The Dance of Musa: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Holy Girl
Abstract
:1. Choreophobia: Musa as Sinner
This study of ambiguous attitudes toward dance will yield different and valuable viewpoints of Iranian society … or those societies in which dance is not regarded as a positive or important activity … I cannot sufficiently stress the fact that … what I call choreophobic attitudes are complex. Individual and societal attitudes vary greatly regarding which individuals may or may not dance without censure, and in which social and psychological contexts this may occur. Individual attitudes may vary towards different dance styles and traditions as well.
And she [the Virgin Mary said] to her [Musa]: Abandon dances and vain songs and in 30 days it will be done [i.e., you will be able to join us in heaven]. Behold, the Virgin prohibited dancing, because dances are nothing but the procession of the devil, where, with a torch ignited by lust, the devil consists of amorous songs and indecent touching and glances.13
2. Choreopolicing: Musa as Heavenly Dancer
[According to the legend,] the blessed Virgin appeared to a certain girl, leading a dance of the most beautiful virgins [pulcherrimarum uirginum ducens choream], and said to the girl: “Do you desire to be part of this fellowship of ours”, and the girl responded, “Lady, I desire this most affectionately”. Afterwards the blessed Virgin said to her: “You must abstain from dances [Abstineas a choreis] and from the vain things of this world; you shall exercise nothing frivolous or girlish, and after thirty days you will come to me”. Having seen such things, the girl took herself in hand with great strictness to forgo the levity of her past life. And she explained the cause of this sudden change to her protesting parents. After the twenty-fifth day, she fell ill with a fever, and on the thirtieth day, with the hour of her death approaching, she perceived the blessed Virgin coming with the girls to see her, and she [Musa] called her [the Virgin] so that she would come to her. With an open voice, she proclaimed: “Behold my Lady, I am coming [Ecce domina, uenio]”. And thus she obtained a vision of peace with the holy virgins (Eudes de Cheriton 1896, p. 344, trans. mine).40
3. Musa as Medieval Terpsichore
The artwork [of dancing Christ and dancing angels] depicts ideas of what was plausible. In my theoretical framework, I have called this artefact as an image. From images such as these, it is not possible to claim certainty of an actual practice with full clarity. Yet, if we do recognize these portrayals as similar to dancing, we may conclude that rejoicing in dance-like moves seems to have been understood as an honorary act, worthy of being portrayed on sacred objects and a gesture associated with God himself as well as with angels.
[Crossover] is about the terms of engagement between sacred and secular before the early modern shift. It interprets the secular as always already in dialogue with the sacred, and it probes that dialogue’s many modes. … Crossover is not a genre in itself, but a mode of interaction, an openness to the meeting or even merger of sacred and secular in a wide variety of forms.
Far from being disembodied and ethereal, the blessed enjoy a richer sensory engagement and more refined bodies than their earthly counterparts. Musa’s transitus, too, did not abolish the fluxity of flesh. Corporeal continuity re-energized the eternal chorea.When we are once again clothed with ourglorious and holy flesh [la carne glorïosa e santa], our person will be morepleasing by the whole,therefore, what the highest Good gives us ofgratuitous light will be increased, light thatenables us to see him…so this brightness that encircles us [così questo folgór che già ne cerchia] will besurpassed in appearance by the flesh that todayis covered up by earth,nor can so much light weary us, for the organsof our body will be strong enough for whatever can delight us.
For medieval readers/dance practitioners, specters of dancing bodies guided one’s engagement with the written word.In this ductile experience of poetic form, the reader is aware of forces, irregular and uncanny, supplemental to the evident regularity of the lyric’s stanzaic pattern. … Reenacting a formal experience conditioned in the ductus of dance, however, reveals in the virtual supplement a strangeness of form not conceivable in modern and postmodern contexts and terms.
4. Conclusions
Funding
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
1 | As Ziolkowski explains, Keller used the German poet and Lutheran preacher Ludwig Theoboul Kosegarten (d. 1818) as a source for his Musa story (specifically Kosegarten’s Legenden), see Ziolkowski (2022, p. 153). |
2 | Several of these children’s book illustrations can be viewed online (via open access) in Ziolkowski (2018a, pp. 214–15): https://www.openbookpublishers.com/books/10.11647/obp.0132, accessed 23 November 2024. |
3 | Frederic Tubach provides a list of primary texts and manuscript sources on Musa in (Tubach 1981, p. 114). See also Evelyn Faye Wilson (1946, pp. 6, 13, 17–18, 26, 32, 35, 38, 63). Alessandro Arcangeli, Marianne Ruel [Robins], Patricia Healy Wasyliw, and Lynneth Miller Renberg, summarize in brief (but do not analyze at length) the story of Musa, see Arcangeli (1992, pp. 40–41); Ruel [Robins] (2006, p. 106); Healy Wasyliw (2008, pp. 36–37, 50); Miller Renberg (2022, p. 32, n. 49). Martin Leutzsch also summarizes the narrative but does not mention Musa’s name in Leutzsch (2022, pp. 116–17). John Esten Keller and Annette Grant Cash succinctly describe (but do not show) a medieval image of the dancing Musa in Keller and Cash (1998, esp. p. 18). Ziolkowski mostly discusses the postmedieval Musa in Ziolkowski (2018a, pp. 213–15; 2022, pp. 147–56). |
4 | The councils and statutes prohibiting and regulating dance are indeed numerous, see especially G.G. Coulton (1976, pp. 199-205, 211); Germaine Prudhommeau (1986, chap. 5); Anne Wéry (1992, pp. 119–20); Julia Zimmermann (2007, pp. 30, n. 26, 49–52, 209–10); Catherine Ingrassia (1990, chaps. 1–2); Paul Bourcier (1995, chap. 1); Michele Veissière (1982, pp. 45–52); Pierre Riché (1985, pp. 159–67); Yvonne Rokseth (1947); Bernadette Filotas (2005, pp. 154–55, 161–65, 175); Louis Gougaud (1914, pp. 10–20). |
5 | Although Shay’s study focuses on (mostly contemporary) Iranian dance, his analysis is germane to the medieval Christian context. |
6 | Specifically, Straw refers to Gregory’s reconciliation of flesh and spirit. She argues that Gregory’s chief contribution to Christian theology was a “broader integration of the carnal side of life in a unified vision of reality” in which imperfect flesh was necessary for attaining spiritual perfection, see Straw (1988, p. 26). |
7 | Healy Wasyliw notes that, because Gregory followed the Musa story with an anecdote about a badly behaved boy who never reforms and thereafter ends up in hell, he combined the classical view of childhood as “weakness” with the Christian view of childhood as “innocence,” (2008, p. 37). |
8 | For the accounts of the gradual making of Christendom and lingering of polytheistic religions, see Robert Bartlett (1993); Milis ([1991] 1998). |
9 | In particular, Francis Clark has called Gregory’s authorship into question, though most scholars concur that Gregory was the author. |
10 | The Musa story maintained a constant circulation and revision from the twelfth through sixteenth centuries: Jacques de Vitry (Thirteenth century, fol. 147r; 2013, p. 255); Thomas Crane (1890, p. 115); William Adgar (1982); John Hovedan (1914, pp. 32–33); Johannes Herolt (1481, p. 454); Guillaume Peraldus (1648, fol. 35v); Anon (1957, pp. 33, 40); Alfonso X (2000, p. 104); Jean Miélot (1456, fols. 18r–19r); Jean Miélot (1885, pp. xvii, 16, fol. 18v); S. Iacobus de Marchia (1978, p. 305); James le Palmer (Circa 1375, fol. 451v); Sebastian Brant (1502); Gabriele Barletta (1571, fol. 140r); Domenico Cavalca (1547, in-fol.); Anon (1926, pp. v–vi, 13, 7, 79, 258, 312); Anon (Thirteenth through sixteenth centuries, fol. 146v); Anon (Fifteenth Century a, fol. 20r); Arnold de Liège (attrib.) (Fourteenth Century, fol. 25r); Anon (Fourteenth century c, fol. 12r); Anon (Fifteenth century b, fol. 5r). Frederic Tubach (1981 provides a useful list of sources for the Musa story in Index Exemplorum, p. 114). |
11 | “Procul dubeo nisi a risu et cantilenis atque choreis cessaset”, from Jacques de Vitry, Sermones Vulgares CCLXXV, cited in Crane (1890, p. 115). |
12 | Giacomo’s previous two sermons, XV and XVII, focus on the sacrament of confession. Dance also appears in his Sermo X, which covers games (de ludo), though he provides circumstances under which dance could be either licit or illicit. Sermo XXVII, which addresses the topic of sortilegiis (fortune tellers or perhaps here witches), compares them to Herodias, the mother of Salome, and specifies that they dance, see S. Iacobus de Marchia (1978, pp. 192, 273–302, 431). |
13 | “Et ais: dimicte choreas et cantus vanos et in tertio die venies et sic factum est. Ecce virgo quod prohibuit choreas, quia choree nihil aliud sunt quam processio diaboli, ubi cum facula accensa a luxuria diabolus consistit cum cantilenis inamorandi et tactis et visis indpudicis”. In S. Iacobus de Marchia (1978, p. 305), translation mine. |
14 | James Miller discusses processional dances (oftentimes enacted around an altar) in ancient Greek and Roman religions, see (Miller 1986, esp. p. 314). |
15 | For a more detailed description of this image, see Smith (2012, pp. 228–-30). This manuscript may have originated from the same workshop and (female) patron as the Queen Mary Psalter, which I discuss in the third section of this article. For more context on the Taymouth Hours’ possible patronage, see Smith (2012, pp. 16–21). |
16 | Likewise, the biblical Salome became more mature and sexualized in later commentaries and representations, see Janice Capel Anderson (1992, pp. 121–22). |
17 | |
18 | |
19 | For dance imagery in the Psychomachia, see Prudentius (Circa tenth century, fols. 16v and 19v); Prudentius (Tenth century, fol. 18r); Eric Stanley (1991, pp. 28, 31, n.31). |
20 | “Quid dicitis vos, sanctae feminae? Videtis quid docere, quid etiam dedocere filias debeatis? Saltat, sed adulterae filia. Quae vero pudica, quae casta est, filias suas religionem doceat, non saltationem”. From Ambrose of Milan, De Virginibus, III.6.31, cited in Ambrose of Milan (1845, p. 901). |
21 | Interestingly, here Ambrose used a Cicero, classical authority, to arrive at his conclusion: “For as a certain teacher of this world has said: No one dances [saltat] when sober unless he is mad”. Tronca notes that this passage “had an enormous influence on censors of dancing in the West”, primarily because Ambrose cited it, see Tronca (2016, p. 57). For recent studies on the dance of Salome in the Middle Ages, see Barbara Baert (2016); Dickason (2021, pp. 40–48); Miller Renberg (2022, pp. 105–130). |
22 | “I pray you, let not Zion the faithful city become a harlot: let it not be that where the Trinity has been entertained, there demons shall dance and owls make their nests, and jackals build (ibi daemones saltent et sirenae nidificent et hiricii). Let us not loosen the belt that binds the breast”, from Jerome, Epistola XXII.6, in Jerome (1910, p. 153); trans. in Jerome (1893, p. 104). |
23 | In the last section of this letter, Jerome describes heavenly rewards that include dance, namely the virgin choirs of Mary in paradise and Miriam’s dancing and tambourine playing after the parting of the Red Sea, see Jerome (1910, pp. 209–10). |
24 | The (Limbourg Brothers (c. 1408–1409, fol. 186r). Like many late medieval books of hours, this manuscript, commissioned by Jean de France, the Duke of Berry (d. 1416), was intended for lay (rather than monastic) readership. |
25 | For medieval tales connecting lust and dancing women, see also Malanquin, ll. 10836–43, in Anon (1993, pp. 25–26); Adrian Tudor (2005, pp. 147–48, 412, 431–37, 577–79). |
26 | Elsewhere, Miller Renberg demonstrates how medieval theologies of dance and gender impacted British colonial contexts, see Miller Renberg (2023). |
27 | For another illustration of this scene picturing clothed dancers, see Anon (Circa 1450, fol. 15v). |
28 | My transcription is as follows: “Si vis luxum castigare, corpus doma fer temptatus. Ora, stude, meditare. Fuge locum personatus”. In Jehan de Stavelot (c. 1432–37, fol. 135r.) The scroll framing the bottom of the image summarizes the relevant scene from Benedict’s vita: “Vir de cella conspiciens, nudas septem puellas quos Florentius ad temptationem carnis ad duxerat, timens lapsum discipulorum, invidie locum dedit. Libro Dialogorum IV”, in ibid. Although the accompanying captions do not specify that the nude girls are dancing, an earlier passage from the manuscript specifies that they did dance, see fol. 80v. For a thirteenth-century rendering of the life of St. Benedict, see Jacobus de Voragine (2012, p. 188). |
29 | The top right banderole is from Luke 12:35: “Let your loins be girt and lamps burning in your hands” (Sint lumbi vestri praecincti et lucernae ardentes in manibus vestris). The top left banderole is from Daniel 3:27: “Their garments were not altered, nor had the smell of the fire passed on them”, (Sarabara eorum non fuissent inmutata et odor ignis non transisset per eos), both in Jehan de Stavelot (c. 1432–37, fol. 80v). |
30 | Coincidentally, Benedict, like Musa, died of a fever. |
31 | Gregory the Great (1862), see Vita Benedicti, in Libri Dialogorum, II.8, in PL, 66:148; trans. in Gregory the Great (2002, 39:71–72). |
32 | Other cameo figures include Job, Peter, and John of Patmos, all of whom alluded to the sins of Balaam and the Moabites. As told in Numbers 25, the Israelites conquered several kingdoms, but, in the course of their wanderings, they fornicated with idolaters and sacrificed to their gods. This aroused God’s anger and in retribution he punished the Israelites with plagues until Aaron reformed their behavior. |
33 | The Moabite dancers hold square-shaped tambourines, consistent with my observations of Western medieval representations of Jewish dancers, e.g., Anon (Circa 1250, fols. 13v, 29r, 39v); Anon (Circa 1197, fols. 49v, 52v, 64v); Anon (Fourteenth century a, fol. 16v. St). Benedict’s vita, by contrast, tells how Benedict destroyed polytheistic idols, see Libri Dialogorum II.8.11, in Gregory the Great (1862). |
34 | However, by contrast, Drury shows that American modern dancers appropriated “pagan” motifs in ways that ultimately validated their choreographic creations. |
35 | In the realm of nineteenth and twentieth-century philosophy and folklore, Jason Ānanda Josephson-Storm posits that many modernists (including German Romanticists), valorized “paganism” over Christianity, thereby blaming Christianity for the alleged disenchantment of the world. See Josephson-Storm (2017, esp. pp. 89–91). |
36 | Shay, Choreophobia, 1. Elsewhere, Shay considers dancing (either public or private) in Iran a form of “resistance” against the regime, see Shay (1999, pp. 11, 14). |
37 | However, this law (derived from Article 637 of the Islamic legal code and supposedly based on Islamic Sharia) is rather vague and open to interpretation. Men and women are forbidden to commit acts against “public morality”, which may include dance, though the Article does not mention dance explicitly. Shay concedes that, generally speaking, Iranian shahs and courtiers were much more accepting of dance than caliphs and Ayatollahs, see Shay (1999, pp. 61–62, 66). Shay also notes that the Safavid Dynasty was an especially rich era for Islamic dance, see ibid., p. 74. |
38 | |
39 | For more on Odo’s approach and historical background, see Alain Boureau (1992, pp. 153–55); John Jacobs, in Odo of Cheriton (1985), intro. During the Middle Ages, Odo’s fables (which included those of Aesop and his own) were translated into French, Welsh, and Spanish. |
40 | This passage is from section CXXI of the Sunday Sermons. For Odo’s more condemnatory discourse on dance, see Arcangeli (2000, p. 100). |
41 | Rupert of Deutz seemed to have initiated the Mariological Song of Songs commentary tradition in the West, see Rupert of Deutz (2024, esp. pp. 138–60). |
42 | To be clear, Arcangeli specifies that Musa was the daughter of an aristocratic acquaintance of Pope Gregory the Great, at least according to his Dialogues, see Arcangeli (1992, p. 40). However, Gregory’s text preceded the development of medieval chivalry and the knightly class by several centuries. |
43 | “Cui frater: ‘Scriptum est in Jeremia 31,’ quod ‘Adhuc ornaberis tympanis tuis et egredieris in choro ludentium.’” From Scala Coeli, CCCXXXVIIIa, in Gobi (Fifteenth century, fol. 37v), cited in Gobi (1991, p. 587); Arcangeli (2000, pp. 213–14). In another example of re-writing Gregory’s Dialogues (Libri Dialogorum I.9), Jean Gobi the Younger altered the original story about an intoxicated man listening to a monkey musician. Specifically, Gobi changed Gregory’s drunkard into a foolish dancer who is killed by a rock (Scala Coeli, CCCXLV). |
44 | Jeremiah 31:4, Vulgate: “Rursumque aedificabo te et aedificaberis virgo Israhel adhuc ornaberis tympanis tuis et egredieris in choro ludentium.” |
45 | In the context of the Hebrew Bible, Jeremiah was very outspoken about the Israelites’ idolatrous behavior. They broke God’s covenant by worshiping Baal, and Jeremiah therefore prophesied a period of exile and the destruction of Jerusalem. |
46 | This anecdote occurs in section CCCXXXVIIIb of the Scala Coeli. in Gobi (Fifteenth century), 38r; cited in Polo de Beaulieu, 588. |
47 | |
48 | |
49 | I specify “temporarily”, since Keller’s narrative ultimately bars the Grecian Muses from paradise. According to Ziolkowski, “The legend comes to a melancholy conclusion in which the Muses are condemned forevermore to the underworld. Unlike the nine sisters, Musa endures no ejection from paradise, but the reader is left to compare heavenly and earthly delights and to wonder whether the first do not come up short when set against the second”, in Ziolkowski (2022, p. 149). I suspect that this melancholic ending has to do with Keller’s secular stance. |
50 | In the larger context of this passage, Adelheid, one of the most politically powerful women of the Middle Ages, died around the anniversary of her son, Emperor Otto. On her deathbed, she gave alms, took Mass, and had her body prepared for burial. |
51 | Historian Jacques le Goff’s crisp definition is useful: “[an exemplum is] a brief narrative given as true and destined to be inserted in a discourse (usually a sermon) in order to persuade listeners by means of a salutary lesson”, in Claude Brémond et al. (1982, p. 67). |
52 | Moreover, with his multicultural/multifaith background, Petrus Alphonsi incorporated the Greek paideia (education or learning) and the Arabic adab (etiquette or refinement) to inform the Latin concept of disciplina. His Disciplina Clericalis comprises a collection of moralized anecdotes, mostly of Alexandrian and Middle Eastern origins, including the Arabian Nights cycle as well as Persian and Sanskrit stories, see Pierre d’Alphonse (2001, pp. 27, 48–52, 200); Petrus Alfonsi (1977, pp. 17, 26–27, 200); Claude Brémond and Marie Anne Polo de Beaulieu (Brémond and de Beaulieu 1992, pp. 85–87); John Tolan (1993, p. 3, chaps. 4 and 6). Peter’s principal source was the Hebrew Mischle (see also Proverbs 1, 3, 15, 23), though some of his later works projected an anti-Judaic tone. For Peter’s influence on late medieval preachers and exempla compilers, see Polo de Beaulieu (1999, pp. 279–80). For scholarship on the relationship between ancient Greek paideia and premodern dance, see Tronca (2019). |
53 | Scholars often refer to the twelfth century as the “Marian century”, especially in reference to France, England, and Italy, see Luigi Gambero (2005, p. 105.) |
54 | Aimo of Fleury, for instance, recounts a posthumous miracle of St. Benedict (c. 974), in which the Virgin Mary and the saint cured a nun possessed by demons in the guise of green beetles who performed an airborne dance, in Miracula sancti benedicti, II.11, as discussed in Dominique Barthélemy (2010, p. 80). |
55 | The Queen Mary Psalter was likely made for Isabella of France, the wife and queen of King Edward II of England. It is named after Queen Mary I of England, one of its sixteenth century owners. For studies on the Virgin Mary as a courtly lady, see Rachel Fulton (2002, pp. 217–18); Penny Shine Gold (1985, pp. 1–42); Joan Ferrante (1975, pp. 65–97; 1997, pp. 107–35); Miri Rubin (2010, pp. 222–24). |
56 | The corresponding text is Psalm 107, Vulgate: “… Paratum cor meum Deus paratum cor meum cantabo et psallam in gloria mea/exsurge psalterium et cithara. …” This corresponds to Psalm 108 in most modern Bibles. The Queen Mary Psalter image appears opposite a scene showing St. Dunstan of Canterbury (d. 988), an English abbot and Benedictine monk, adoring the Virgin and Christ Child (fol. 228v). This manuscript contains many folios of dance iconography: see fols. 56v, 166v, 173v, 178v, 179v, 181v, 182r, 189r, 196v, 197r, 201r, 203r, 204r, 264v, and 284r. |
57 | To be clear, this manuscript also contains negative and ambivalent dance iconography. For example, Buttà examines dancers pictured in this manuscript who appear to be monks and nuns, as well as dancers who resemble animal-human hybrids, see Buttà (2014, pp. 115–20). In these instances, she explains, dance imagery communicates ambiguity, virtues or vices, and good or bad governance. |
58 | Here Gregory responds to Job/Iob 37:24. |
59 | Miller elaborates on the corona-chorea trope in antiquity, as it applied to the cosmic dance and dances of choral maidens, see Miller (1986, pp. 89, 379–80). |
60 | For more on the confluence of courtly and sacred motifs, see Vauchez (1993, p. 461). |
61 | The latter two lines cited here come from an Old French refrain with select Occitan words, see Gaston Reynaud (1974, p. 151); Alfred Jeanroy (1925, p. 320); Douglas Buffum (1912, p. 7); William Paden (1993, pp. 51–52). For the accompanying musical notation, see Anon (Thirteenth century b, fol. 334r). |
62 | The explicit is followed by a commentary on the Psalms, see Anon (Fourteenth century b, fol. 107r), or the explicit’s facing page, thus reinforcing the conflation of secular and sacred genres. |
63 | For approaches to chiastic imagery in Byzantine dance, see Nicoletta Isar (2003, p. 200). |
64 | This illustration corresponds to the canticle of Moses and Miriam from Exodus 15. |
65 | For a more extensive analysis of this passage, see Dickason (2021, pp. 15–16). |
66 | For the accompanying illustration, see Anon (Thirteenth century a, fol. 21v). For a more extensive analysis of this passage, see Dickason (2021, pp. 18–19). |
67 | Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, in Anon (1894, 16:2); translation mine after Eugène Louis Backman ([1952] 2009). |
68 | The accompanying text appears in Miélot (1456, fols. 18r–19r). See also Miélot (1885, pp. xvii, 16, fol. 18v); Arcangeli (1992, p. 41). For other dance images from this manuscript (unrelated to Musa), see Miélot (1456, fols. 24v, 52r). Interestingly, the explicit is followed by a balade (dance-song), see Miélot (1456, fols. 119v–120r). |
69 |
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Dickason, K.E. The Dance of Musa: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Holy Girl. Religions 2024, 15, 1500. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121500
Dickason KE. The Dance of Musa: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Holy Girl. Religions. 2024; 15(12):1500. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121500
Chicago/Turabian StyleDickason, Kathryn Emily. 2024. "The Dance of Musa: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Holy Girl" Religions 15, no. 12: 1500. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121500
APA StyleDickason, K. E. (2024). The Dance of Musa: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Holy Girl. Religions, 15(12), 1500. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15121500