New Iconography in Court-Sponsored Buddhist Prints of the Early Joseon Dynasty—Focusing on Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara

Abstract

Many recent studies show that during the early Joseon dynasty, even kings who externally appeared strongly anti-Buddhist defended or condoned royal relatives who sponsored Buddhist works. Extant sutras produced under court sponsorship attest to this fact. An analysis of the production of court Buddhist prints, focusing on the King Sejo era when a particularly large number of Buddhist projects were completed, yields diverse information such as changes in the style of Buddhist prints and their causes, as well as the intentions of the sponsors. This article examines the creation of new iconography and other aspects of Buddhist prints sponsored by the royal family during the early Joseon period, focusing on the print in the Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, published during the reign of King Sejo. This new iconography was created at a time that, according to the intentions of the sponsor, clearly attests that the independent creation of iconography did occur in Joseon Buddhist prints, which were mostly considered to be reproductions made by copying the woodblocks of existing prints. Moreover, the projection of the ruler onto Buddhist images as a way to strengthen power shows that Joseon shared perceptions with other countries that sought to use Buddhism as a means of rule.

1. Introduction

The inherent purpose of religious art is to visually and materially manifest the figures that are being revered or scenes of an ideal land. Buddhist art also has the objective of recreating the Buddhist pure land or arousing religious sentiment in those who witness the major figures with respect to the way those figures are formed, and it has developed in diverse ways over the ages. Religious art also simplifies complex and difficult doctrines by expressing them symbolically or by visualizing important religious events. Hence, artworks were often used not only to ornament religious spaces but for educational effect. Artworks are also important materials that allow us to understand the times in which they were created as they offer a glimpse of the trends in the preferred faiths and the intentions of the artists who created them.

This article examines aspects of Buddhist art sponsored by the royal court during the first half of the Joseon dynasty (1394–1910), focusing on paintings and illustrations among the diverse genres of religious art, particularly woodblock prints. It is generally believed that the Joseon strongly suppressed Buddhism under its ruling ideology of Confucianism. However, the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty (K. Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄, hereafter “the Annals”) shows that during the fifteenth century, in the first half of the Joseon period, even kings who externally pursued a strong anti-Buddhist policy protected Buddhism or at least supported it privately, often turning a blind eye to royal relatives who carried out Buddhist projects. Even in a social atmosphere where Buddhism was suppressed, the royal court was able to continue patronage of Buddhist works because, above all, it was possible to argue that the ultimate objective of such projects was to faithfully uphold the Confucian values of loyalty and filial piety. Most of the Buddhist works carried out by the court were in fact intended as prayers for the welfare and prosperity of the royal family and took the form of good deeds for the repose of deceased parents. Hence, the court was able to sponsor such projects despite strong opposition from Confucian officials. Moreover, many scholars have conducted research on court-sponsored Buddhist projects of that time and related artifacts from various perspectives.1 Most of the studies so far have focused on identifying Buddhist projects sponsored by the court—which continued during the policy-enforced suppression of Buddhism—or providing analyses and introductions of related Buddhist artifacts. However, taking a more in-depth approach to the subject, this paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the illustrated prints in Buddhist texts published by figures connected to the court, focusing on the King Sejo era (r. 1455–1468) when the court sponsored many Buddhist projects. Accordingly, the prints were studied from various angles, including with respect to stylistic changes in the iconography produced by the court and the reasons for such changes, and what the members of the ruling class intended to express in those works. This is important content that can correct the long-held misunderstanding, even in Korea, that Korean Buddhist prints are merely reproductions of Chinese ones. It is a new approach that has not been attempted thus far. Therefore, this paper examines court-sponsored Buddhist prints dating to the first half of the Joseon dynasty primarily through an examination of the Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara (K. Gwaneun hyeonsanggi 觀音現相記), which was undisputedly published during the reign of King Sejo.

2. Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara and Analysis of the Prints

The Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara from Sangwonsa 上院寺 Temple, currently preserved at the Kyujanggak 奎章閣 Institute for Korean Studies, is a eulogy written under royal command by Choe Hang 崔恒, a civil official.2 It tells the story of King Sejo meeting the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara dressed in white when he set out on a trip to Sangwonsa Temple on Mt. Mijisan in 1462.3 The print illustrating the account depicts Avalokitesvara appearing in the sky above Sangwonsa Temple and the people who witnessed this scene. Hence, the Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, though it comprises only seven pages, text and prints included (Figure 1), depicts the temple exactly as it was. For this reason, it is considered a highly valuable material for research on early Joseon temple architecture and Buddhist prints sponsored by the court.4 Although the exact date of publication is not marked in the book, based on a record stating that King Sejo endowed two pictures—the Manifestation of the Buddha (K. Yeorae hyeonsangdo 如來現相圖) and the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara (K. Gwaneum hyeonsagdo 觀音現相圖)—to the Japanese monk Dogin 道誾 when he visited Joseon in 1467,5 the book must have been published before 1467 at the latest.

King Sejo visited Sangwonsa Temple on the twenty-ninth day of the tenth month of 1462. This is recorded in the Annals, attesting to the high value and credibility of the Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara as documentary material.6 The major content of the eulogy can be summed up as follows.

“The king and crown prince went out hunting, and leaving their troops at the bottom of the mountain they headed for Sangwonsa Temple with only a handful of guards. But even before they reached the temple, all sorts of auspicious events took place, and when they finally arrived the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, garbed in white robes, appeared in the sky above Damhwajeon [曇華殿 Udambara Hall, the main hall of the temple] and a light of five colors radiated in all directions in heaven and on earth as everyone exclaimed and worshiped [the bodhisattva]. King Sejo, pleased with this good omen, made offerings at Sangwonsa and wrote a royal decree granting amnesty to tens of prisoners. Upon his return to the palace, he had a statue of Avalokitesvara made and enshrined in a palace hall. He also ordered a picture of Avalokitesvara to be made, as he had witnessed with his own eyes, and distributed it throughout the country.”7

The print titled the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara is based on the content of the Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara. It, therefore, depicts the bodhisattva appearing in the sky over Sangwonsa Temple and being worshipped by the crowd who witness the scene. Specifically, the print faithfully visualizes the content of the eulogy, which gives a detailed description of what happened when Sejo saw Avalokitesvara appear. Evidently, this print is the very “picture of Avalokitesvara” mentioned in the text that was “distributed throughout the country” at King Sejo’s command. In addition, as its iconography accurately reflects the record of Sejo witnessing the appearance of Avalokitesvara, the print must have been newly made at the time and under royal command.

3. Image of the Ruler Projected on Religious Iconography

The question is, why create this kind of iconography? Generally, East Asian Buddhist illustrations inserted in the woodblock-printed volumes of Buddhist scriptures (hereafter referred to as “prints”) can be divided into three types depending on the iconography depicted in the picture. The first type are the prints of Sakyamuni preaching. This is the most common type of print used for sutra frontispieces. They typically feature the Buddha in the center or at one side explaining the dharma, surrounded by bodhisattvas, arhats, dharma protectors, and the Listener. The second type are sutra illustrations, visual representations of the major contents from the complex sutras, used to ornament the text and, for educational effect, functioning as a kind of visual teaching aid. The third type are prints depicting Buddhist history, which feature important events or stories about certain figures related to the propagation of Buddhism. The major examples of this type are the Liang Huang Repentance Liturgy (K. Ryanghwang bochamdo 梁皇寶懺圖) (Figure 2) in the Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar (K. Jabi dojang chambeop 慈悲道場懺法), said to have been published by Liang Wudi (503–548) of the Southern dynasties to pray for the repentance and salvation of his deceased wife, and Translating the Sutras in Western Xia, the frontispiece of the Western Xia Buddhist canon. The latter print features Emperor Huizong of the Western Xia (1061–1086), who conducted a massive canon translation project; his mother the Empress Dowager Liang; and the monks who took part. It was made to commemorate the vast sutra translation project undertaken by the Western Xia (Figure 3).8 The Manifestation of Avalokitesvara from the Joseon dynasty also belongs in this third category. But unlike the two aforementioned prints where the protagonists of the stories put themselves in the picture, King Sejo does not directly appear in the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara. The Liang Huang Repentance Liturgy depicts Liang Huang and the monks who have been invited to pray for the salvation of his wife, all in equal size, listening to the sermon. Translating the Sutras in Western Xia features the monk Bai Zhiguang 白智光, who was in charge of the translation project, arranged in the center at the back, much larger than the other figures. In the foreground, Emperor Huizong and Empress Liang are depicted on the left and right sides, respectively. Placing the monk in the center of the picture, and at such a large size, offers an idea of the Western Xia’s great veneration of Buddhism and the importance it placed on sutra translation. But by arranging the emperor and empress in the foreground on either side of the composition, an attempt was made to achieve a hierarchical balance between the imperial family and Buddhist monks. While the monk Bai Zhiguang is large and placed in the center of the picture, the comparatively small emperor and empress are placed in front of the monk in an effort to achieve balance without damaging the authority of either (Chen and Tang 2009, p. 88). In the two prints, the rulers visually express the idea that they are in equal positions in the hierarchy with respect to the monks, whose absolute religious authority was recognized at the time. Such prints are considered to symbolically reveal the rulers’ political power or absolute position.

In contrast, the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara goes beyond placing the political ruler and religious figures on an equal level; rather, the ruler seems to have been projected directly onto the form of the bodhisattva. King Sejo, who commissioned the print, had usurped the throne from his nephew, King Danjong (r. 1452–1455), and hence took advantage of an auspicious Buddhist phenomenon9 to legitimize his royal authority. Around the world there are many cases of Buddhist auspicious signs being used to achieve secular desires, especially in accordance with the intentions of the powerful. In the same context, the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara is not a record of historical fact but can be understood as a picture meant to superimpose King Sejo’s own image on the image of Avalokitesvara to reinforce his political power. At numerous points in history, the image a nation’s ruler has been made to overlap with the image of a Buddha or bodhisattva. From the Goryeo dynasty to the early Joseon dynasty, Korean Buddhist art adopted many elements of Tibetan Buddhism introduced through exchanges with the Yuan and Ming dynasties. Tibetan Buddhism was considered important not only by the imperial court of Yuan but also by the Ming. In particular, the Yongle Emperor (r. 1402–1424) of the Ming dynasty, who had usurped the throne from his nephew, maintained close relations with Tibetan leaders in order to cultivate for himself the image of the ideal ruler Cakravartin. His grandson, the Xuande Emperor (r. 1425–1435), invited Shakya Yeshe (1354–1435) of the Gelukpa tradition to the palace, conferring on him the title of Daci Fawang (大慈法王, Dharma Lord of Great Compassion) and ordering his portrait to be painted. The portrait depicted Shakya Yeshe in an iconic manner, front-on, sitting on a throne with dragon-head ornaments and a carpet underneath, which are features that are seen in the portraits of Ming emperors and, thus, emphasize the Tathagata image. In this regard, Dora Ching said that such front-facing portraits in the image of the Tathagata influenced a new style of Ming imperial portraits that differed from those of rulers before the Xuande Emperor.10 These examples show that Ming emperors tried to project themselves onto the image of the Tathagata of Tibetan Buddhism to gain legitimacy for their rule or cultivate the image of the ideal ruler, Chakravartin, for themselves. The court of Joseon, which assimilated Buddhist culture through exchange with the Ming, would have naturally accepted the same kind of logic. That is, King Sejo, who also usurped the throne from his nephew, would have sought to acquire for himself the image of Chakravartin in a bid to legitimize his rule; it was in this context that he commissioned and distributed the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara print as a proclamation that he had the same omnipotent powers as the bodhisattva.

In fact, the Annals contain records of Sejo trying to endow himself with the image of Chakravartin, referring to himself as the “lord of the world and admirer of the Buddha”, or saying that he looks far ahead at the world and tries to achieve innumerable virtues. To promote the centralization of political power and policies for the people, he also actively utilized phenomena such as the appearance of a Buddha or bodhisattva, for example, the manifestation of Avalokitesvara, as well as strange, inexplicable natural phenomena such as the multiplication of sarira or light emanating from them, and the appearance of clouds of five colors. In other words, when Buddhist auspicious signs appeared, he commemorated the occasion by granting amnesty and distributing goods in a bid to secure authority and cultivate for himself Chakravartin’s compassionate image.11

As mentioned in the introduction, the Joseon dynasty was founded by Confucians who adopted Confucianism as the new governing ideology to solve the religious evils and other problems that had appeared in the preceding Goryeo dynasty, a Buddhist nation. The Confucians, therefore, constantly made an issue of the Joseon royal family’s sponsorship of Buddhism and moved to forbid it. However, the customs of a society that had followed Buddhism from the Goryeo period could not be stopped overnight, and the same applied to the royal family. In light of this social atmosphere, the royal family secretly patronized Buddhism through relatives, mainly royal women. King Sejo was the exception. He was the only Joseon ruler who openly conducted large-scale Buddhist projects. A devout Buddhist since he was young, Sejo had complex reasons underlying his actions, including his intention of using Buddhism to secure the legitimacy and authority of the throne as well as repentance for killing his nephew and usurping the throne.

In this context, King Sejo spread the news that he had seen Avalokitesvara with his own eyes and convinced the people to believe him, and from a number of records it can be deduced that he tried to use this incident to secure the legitimacy and authority of his rule. The Record of the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara states that all the people in the surrounding area saw Avalokitesvara appear, but the Annals for 1498, the fourth year of the reign of Yeonsangun, say something different: “At Yongmunsa 龍門寺 Temple, King Sejo pointed to the clouds and said to his officials, ‘Avalokitesvara has appeared clothed in white’. At this, many of the officials did not know what to say. Only the civil official named No Sashin 盧思愼 shouted, ‘I see Avalokitesvara over there’, which made people dislike him for his toadying ways.”12 This record is a kind of counterproof, suggesting that, in fact, many people did not see the manifestation of Avalokitesvara. But by spreading word of this event with the use of a printed illustration, King Sejo tried to make people believe that it actually did happen (Cho 2021, pp. 34–46).

As Avalokitesvara is the embodiment of infinite compassion, the bodhisattva’s appearance at a certain place signifies that compassionate rule is being realized in the land, and that an age of peace and prosperity is underway. Indeed, legend has it that Emperor Taizong of Tang, one of the greatest sage rulers in Chinese history, saw Avalokitesvara twice throughout his lifetime. King Sejo greatly admired Taizong and on countless occasions the Annals record the king comparing himself to Taizong or illustrating points to his officials or the crown prince by telling stories of Taizong.13 In effect, Sejo was suggesting that Joseon was enjoying an age of peace and prosperity thanks to the wisdom of the ruler, like the Taizong era in China, on the grounds that he, like Taizong, had also seen Avalokitesvara with his own eyes. At the same time, he was creating the image of himself as an absolute being (Park 2011b, pp. 46–47).

These endeavors by King Sejo gave rise to a visual culture in the court of Joseon whereby the supernatural image of religious icons could be transferred to a ruler or powerful figure. This perception of the ruler would have been widely shared among the court artists who created illustrations of the manifestation of Avalokitesvara and the people who had seen printed copies.

The Jeseokcheon Triad (K. Samjeseokcheondo 三帝釋天圖) (Figure 4) was painted in 1483, according to the inscription written by the early Joseon civil official No Sashin 盧思愼, and is now preserved at Eiheiji 永平寺 Temple in Japan. This painting is considered to be another example of powerful members of the royal family of Joseon projecting themselves onto the transcendent images of religious icons. From the Three Kingdoms period to the Joseon dynasty, Jeseokcheon (帝釋天, Sans. Indra) was an independent object of worship, believed to be equivalent to the ancient god of heaven. In Buddhist paintings, Jeseokcheon is generally characterized by a fan in his/her hands that bears a picture of Seongyeonseong (善見城, Palace of Correct Views), where Jeseokcheon resides. So, it is clear that the three figures in the painting represent Jeseokcheon, but this raises the question of why the same figure was depicted three times in the same painting. Focusing on the feminine image of Jeseokcheon in the painting and the fact that it was painted in the year of the death of the Grand Queen Dowager Jeonghui (1483), Sejo’s queen consort, the argument was raised that the painting was commissioned to pray that the Grand Queen Dowager Jeonghui would be saved from disease. The three Jeseokcheons in the painting are hence thought to represent the three women who politically controlled King Seongjong (grandson of Sejo), each the highest elder in the court at their respective times: the Grand Queen Dowager Jeonghui (1418–1483), Queen Dowager Insu (1437–1504), and Queen Dowager Inhye (1445–1499) (Ide 2005, pp. 57–60). Moreover, on the grounds that only the Jeseokcheon at the top is depicted sitting on the dragon throne, some have interpreted it as symbolizing Queen Jeonghui, who from 1469–1476 was the first queen of Joseon to serve as regent (or to reign “behind the bamboo curtain”). Bearing this in mind, the depiction of only one Jeseokcheon on the throne is meant to distinguish Queen Jeonghui from the other two Jeseokcheon at the bottom of the painting (Cho 2021, p. 37). Consequently, if the Jeseokcheon Triad is regarded as the expression of powerful women of the court projecting themselves onto the image of Jeseokcheon, then the painting is indeed an example of the image of a ruler overlapping with a Buddhist icon. In a Buddhist painting such as this, made with a particular objective in mind, new iconography naturally emerged according to the requests of the patron. This trend seemingly brought changes to Buddhist prints, where, previously, the same iconography had been only partly modified or repeatedly reproduced by re-engraving woodblock copies. From around the mid-fifteenth century in the first half of Joseon, when the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara print was made, court-sponsored Buddhist prints also began to break from conventions and introduce original new compositions.

4. Iconographic Trends in Court-Sponsored Buddhist Prints from the First Half of Joseon

The publication of Buddhist sutras in the Joseon court reached a peak during the reign of King Sejo, and aside from sutras published by the government’s Superintendency of Sutra Publication (K. Gangyeong Dogam 刊經都監), there are around 70 extant sutras that were published privately under the sponsorship of royal family members (hereafter “court editions”). However, sutra publication by the royal family dropped dramatically from 1504 (tenth year of the reign of Yeonsangun), following the death of Queen Dowager Insu (1437–1504, consort of King Sejo’s eldest son, Crown Prince Uigyeong), who had been a strong patron. Thereafter, the temples took the lead in sutra publication, reflecting a time when royal authority gradually weakened under the young monarchs who ascended the throne one after another following the death of King Sejo. Moreover, openly upholding the Buddhist faith became impossible inside the court in the midst of conflict between the Sarim 士林, a faction of Confucian scholars, and the huncheok 勳戚, the meritorious elite.

During the fifteenth century, both court editions and temple editions of Buddhist prints existed at the same time, but while the temple editions varied greatly in quality, the court editions were uniformly excellent. The reason for this difference can be found in the printmaking environment. Generally, in the case of temple editions, monks repeatedly re-engraved prints that had been handed down. In other words, temples generally did not make new base drawings for a woodblock print. Instead, it was common to attach a copy of an existing print on top of a woodblock and engrave the design from that. Prints produced in this way naturally had thicker lines and a duller expression of details than those made with a new base drawing. Moreover, great differences in quality were inevitable according to the abilities of the monks who took part in the work. On the other hand, for court editions, the artisans made a new base drawing each time they carved a print woodblock, enabling them to maintain the fluid, delicate lines of the original drawing. From around the mid-fifteenth century, professional artisans under state management took part in producing the base drawings as well as the actual engraving of the woodblocks, which led to the steady production of high-quality prints.

Most court editions of the sutras made during the Joseon dynasty have a colophon at the end and a detailed list of patrons, but only a sketchy record of the artisans who took part in the project. So, only limited information can be gained from this inscription. But among the court editions that include illustrated prints, the examination of those that do contain a list of the people who engraved the woodblocks reveals cases where professional layman artisans are also listed. Some of their names are prefaced with a title given to Joseon artisans employed by the state, and some of the artisans proved to have taken part in producing multiple sutras. For example, in the case of the Lotus Sutra published in 1422 (sponsored by Prince Hyoryeong), one of the earlier court editions, all of the engravers were monks. But in sutras from 1440 onwards, when active court publication of sutras began, the names of professional laymen engravers gradually began to appear. In particular, the Lotus Sutra published in 1448, sponsored by Prince Hyoryeong and Prince Anpyeong (second son of Taejong and third son of Sejong), and the Six Sutras (K. Yukgyeong hapbu 六經合部) published in 1449 (sponsored by Prince Hyoryeong), record the names of both monks and laymen engravers. But starting with The Original Vows of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva Sutra published in 1469 (sponsored by Princess Jeongui, second daughter of King Sejong, and Prince Hyoryeong), all engravers listed in court editions were professional laymen engravers. Consequently, it is presumed that the 1440s constituted a transitional period where the production of court editions shifted from monks to professional laymen engravers. The 1448 edition of the Lotus Sutra and the 1449 edition of the Six Sutras both contain the name of the professional layman engraver Kim Gyesin 金戒信, which is preceded by the word “sajeong 司正” or “sayong 司勇”. The Annals say these were titles given to artisans employed by the state. In the fourth month of 1450, the year King Munjong ascended the throne; the Annals say, “Munjong commanded that a sutra be hand-written in gold ink for Sejong,”14and also mention the name “Sayong An Hye 安惠”. A record from the fifth month of 1472 (the third year of the reign of King Seongjong) that commands a promotion for the court artists to reward them for their effort in painting the royal portrait15 includes the name “Sayong Yi Inseok 李引錫”. These cases inform us that sayong and sajeong were titles conferred on those who participated in making sutras or paintings at the time. They were professionals who were given official positions and wages by the state. Moreover, in the five Buddhist texts sponsored by the Grand Queen Dowager Jeonghui and other women of the court from 1469 to 1474, the names of engravers such as Kwon Donil 權頓一, Jang Makdong 張莫同, Jeon Rokdong 全祿同, Go Maljong 髙末終, and Yi Jangson 李長孫 appear more than once. If we conceive of this in connection with the active publication of sutras during the reign of King Sejo, it would not be unreasonable to conclude that these are the names of artisans in charge of carving printing woodblocks who were employed by the state (Kim 2017, pp. 259–63).

Under the influence of these professional artisans, from around the mid-fifteenth century, prints featuring fluid, delicate carved lines and a sense of depth, as seen in paintings, began to appear in court editions of the sutras. From this time, not only engravers employed by the state but also court artists were mobilized for the work. Major examples of court editions where court artists took part in making the base drawings are the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of the Great Compassion (K. Sanggyojeongbon jabi dojang chambeop 詳校正本慈悲道場懺法)16 (Figure 5) and Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha (K. Yenyeom mita doryang chambeop 禮念彌陀道場懺法) (Figure 6).

Both were published in 1474, commissioned by Queen Dowager Jeonghui, and court artists Baek Jongrin 白終麟 and Yi Jangson took part in the work. Baek Jongrin and Yi Jangson, whose names appear in both texts, must have been renowned court artists as their names are also recorded in the Annals. Baek Jongrin was a royal portrait artist who took part in painting the portrait of Queen Soheon in 1472 (third year of the reign of King Seongjong) as well as the portraits of King Sejo, King Yejong, and Crown Prince Uigyeong. Indeed, there is a record stating that in 1476 (the seventh year of the reign of Seongjong), the king directly commanded Baek Jongrin and Yi Jangson to be employed.17 Yi Jangson not only participated in the court publication of Buddhist sutras as a court artist and engraver, but with fellow court artist Kim Junggyeong 金仲敬, he took part in designing the bell for Naksansa 落山寺 Temple (1469), which was commissioned by Queen Jeonghui, and producing base drawings for the surface decoration. It would be reasonable to conclude that Yi Jangson was one of the court artists most actively engaged in court-sponsored Buddhist projects at the time. The Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar and Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha are major examples of sutras that were newly carved in Joseon with new base drawings. The new base drawings show the modification of features in the Goryeo edition of Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar (Figure 7), such as changes in the number of icons, their mudras and the style of expression, and the expression of the background.

Comparing the new Joseon edition and the Goryeo edition of the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar, unlike the other Buddhas, Maitreya is sitting in a chair in the Goryeo edition. But in the newly drawn Joseon edition, Maitreya and the other Buddhas are all sitting in the lotus position on a lotus pedestal. Also, in the Goryeo edition, the Buddhas make various mudras, but in the Joseon edition, of the eight Buddhas, six have their hands raised in the front of their chests with palms pressed together in the anjali mudra, while the other two have their hands in different mudras. Compared to the Goryeo edition, the Buddhas of the Joseon edition have larger mandorlas and the space between the icons is filled with branches and the lush foliage of the treasure tree (bosu 寶樹), emphasizing the form of the Buddha. In the Joseon edition, the picture was recomposed to give it a greater sense of unity and to highlight the nature of woodblock prints as well as the main iconography. The picture is carved in fluid, delicate lines down to each leaf, demonstrating the outstanding skills of the artisans mobilized by the state.

Regarding Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha, which was published at the same time, it is presumed that the Joseon edition was newly carved, taking the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar as a reference. This premise is based on the fact that there are no print illustrations in the Goryeo edition and that the Buddhas all have the same mudras as seen in the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar discussed above. In addition to the eight Buddhas depicted in the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar, there is an additional Amitabha Buddha in Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha, making a total of nine Buddhas, whose names are carved underneath. Compared to the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar, in terms of iconography, Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha has a simple composition with all the decorative elements removed, in which the Buddhas are arranged at the top with their names placed in the borders. The two prints are the same in the way the space between the Buddhas is completely filled with designs, throwing the icons into relief. But in contrast to the Buddhas in the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar, which are adorned with no designs whatsoever, in Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha, the great robes of all the Buddhas bear a circle design, and aside from Sakyamuni Buddha’s robes, the right side of the dharma robes on all the other Buddhas is marked with a thick line. The lotus pedestals are also much deeper, and another point of difference is the two banners that hang down from the top of each pedestal (Figure 8).

Moreover, despite the two prints being made at the same time by the same artists, there is a difference in style. The Buddhas in the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar are relatively slender while the ushnisha on the head is gently expressed. In contrast, the Buddhas in Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha are stouter and their ushnishas are highly raised. Baek Jongrin and Yi Jangson may have been responsible for one base drawing each, which would account for the difference. It is more likely, however, that the difference is due to the fact that the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar, whose base drawing recomposes the iconography of the preceding Goryeo edition, was relatively faithful in following the proportions and attire of the Buddhas, proceeding no further than adjusting the existing iconography. On the other hand, Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha adopts only the form of the original and draws new iconography to make an entirely new print; it also seems to reflect the new Ming style, which had been introduced to Joseon court Buddhist paintings. So, the slender proportions and gentle ushnisha of the Buddhas indicates the succession of the style of Buddhist images of the first half of Joseon, which originated in the style of the Goryeo editions, as seen in the 1422 edition of the Lotus Sutra (Figure 9).

On the other hand, the high ushnisha and two banners hanging from the top of the lotus pedestal in Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha are also found in the Ming editions, and hence can be seen as the result of adopting the Ming style (Figure 10). The base drawings for the court edition prints, therefore, were made by adopting and applying Ming iconography on top of the early Joseon style. The direct introduction of Ming editions of the sutras to Joseon can be inferred from records showing that King Sejo sent Kim Suon 金守溫—who had made countless records of Buddhist projects and written the colophons for the court editions of the sutras—to Ming to obtain sutras that were not available in Joseon (Nam and Park 2007, p. 197), and from the incident where Grand Queen Dowager Jeonghui came into conflict with court officials when she commanded envoys traveling to Ming to bring back Buddhist sutras.18 In addition, some of the Joseon court editions published at this time adopted Ming editions or modified them and have been handed down to the present, proving that Ming editions were transmitted to Joseon.19

After adopting and modifying iconography, the Joseon court went a step further and began to create new iconography. Among the Joseon court editions, the major examples of prints produced independently in Joseon are the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara and the prints in Seokbo sangjeol 釋譜詳節 (Biography of Guatama Buddha). As mentioned above, the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara is the visual representation of King Sejo’s record of meeting Avalokitesvara produced by a court artist, featuring iconography created in Joseon. A close examination of the print’s composition shows Avalokitesvara appearing in the sky over Sangwonsa Temple, deep in the mountains, and the crowd witnessing this and worshiping Avalokitesvara at the bottom of the picture. To dramatize Avalokitesvara’s appearance, the court artist depicted the scene from the bird’s eye view, showing Avalokitesvara looking down over the mountain landscape and the crowd. Placed in the top center of the picture, Avalokitesvara is descending on a cloud, two hands gathered together in front of the body, with the left hand holding a kundika, and the right hand clasping the left wrist. The mass of clouds behind and the strands of the bodhisattva’s robes flying up at the right toward the back impart a sense of rhythm, as if Avalokitesvara were descending on Sangwonsa out of the distant landscape on the right (Figure 11).

Such a lively expression of the scene, capturing the moment of Avalokitesvara’s descent, would have strongly convinced people who saw the print that King Sejo had actually met Avalokiresvara. The scene of Avalokitesvara descending in standing position can also be found in the mural of Geungnakjeon 極樂殿 (Hall of Paradise) at Muwisa 無爲寺 Temple (Figure 12), which was composed around the same time. Placing a building or background scenery at the bottom, and depicting Avalokitesvara as if approaching from the heavens, is a composition that was used from time to time in Ming dynasty prints or illustrations in hand-copied sutras. One major example is the Universal Gate Chapter on Avalokitesvara (in the Lotus Sutra) published in 1395, the twenty-eighth year of Hongwu in the Ming dynasty (Figure 13).

Also, Avalokitesvara’s long, plump-looking face and double strand of necklaces can be often found in Ming print editions also (Figure 14). From these features, it is presumed that the court artist who composed the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara had studied paintings and print editions of the sutras introduced from the Ming dynasty and selected and adopted some of the motifs to depict King Sejo’s encounter with Avalokitesvara (Kim 2019, pp. 62–63).

Another set of prints created during the Joseon dynasty is Seokbo sangjeol (1447), a biography of the Buddha that King Sejong had commissioned in 1446 to pray for happiness in the afterlife for his consort, Queen Soheon. For this project, Prince Suyang (later King Sejo), referring to the existing biographies Seokgabo 釋迦譜and Seokgassibo 釋迦氏譜 as well as diverse sutras, organized the Buddha’s life into eight major events—Maya’s conception, birth, contemplation, leaving home, cultivation towards enlightenment, dharma transmission, and nirvana—and prints that illustrate the “eight scenes of Buddha’s life” were included in the book (Figure 15).20

The foreword of Seokbo sangjeol states, “Few people know the life of the Buddha, and even if they do try to learn about it their knowledge does not go beyond the eight scenes. Therefore, referring to various sutras, the contents were organized, illustrated in order, translated into Hangeul, and carved onto woodblocks”. This passage indicates that prints were newly drawn up based on the biography of Buddha as organized by King Sejo in the process of publishing Seokbo sangjeol.21 Of course, among the motifs appearing in these prints of the eight scenes, many can also be found in the Goryeo dynasty prints Eojebulbu 御製佛賦 and Jeonwonga 詮源歌 (Figure 16)22 from the Imperial Commentary (Eojebijangjeon 御製秘藏詮) section of Chojo daejanggyeong 初雕大藏經 (Korea’s first tripitaka), as well as Chinese paintings of the life of Buddha, including banner paintings excavated from the Dunhuang caves. But the reorganization of such motifs into eight separate pictures is thought to be an independent innovation made by the Joseon. As mentioned above, the foreword of Seokbo sangjeol confirms that the prints were newly made following the order of the contents in the book. This means that they were not copies of existing prints but newly created by Joseon court artists, who used existing motifs as source material to create independent paintings in the Joseon style.

It is presumed that the iconography of the eight scenes of Buddha’s life thus produced was, according to the nature of woodblock prints, repeatedly re-carved and widely disseminated. These prints also had an important influence on Joseon Buddhist painting with the iconography being adopted in many works from the Birth of Sakyamuni (K. Seokga tansaengdo 釋迦誕生圖) painted in the Joseon court in the first half of the fifteenth century (preserved at Hongakuji本岳寺 Temple, Japan) (Figure 17) to the paintings entitled the Eight Scenes of Buddha’s Life (K. Seokga palsangdo 釋迦八相圖) produced in the sixteenth century.23

Even in the paintings of the Eight Scenes of the Buddha’s Life from the latter half of Joseon, which featured diverse added iconography following the introduction of the Ming woodblock print book The Origin of Buddhism and its Development in China, (Ch. Shishi yuanliu yinghua shiji 釋氏源流應化事蹟), the original iconography continued to be the basis of and influence for the Joseon paintings of the Eight Scenes of the Buddha’s Life. Therefore, the prints of the eight scenes in Seokbo sangjeol, developed in the process of creating new iconography in the Joseon court, comprised the most important iconography illustrating the life of the Buddha used throughout the Joseon dynasty. The resulting creation of the Eight Scenes of Buddha’s Life (Seokga palsangdo) as an independent Buddhist painting has an unusual composition that is not found in any other country.

5. Conclusions

Joseon Buddhist prints found in fifteenth-century court editions of sutras began to exhibit major changes from around the middle of the century. Court editions made prior to the mid-fifteenth century were based on woodblock print books already owned by temples or individuals before the foundation of Joseon, which means they were Goryeo editions or pre-Ming dynasty Chinese editions. Consequently, it appears there was no great difference in iconography between the court editions and the temple editions. Even in that period, however, new base drawings were made for the woodblocks of court editions, so when compared to contemporaneous temple editions, the court editions were of higher quality overall. In the mid-fifteenth century, marked changes came when professional layman engravers employed by the state took part in making the court editions. Indeed, at this time not only the engravers but court artists also participated in making Buddhist prints. Based on historical records and the style of court edition prints of that time, it is believed that the artisans had seen the diverse Buddhist texts of the Ming dynasty introduced by pro-Buddhist forces in the court and mastered a new style of Buddhist painting, which was immediately reflected in their own artworks. Two print titles discussed above, the Sanggyojeong Edition of Repentance Rituals of Compassion Altar and Contrition in the Name of Amitabha Buddha, clearly show how the engravers and artists combined the new style with the existing Buddhist painting style. Moreover, the artisans did not stop at just copying or re-carving the base drawing but made wholly new base drawings, in the process creating new iconography unique to Joseon such as the Eight Scenes of Buddha’s Life in Seokbo sangjeol and the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara. It is particularly notable that such independently created iconography was mostly produced during the reign of King Sejo, the major pro-Buddhist figure of Joseon, who tried to use Buddhism to legitimize his rule. The highly skilled artisans of the time used existing iconography to create new compositions for Buddhist paintings and prints that fulfilled the wishes of the patrons. Prints such as the Manifestation of Avalokitesvara, where the image of the ruler is projected onto the image of Buddhism to strengthen authority, reflect Joseon’s shared awareness with neighboring countries who believed in Buddhism and tried to use it as a means of governance.

Most court-sponsored Buddhist prints of the 15th century were made in the process of producing sutras related to rituals to pray for the prosperity and welfare of the royal family or the ancestors’ easy passage into the next world, so analyses of these woodblock prints are important as they are the product of the religious faith in the royal family and the art trends of the time. Although Joseon court edition prints were produced for no more than a century after the foundation of the nation due to political circumstances, they were of an excellent standard both artistically and technically, being made by skilled artisans under steady court support. Also, prints published in this way were later widely distributed across the royal temples or shrines (wonchal 願刹), and as many served as models for later Buddhist prints, they were repeatedly re-carved and modified, having a great influence on Joseon Buddhist prints in general. The significance of this study is in revealing that prints with independently created iconography were produced in accordance with the wishes of patrons in the Joseon court, disproving the idea that most Joseon Buddhist prints were reproduced from existing works in Korea and China. This fact will enable a broader approach to the study of not only Joseon Buddhist prints but Buddhist painting as well.