaging with it as they would a well-established search engine, such as Google. For them, AI serves as a digital repository to retrieve information or assist in day-to-day activities. Content provided by AI is perceived as reliable since it is drawn from a vast and well-documented corpus of religious materials. Such a pragmatic attitude, focused on immediate functionality rather than long-term possibilities, frames AI as a passive tool rather than an active agent capable of influencing or even disrupting religious practices, beliefs, or authority structures.

With respect to structure and hierarchy, one finding was that participants did not perceive media as a threat to traditional Church authority. Instead, they viewed both old and new media as a one-way, passive means to broadcast information. The respondents’ media repertoire in pastoral activities, like e-mail, social media, and streaming, tended to reinforce top-down communication and decision-making processes, thereby upholding ecclesiastical hierarchies and hindering the collection of input from the broader community. Several respondents, especially laypeople, voiced the hope that the teachings of the Second Vatican Council would be embraced more fully. In particular, they desired greater lay involvement in decision-making processes and hoped that priests would become more embedded in community life to better understand their parishioners’ needs. This certainly means a reconfiguration of the current power dynamics, sharing authority among clergy and laity, and exploring further possibilities for creatively involving the entire community of parishioners. Community engagement should extend beyond mere Mass attendance and foster the inclusion of multiple perspectives, embedding these in Church processes, roles, and responsibilities. By softening protectionism and “loosening the reins” on traditional prerogatives, the Church could still find opportunities for renewal by leveraging ICT and AI, thereby enhancing its societal relevance in the decades to come. While in the broader context and at the level of the Roman Catholic Church, the greater involvement of laypeople may raise concerns about questioning current Church doctrine (Giorgi 2019), at the level of individual parishes, some priests seemed more concerned about their individual influence than about questions of theology. A proactive rather than reactive approach could allow the positive changes prompted by pandemic restrictions, technological advancements, and the current shortage of priests to take root and become the new normal, rather than being relegated to temporary measures that merely address immediate challenges.

6. Conclusions and Limitations

By focusing on the Diocese of Bolzano-Bressanone in South Tyrol, Italy, this paper aimed to compare the immediate effects of the pandemic on media appropriation and technological integration in Roman Catholic pastoral activities with its enduring legacy in a post-pandemic world, i.e., the new normal. Additionally, this study investigated how digital technologies and AI influence the roles, responsibilities, and authority of parish priests and laypeople in leadership positions within contemporary Roman Catholic organisations. Instead of adopting a media-centred perspective, we focused on an actor-oriented approach. By exploring individuals’ media usage, we were able to capture the experiences of both those who do engage in media production and those who do not, and their reasons why (Radde-Antweiler and Grünenthal 2020). Indeed, the analysis of 20 interviews conducted in two waves shows the co-existence of ambivalent attitudes and a cautious integration of digital media and tools into Catholic pastoral care. Selective adoption, in which the Church uses specific tools—digital or analogue—tailored to each purpose, creates a nuanced balance between tradition and modernity. The aim is to leverage the advantages posed by ICT without compromising its foundational physical and communal values. ICT and AI have, for instance, been adopted for logistical efficiency and to rejuvenate the Church’s language and style, with the hope of making them more accessible to younger audiences. However, while digital media initially served as essential substitutes during pandemic restrictions, they have ultimately reinforced traditional, hierarchical structures rather than fostering real engagement and interaction with the faithful or co-creation of new religious practices. Given the strong emphasis of the Catholic Church on the value of sacraments, which require bodily presence, touch, and a community to celebrate with (see also Gasser 2020), there seems to be little premise for intensifying the use of ICT in religious practices. However, non-sacramental activities, such as the Celebration of the Word, seem to be viable avenues for expanded digital involvement without undermining essential sacramental elements. Entrusting these activities to the laity presents an opportunity to partially resolve the vocation crisis, the laity’s desire for greater involvement, and ensure greater exchange and engagement with the faithful.

ICT is not perceived as a threat to the established hierarchical structure, as digital communication is mostly viewed as inherently top-down, which reinforces existing hierarchies, power structures, and dynamics. While there is some openness to increased lay involvement, strongly voiced by laypeople with an office in the Diocese, there remains institutional resistance to shifting toward more inclusive or participatory governance models. This can be seen, for example, in the attitude toward the use of AI tools, merely perceived as an aid for traditional tasks. This perspective may limit the Church’s ability to address the needs of the digital natives, such as a more interactive form of pastoral care.

Like most research that centres on a single study area, this paper has some limitations regarding the generalisability of results. Moreover, by adopting an institutional actor perspective, the study lacks insights into parishioners’ attitudes and needs, particularly concerning their media repertoire (Campbell and Vitullo 2016), which may be the subject of future research. Similarly, our respondents did not report the emergence of new influential figures outside traditional clergy or parish council presidents who might bypass and erode established hierarchies in the digital sphere (Mandes 2015; Campbell 2007). However, this does not necessarily indicate that such figures have not emerged. Further studies could explore whether influencers, either within or outside traditional ecclesiastical structures, play prominent roles among the faithful in this or other Catholic contexts.