Stone Altars, Wooden Tables, Silver Chalices, Unleavened Hosts, and Plain Bread: The Long Reformation of the Eucharist’s Materiality in the Pays de Vaud (1400–1600)
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Pays de Vaud in Context
3. From Stone Altar to Wooden Table
3.1. Diocesan Visits
3.2. Altars and Their Materiality
3.3. Breaking the Altars
3.4. Celebrating the Protestant Eucharist
As previously mentioned, Orbe being a shared bailiwick, both religious communities shared the parish church. Protestants held their services starting at 6 a.m., which included one or more sermons, concluding just before the Catholic Mass commenced at 9 a.m. The above passage illustrates how the two communities’ presence would overlap, as Pierrefleur’s relating of the Eucharist indicates his being present at the end of the Protestant service just before the Mass.“On the day of Pentecost, which was the 28th day of the month of May, the first Eucharist (Cène) in the town of Orbe was done (fait) by the preacher Farel, in the following way: First, Farel preached at 6 in the morning; after the preaching, they extended a cloth (toile) on a bench (banc) and placed upon it some wafers (oublies) or hosts (hosties), and some wine; as Farel went on one side of the bench and all the others knelt on the other side, Farel said to them: “Do you all forgive each other?” And they answered that they did. Then Farel gave them each a piece (lopin) [of wafers/hosts], saying that he was giving it to them in memory of the Passion of Christ, and then he gave them to drink. The number of those who took the Supper was seven: noble Hugonin d’Arney, Christophe Hollard, his mother, Jean Cordey, his wife, Guillaume Viret, and Georges Grivat, alias Calley. Having done this, our Lutherans1 went their way, and we commenced singing the Mass.”
4. Liturgical Vessels
4.1. Developments in Medieval Liturgical Vessels
4.2. Translatio Vasorum?
Pierre Viret’s story draws inspiration from a narrative he encountered in the work of the 9th-century monk Walafrid Strabo (Viret 1554, p. 206) and likely from Durandus ([<1286] 1477, f. 5v), who had succinctly reformulated the trope, substituting the pastoral staff with a chalice: “For, then, chalices were made of wood and priests of gold; but now it is the contrary” (Tunc enim erant lignei calices et aurei sacerdotes: nunc vero e contra est). Viret uses this inversion to critique the moral decline of bishops and clergy from a patristic “golden age” to a present “wooden age”. Concurrently, he decries the shift in ecclesiastical objects, such as episcopal staffs and church vessels, from humble materials to ones of great wealth and luxury. He then further specifies his critique by turning to liturgical vessels:“You led me to remember a story, which was told to me, of a bishop who had entered a temple (temple, i.e., church) to see the relics of the saints, in which he found an elderly woman who showed him the pastoral staff of some old saint who had been bishop. And because the staff was made of wood, she told him: “See here, once upon a time, bishops’ staffs were made of wood, and bishops were made of gold; but now to the contrary, bishops are made of wood, and their staffs are made of gold””
Regarding the materials of liturgical vessels, Viret was synthesizing his view of Church property (Moutengou Barats 2017) as well as his aspiration for the Church to return to its original evangelical material humility and poverty. Viret argued that as long as there were ministers to remunerate, students, schools, and academies to fund, and poor people to care for—which would always be the case—there was no justification for introducing luxurious items into the Church (Viret 1545, p. 957). The late medieval Lausanne Cathedral had become overcrowded with altars and cupboards holding hundreds of liturgical vessels. In 1513, this accumulation had necessitated the cathedral chapter to limit access to the chancel to its 85 chaplains and institute a weekly rotation (Berclaz 2022, pp. 412–13). With the Reformation, most of these objects were melted or sold, benefiting both the city of Lausanne and the Bernese Republic, which was financing the burgeoning Academy of Lausanne (Crousaz 2011, pp. 209–16). Consequently, church interiors transformed from being ornately decorated sanctuaries into sober auditoriums where most of the metal had been stripped away, leaving bare wood and stone. The reduction in the quantity of chalices and other liturgical vessels was dramatic, decreasing from approximately 40 chalices listed for the 40 altars of the cathedral, its cloister, and its cemetery, as recorded in inventories from the decade preceding the Reformation (Stammler 1902, pp. 20–41; Dupraz 1906, pp. 108–86), to just two chalices for the two communion tables.“When the Church had neither chalice, nor paten, nor dishes, nor images, nor relics of gold or of silver, and when Christians and the faithful were content to celebrate the holy Eucharist (saincte Cène) of our Lord Jesus Christ, and holy Baptism, with simple vessels of clay or of wood, the Church had prophets, apostles, evangelists, doctors, bishops, priests, pastors and ministers of gold and of silver, of more faith (which is more precious than gold) and of more love (charité); and [they were] clothed (ornés) with all virtues and divine knowledge, which rendered the Church so much more beautiful, noble, rich and precious than if all the gold, silver and precious stones of the world were there. […] When do you think that the Supper of Jesus Christ was celebrated with the greatest honor and reverence? In the time of the Apostles, and of their true successors, when only vessels of wood and of clay were used? Or since Pope Sepherinus [(199–219)], who was first to order the use of vessels of glass? Or since Pope Urban [(222–230)], who forbade the use of anything other than gold or silver, or at the very least brass?”
5. From Unleavened Host to Plain Bread
5.1. Maintaining Hosts
5.2. Breaking Plain Bread
In effect, not only did the canton of Bern—especially its southern region—have a different agricultural landscape than the fertile plains of the Pays de Vaud, their linguistic and culinary cultures were also different: the Bernese were turned to the Germanic world, the Vaudois to France and Savoy. Were breads in the Pays de Vaud of the same consistency and shape—and thus as adapted to being manually broken—as the Bernese breads?“And today still, the breads of the alpine people are large and not thick, [and] are easily broken, [and] are likewise not cut. Sibenthaler brott, persten brott, klepffen, etc.”
6. Conclusions
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
1 | Pierrefleur consistently designates all Protestants as “Lutherans”; whether it is out of ignorance or out of contempt is difficult to ascertain, but such a terminology is in continuity with how the pre-Reformation elites called the first preachers in the Pays de Vaud (Tappy 1988, pp. 442–50). |
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Abraham, C. Stone Altars, Wooden Tables, Silver Chalices, Unleavened Hosts, and Plain Bread: The Long Reformation of the Eucharist’s Materiality in the Pays de Vaud (1400–1600). Religions 2024, 15, 1140. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15091140
Abraham C. Stone Altars, Wooden Tables, Silver Chalices, Unleavened Hosts, and Plain Bread: The Long Reformation of the Eucharist’s Materiality in the Pays de Vaud (1400–1600). Religions. 2024; 15(9):1140. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15091140
Chicago/Turabian StyleAbraham, Caleb. 2024. "Stone Altars, Wooden Tables, Silver Chalices, Unleavened Hosts, and Plain Bread: The Long Reformation of the Eucharist’s Materiality in the Pays de Vaud (1400–1600)" Religions 15, no. 9: 1140. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15091140