Anti-Bourgeois Media in the Japanese Proletarian Literary Movement
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Henshū Sayoku Proletarian Literature Boom
3. Imitating and Differentiating from the Bourgeois Media
4. Cultivating Writers in the Proletarian Media
- Participation in bourgeois publishing should be limited to a secondary use, such as earning a living or financing activities, and participants should not be under the illusion that these works can agitate workers or peasants.
- Participation in the editing of bourgeois publications shall be only “when we have full control” or “for technical work only (as in proofreading)”.
- In view of our responsibility to the proletariat for any work we do, we must never use aliases or anonymity when submitting manuscripts for publication in bourgeois publications.
- For tankōbon 単行本 (single-volume hardcover books), the limited editorial intervention and the small number of publishing houses available to us require that we examine the nature of the publishing house before using it (Nihon Puroretaria Sakka Dōmei Chūō Iinkai 1930a, pp. 178–79).
For as writing gains in breadth what it loses in depth, the conventional distinction between author and public, which is upheld by the bourgeois press, begins in the Soviet press to disappear. For there the reader is at all times ready to become a writer—that is, a describer, or even a prescriber. As an expert—not perhaps in a discipline but perhaps in a post that he holds—he gains access to authorship. Work itself has its turn to speak.
5. Conclusions
Funding
Conflicts of Interest
1 | For example, Ragon (1986) discusses not revolutionary writers in the broad sense, including intelligentsia, but the activities of pure “proletarian writers” in France, drawing a clear line. In addition, while there was an organization called the Japan Proletarian Writers’ League, the name of a similar organization in Germany was the “Bund proletarisch-revolutionärer Schriftsteller (Proletarian and Revolutionary Writers’ League)”, using the word “revolution”. |
2 | As Foley (1993, p. 95) notes, “For in discussions of proletarian authorship it was often not clear […] whether the term “proletarian author” denoted a “radical” or “revolutionary” proletarian author or simply one “from the proletariat”, the meaning relating to the word “proletariat” was continuously debated in the USA. |
3 | Nakano (1946, pp. 29–31) offers, among other reasons for the name “proletarian literature”, that in prewar Japan the proletarian class had to take over the finishing touches of the bourgeois democratic revolution, making the strategic error of making the leap to a proletarian revolution without going through a bourgeois democratic revolution. |
4 | |
5 | This perception has become common knowledge in Japanese literature studies, with Uranishi (2001, p. 53), a famous scholar of proletarian literature, noting that, “as is well known”, the NAPF faction of the largest force in proletarian literature groups (the Senki faction, discussed below) “was dominated by intellectuals with a higher education”. |
6 | |
7 | Umeda (1998, pp. 22–23) cites three reasons for the rapid decline of left-wing publications after the 1930s: the more stringent censorship system, the over-competition of left-wing publications, and the growing exclusionism of public opinion since the Manchurian Incident. |
8 | Both Bungei Sensen and Senki were the names of proletarian literary magazines. The former (Jun. 1924–Dec. 1930) was originally a larger concern, launched in 1924 when the ties between political parties and writers were still weak, but after several subsequent alliances and ruptures, Senki (May 1928–Dec. 1931) was launched in 1928 and overtook its progenitor. |
9 | According to statistics in Kurihara (2004, pp. 97 and 247), Kaizō and Chūō Kōron’s fiction sections published “29 PL [proletarian literature], 3 EA [emerging artists], and 68 EW [established writers] in the period from April 1929 to March 1930, and 49 PL, 8 EA, and 55 EW in the period from April 1930 to March 1931”. The Shinkō Geijutsu-ha (Emerging Artists), who were hostile to proletarian writers, were often published in literary magazines such as Bungei Shunjū and Shinchō, meaning that proletarian literature had no meaningful lead, but at least in general magazines, its publication rate was dramatically high. |
10 | Shimazaki Tōson, from a venerable merchant family, was one of leading naturalist writers in Japan and the first president of the Japan PEN Club (1935–1943). Tanizaki Junichirō, from a wealthy Tokyo merchant family, was a leading writer of aesthetic literature in Japan. |
11 | |
12 | Kurihara (2004, pp. 253–54) points out that the romantic sympathy of the masses, mainly the intelligentsia, for the communist movement and organization made Marxism and class struggle one of the fads of the time, with the radical seen as “cool”: the majority of the readers of proletarian literature were not “factory workers” or “peasants”, but these intellectual fellow travelers. |
13 | From 1928 to 1929, the Bungei Sensen-sha published eight books including Seryōshitsu nite: A Collection of Short Stories by Hirabayashi Taiko in 1928, while from 1929 to 1931, Senki-sha published 11 volumes of Teihon Nihon Puroretaria Sakka Sōsho and three volumes of Nenkan Nihon Puroretaria Shishū 年刊日本プロレタリア詩集 (Yearly Japanese Proletarian Poetry Collections), the 1929, 1931, and 1932 editions. In addition, these two companies were not in fact the first to publish proletarian media: they were preceded by Tanemakuhito’s Tanemaki-sha. However, although this company planned to publish a total of five volumes of the Hito to Shisō Sōsho 人と思想叢書 (People and Ideology Series), it ended up publishing only one volume, Kaneko Yobun’s Ikiteiru Mushanokoji Saneatsu in 1922. |
14 | Maeda (1973, pp. 240–42) points out that in 1927, before the organization of proletarian literature had settled into the two factions discussed here, the influence of the en-pon could already be seen in the way proletarian magazines were published. |
15 | Sato (2002, pp. 67–68) notes that the leftist publications playing a role in the en-pon boom included Marxism Sōsho in 28 volumes (Kōbun-dō), Marx-shugi Kōza in 13 volumes (Ueno Shobō), and the world’s first Complete Works of Marx and Engels in 27 volumes (a joint project among five publishers). |
16 | Kimura (2022, p. 142) evaluates the historical significance of Senki-sha’s series publication, saying that its orientation in literary history differed from “publishing capitalist” literary history. While I generally agree with Kimura’s argument, the proletarian media remained aligned with the conventional style in their imitation of the bourgeois media format. |
17 | Nagamine (2001, pp. 160–70), through an analysis of a reading survey of approximately 14,000 factory workers in Tokyo in 1935, notes that factory workers overwhelmingly borrowed books from “acquaintances” as their most frequently used reading device, and points out that “for the workers, books existed not as something owned individually but rather as something shared in a mutual loan relationship among their peers”. |
18 | Sato (2002, p. 69), noting that magazines for boys and women were published as separate editions of Senki, and that a nationwide organization of readers called Senki Shikyoku 戦旗支局 (Senki Branch-office) was created, states that the publication of Senki “can be described as a counter movement that directly challenged the mass public nature of King”. |
19 | It is important to note the contradiction here: “As the issue of popularization was being discussed, the cultural organizations put the brakes on their use of the ‘bourgeois magazines’ most visible to the ‘masses’ and shifted their activities toward confinement in the booming space of leftist publishing.” (Tatemoto 2020, p. 150). |
20 | The Nihon Puroretaria Sakka Dōmei Chūō Iinkai (1930b, pp. 166–76) argued that the writer “must first and foremost plunge into the real life of the masses and there grasp the practical basis of our own form.” In the Rōnō Tsūshin, a contribution “written by the struggling proletariat to report the state of their activities to a wide circle of comrades from factories, farming villages, and all other scenes of struggle”, there was hope for a new proletarian literary form that would be attuned to the real life of the masses. |
21 | |
22 | In the Bungaku Shinbun (33 issues in all), a “Call for Prizes” can be found in No. 1 (10 Oct. 1931), No. 3 (20 Nov. 1931), No. 4 (5 Dec. 1931), and No. 9 (20 Feb. 1932). In the smaller contests, the winning entries were published in the “Readers’ Literature” columns of the 2nd (1 Nov. 1931), 3rd, 8th (5 Feb. 1932), and 13th (25 Apr. 1932) issues, and the prizes were relatively inexpensive, such as a magazine copy or book vouchers. Even in the “New Year Special Prize”, which offered the highest prize money, the six winning novelists received only 5 yen each, the winning poet 10 yen, and the three honorable-mention poets 3 yen each. This was at a time when the starting salary for elementary school teachers was around 50 yen per month. |
23 | As discussed in Kōno (2003, p. 26), the awarding of prizes for novels was also done in Europe and the US, but in Japan it took root on its own as “an event of publishing capital focusing on the selection process itself in the media”. |
24 | Kobayashi ([1927] 1993, p. 131), “Diary of 25 Aug. 1927”: “Significantly, my ‘Joshūto’ (one-act play) is to appear in the October issue of the Bungei Sensen! This is the magazine that is now the center of attention throughout the literary scene.” The entry describes the excitement of the event. |
25 | |
26 |
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Wada, T. Anti-Bourgeois Media in the Japanese Proletarian Literary Movement. Humanities 2022, 11, 160. https://doi.org/10.3390/h11060160
Wada T. Anti-Bourgeois Media in the Japanese Proletarian Literary Movement. Humanities. 2022; 11(6):160. https://doi.org/10.3390/h11060160
Chicago/Turabian StyleWada, Takashi. 2022. "Anti-Bourgeois Media in the Japanese Proletarian Literary Movement" Humanities 11, no. 6: 160. https://doi.org/10.3390/h11060160
APA StyleWada, T. (2022). Anti-Bourgeois Media in the Japanese Proletarian Literary Movement. Humanities, 11(6), 160. https://doi.org/10.3390/h11060160