Reclusion and Faith: Daoist Metaphors in Linwu Cave Imagery of the Wu School of Painting in the Ming Dynasty

Abstract

As the “Ninth Grotto-Heaven” in Daoist tradition, Linwu Cave has served as a symbolic bridge between the human and immortal realms since the Tang Dynasty. During the Ming Dynasty, painters of the Wu School in Suzhou reimagined Linwu Cave through landscape paintings, transforming it into a visual emblem that merged Daoist cosmology with the ancient Chinese literati ideal of reclusion. This article adopts an interdisciplinary approach, combining art history and religious studies, to analyze Linwu Cave-themed paintings by Wu School artists such as Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, and Tang Yin. The study examines how these painters reinterpreted the Daoist concept of “grotto-heavens and blessed lands” into “habitable spaces” through a process of “de-ritualization”. This strategy involved the use of imagery such as the alchemical metaphors of stalactites and the qi (vital energy) symbolism of auspicious clouds on sacred mountains, which diminished Daoist ritualistic elements while amplifying the literati’s idealized vision of reclusion. Drawing on local historical records and field investigations, the research further reveals how the transformation of Linwu Cave into a cultural landmark reflected the Ming Dynasty scholar-officials’ cultural strategies. Through art, these individuals articulated the tension between their aspirations for official success and their longing for a secluded life, set against the backdrop of a rigid civil service examination system and intense political rivalries. By employing the theoretical framework of “Sacred Space”, this study argues that literati painting functioned not only as an aesthetic expression but also as a dynamic medium for religious and philosophical ideas. This perspective offers new insights into the interpretation of Daoist art and its broader cultural significance.

1. Introduction

Linwu Cave (linwudong 林屋洞), historically referred to as Maogong Cave, Baoshan Cave, or Dragon Cave, is located on the eastern side of West Dongting Mountain (also known as Linwu Mountain) in Suzhou, China. Since the Tang Dynasty Daoist Priest (daoshi 道士) Sima Chengzhen 司马承祯 (646–735) designated it as the “Ninth Grotto-Heaven” (J. Zhang n.d.b, p. 596) in Daoism in his Chart of the Palaces and Bureaus of the Grotto Heavens and the Blissful Lands (Tiandi gongfu tu 天地宫府图), it has become a significant religious site in the Jiangnan region. Reputed to be “400 li in circumference, hailed as the Grotto-Heaven of Utmost Divinity and Mysterious Emptiness 周回四百里, 号曰尤神幽虚之洞天” (J. Zhang n.d.b, p. 596), Linwu Cave was endowed with the connotations as a “liminal space” connecting the human and immortal worlds. The economic prosperity of Suzhou during the Ming Dynasty, along with its flourishing literati societies and Daoist activities, prompted Wu School painters to incorporate Linwu Cave as a significant topic in their landscape paintings. Through the numerous paintings, artists such as Liu Jue 刘珏 (1410–1472), Shen Zhou 沈周 (1427–1509), Tang Yin 唐寅 (1470–1524) and Wen Zhengming 文徵明 (1470–1559) delivered both realistic portrayals of natural scenery and visual interpretations of the Daoist cosmology of “grotto-heavens and blessed lands 洞天福地”. As the “Ninth Grotto-Heaven 第九洞天”, Linwu Cave frequently appeared in local gazetteers (such as Wang Ao 王鏊 (1450–1524)’s Gusu Zhi 姑苏志, Local Gazetteer of Suzhou, Gusu being the old name for Suzhou) and literati travelogues, establishing it as a prominent symbol of regional beliefs. Meanwhile, the rigidified civil service examination system and the growing tension between their ambitions for official success and their yearning for seclusion prompted these painters to employ the “grotto-heavens (dongtian 洞天)” imagery to reconcile the Confucian ideal of worldly engagement (rushi 入世) with Daoist reclusion, thereby redefining their literati identity.

Despite a substantial amount of existing research on the Wu School that mentions Linwu Cave paintings, interdisciplinary discussion integrating art history and religious studies remains limited. Art historians have primarily focused on the Wu School’s social networks, painting styles, and evolution. They have touched upon the concepts of grotto-heavens and blessed lands to some extent, but without in-depth analysis of the Daoist meanings behind these symbols. James Cahill argued that Wu School landscape painting is “a reflection of the Suzhou landscape and the painters’ inner world” (Cahill 2009). Shi Shouqian 石守谦 categorized Linwu Cave paintings as a type of reclusive landscape painting. Shi argued that since the painting’s development and establishment in the mid-15th century, Suzhou literati used such paintings not only to express their transcendent and reclusive life, but also to seek resources (S. Shi 2010, pp. 218, 220–21). Since the 21st century, art historians, such as Zhang Mingxue 张明学 (M. Zhang 2008), Xu Li 许力 (L. Xu 2018), and Wang Dongliang 王东亮 (D. Wang 2022), began to study the relationship between Daoism and Chinese paintings, but they did not conduct specialized research on region, school, subject matter, or origins and development. Conversely, Daoist scholars have extensively discussed the concepts of “grotto-heavens and blessed lands”, they have largely focused on textual research but neglecting visual materials. Notable contributions include Emmanuel-Edouard Chavannes (Chavannes 1919), Fu Qinjia 傅勤家 (Fu 1933), Kunio Miura (Miura 1988), Kobayashi Masami (Kobayashi 1998), Hsiao Pai-fang 萧百芳 (Hsiao 2007), Feng Chuan 冯川 (Feng 2018), and Li Hailin 李海林 (H. Li 2014, 2024). Among them, Qing Xitai 卿希泰 (Qing 1988) and others proposed a connection between Daoism and Chinese paintings but did not conduct further research. In conclusion, this disciplinary divide has led to neglection of some key questions, such as why the Daoist cave became a shared artistic theme for Wu School literati, and how these paintings reflect the religious beliefs and existential anxieties of Ming Dynasty scholar-officials. Since Tao Yuanming 陶渊明’s The Peach Blossom Spring 桃花源记 of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the term “the Peach Blossom Spring 桃源” has become a utopia for Chinese literati. Ming Dynasty Yao Ximeng 姚希孟called Linwu “a true Peach Spring of Wuling (the setting of Tao Yuanming’s The Peach Blossom Spring) 真武陵桃源矣 (J. Wang 2014, p. 181)” in A Small Account of Dongting 洞庭小漏记. Qing Dynasty Ye Chun 叶淳called Linwu “a Peach Blossom Spring Retreat 桃源避世处 (J. Wang 2014, p. 8)” in Preface to the Local Customs of Linwu 林屋民风序. These descriptions portray Linwu not only as a physical landscape but also as a spiritual refuge, deeply rooted in religious imagery and literati ideals.

Integrating the perspectives of art history and religious studies, this research aims to analyze the Daoist imagery in Linwu paintings of the Wu School in the Ming Dynasty, examining related images and texts including paintings, colophons, poems, Daoist scriptures, and letters, in order to explore how painters transformed the Daoist concept of “grotto-heavens” into “habitable spaces (keju kongjian 可居空间)” for the literati. It further investigates how this transformation reflects literati’s selective use of Daoist thought to interpret Daoism in paintings through different ways. Theoretically, this study transcends the traditional art history’s binary of “style and society” by introducing the “sacred space (shensheng kongjian 神圣空间)” theory, revealing literati paintings’ function for religious practices. Empirically, it analyzes the Wu School Linwu Cave imagery and argues that the Daoist concept of “grotto-heavens” is not a static doctrinal symbol, but rather a form of “mental geography (xinling dili 心灵地理)” dynamically reconstructed by the literati. This reconstruction, the study contends, represents a cultural strategy employed by the literati to address their political anxieties and existential dilemmas.

2. From Religious Sanctuary to Cultural Landmark: The Evolving Connotations of Linwu Cave

2.1. Religious Symbolism of “Grotto-Heavens and Blessed Lands”

The historical significance of Linwu Cave evolved through three distinct phases, each defined by shifts in its primary patronage and ideological interpretation: first, its establishment as a Daoist sacred site during the Northern and Southern to Tang dynasties, anchored by scriptural recognition and esoteric practices; second, its incorporation into state-sponsored rituals during the Song dynasty, evidenced by imperial Dragon-Tally rituals; and finally, its appropriation and reimagination by the literati in the Ming dynasty, transforming it into a cultural symbol of reclusion. This periodization provides a framework for understanding its transformation from a religious sanctuary into a subject of literati painting.

Since the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Linwu Cave has been endowed with sacred significance as a natural cave. Tao Hongjing 陶弘景’s Declarations of the Perfected (Zhen’gao 真诰) records, “The Celestial Empress is the True Sovereign within Linwu Cave, which is located beneath Mount Bao at the foot of Taihu Lake, also the place where the Venerable Longwei entered and obtained the Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure. 天后者, 林屋洞中之真君, 位在太湖苞山下, 龙威丈人所入得«灵宝五符»处也 (Tao n.d., p. 191)”. By the Tang Dynasty, Linwu Cave’s religious status was established. Sima Chengzhen’s Chart of the Palaces and Bureaus of the Grotto Heavens and the Blissful Lands states that “Linwu Cave is 400 li in circumference, hailed as the Grotto-Heaven of Utmost Divinity and Mysterious Emptiness. It is located at the mouth of Dongting Lake and is governed by the Perfected of the Northern March 北岳真人” (J. Zhang n.d.b, p. 596). This account designated the cave as ninth grotto-heavens within the Daoist ‘Ten Great Grotto-Heavens (shida dongtian 十大洞天)” system and endows it with three sacred characteristics. First, Linwu Cave processes spatial connectivity, being described as a “juncture of terrestrial veins”. According to the Declarations of the Perfected, it “connects to the Five Peaks and penetrates the Nine Underworlds 通五岳, 贯九幽”, serving as a passage between the human and immortal worlds. Second, it embodies temporal eternity. The Anthology of the Abyssal Cavern (Dongyuan ji 洞渊集) describes it as a place with “no cold or heat, no day or night (无寒暑昼夜)” and where “beyond the reach of sun and moon, it generates its own light (日月不临, 自成光明)”, symbolizing a transcendent, eternal realm beyond mundane existence. Third, it serves as a site for functional cultivation. Ge Hong’s Master Who Embraces Simplicity (Baopuzi 抱朴子) emphasizes that “Daoist practitioners entering the grotto-heavens can attain longevity (修道者入洞天, 可长生)” (Ge n.d., p. 43), making Linwu Cave an ideal location for inner alchemy. Through poetic language and rich symbolism, Daoist scriptures transformed Linwu Cave into a transcendental religious icon, representing a space of spiritual and cosmic significance.

Linwu Cave’s religious sanctity originates from both Daoist scriptures and historical religious practices, forming a unique “ritualized construction process”. Taihu Lake, where Linwu Cave is located, was historically called “Dongting 洞庭”. The “Bao Mountain” mentioned by Tao Hongjing later referred to Xishan Island in Dongting. The phrase “Appointing Bao Mountain as the agreed time, gathering at Dongting for a prolonged stay 指包山而为期, 集洞庭而淹留” (Zuo n.d., p. 845), implies that the cave meanders through the mountains and underground. “Dongting” is depicted as a vast wilderness integrating heaven and earth, and through Linwu Cave beneath Taihu Lake, one could symbolically reach any part of China, recreating a world of immortals within a confined space. Additionally, Linwu Cave is also popularly known as the “Dragon Cave of Taihu Lake 太湖龙窟”. The dragon is a water deity in charge of rain, thus Linwu Cave, located in the center of the sacred mountain, naturally became a popular area for praying for sunshine or rain. The Tang Dynasty poet Bai Juyi (白居易), in his poem Harmonizing with Wei Zhi’s Spring Day Submission to Yangming Grotto-Heaven in Fifty Rhymes (He Wei Zhi Chunri Toujian Yangming Dongtian Wushi Yun 和微之春日投简阳明洞天五十韵), writes: “Going to cast golden slips, returning carrying jade vessels (去为投金简, 来因挈玉壶)” (F. Ding et al. 1998, p. 310). Here, “cast golden slips” (投金简), a practice widely popular during the Tang and Song Dynasties, refers to the Daoist Ritual of Casting Golden Dragons and Jade Slips (toulongjian 投龙简), a state-sponsored practice aimed at securing cosmic order and imperial legitimacy. In this ritual, the little ingot of the dragon acted as a sacred messenger, carrying a jade slip inscribed with prayers into the subterranean or aquatic realms of the grotto, rather than being an offering to a dragon deity. As a place for communication with deities, Linwu Cave became an important venue for Casting Golden Dragons and Jade Slips during Daoist Rituals of Offering and Petition (zhaijiao 斋醮). In the Song Dynasty, it is considered as a location where emperors frequently performed rituals of Casting Dragons and Slips. Archaeological excavations have uncovered numerous Tang and Song Dynasty Daoist Casting Dragons and Slips relics from Linwu Cave1 (Figure 1 and Figure 2) (Cheng et al. 2010, p. 41; L. Li 2025, pp. 152–55). Among these artifacts is a jade tablet (Figure 2c) from the second year of Tianxi reign of Emperor Zhenzong of the Southern Song Dynasty (1018 AD), bearing the inscription “Above, for the ancestral temples; below, for all living beings; requesting blessings and praying for grace; eliminating calamities and dispelling faults 上为宗庙, 下为群生, 请福祈恩, 消灾散咎” and “Harmonizing Heaven and securing the Earth, protecting the country and pacifying the people 和天安地, 保国宁民” (Chen 2010, p. 90). This inscription reflects the emperor’s intention to seek blessings and eliminate calamities for the nation and its people. Additional Song Dynasty Casting Dragons and Slips relics associated with Emperor Zhezong (S. Wang 1993, pp. 289–94) and Emperor Huizong (Z. Shi 1989, p. 13) unearthed elsewhere demonstrate that this Daoist ritual had become an official state practice by the Song Dynasty. While official Casting Dragons and Slips Rituals continued at locations such as Wudang Mountain into the Ming Dynasty2 (J. Li 1983; A. Ding 1988; Y. Wang 1994), records of such activities at Linwu Cave in Suzhou became scarce after the Northern Song Dynasty (1026 CE). Nevertheless, thanks to the Suzhou literati, Linwu Cave’s cultural significance persisted, gradually transforming it into a landmark of Wuzhong 吴中 (the Suzhou area).

2.2. Shaping Linwu Cave as a Cultural Landmark

Throughout history, literati have actively sought to establish cultural legitimacy through field investigations and textual research. While Linwu Cave’s religious status was established in Tang Dynasty Daoist scriptures, its historicization and localization were largely achieved through the systematic compilation of literature and field investigations conducted by Suzhou literati during the Ming Dynasty.

Based on materials including the inscription stele of a Liang Dynasty Daoist Priest and the Inscription of Linwu Lodge (Linwu Guan Ming 林屋馆铭) obtained from the clearing of Linwu Cave in the 1980s, Linwu Cave’s exploration practices had existed at least since the Xiao Liang period of the Southern Dynasties. After the Tang Dynasty, Zhu Changwen 朱长文’s Supplementary Records to the Illustrated Guide to Wu Commandery 吴郡图经续记 of the Northern Song Dynasty first associated Linwu Cave with historical sites in the Wu region. Zhu’s work states that the cave “contains white fungus of immortality and purple springs, which serve as food and drink for the immortals, who come and go within the cave. During the Tang Dynasty, Casting Dragons and Slips Rituals took place here, leading to the construction of a palace 有白芝, 紫泉, 为神仙饮饵, 盖列真往来其间。唐时投龙于此, 因建宫” (Zhu n.d., pp. 52–53). This paved the way for later scholars to integrate the Daoist concept of grotto-heavens with narratives of sage-kings. In the Southern Song Dynasty, Fan Chengda 范成大’s Wu Jun Zhi 吴郡志 further verified that “Linwu Mountain... has a cave below... After Yu the Great controlled the floodwaters, he hid the Five Talismans here. This is what King Helu of Wu obtained when he sent the Venerable Longwei into the mountain 林屋山……下有洞……夏禹治水平后, 藏五符于此, 吴王阖闾使灵威丈人入山所得是也” (Fan n.d., p. 281). This incorporated Linwu Cave into the broader historical narrative of water conservancy in the Lower Yangtze region (Jiangnan).

The Ming Dynasty witnessed Linwu Cave’s recognition as a symbol of local culture. Wang Ao 王鏊’s Zhenze Bian 震泽编 thoroughly recorded Linwu Cave’s geographical location, internal stone chambers’ structure, and distribution of its sacred springs (灵泉). It also cited Daoist texts such as Declarations of the Perfected and Records of Grotto-Heavens and Blessed Lands (Dongtian Fudi Ji洞天福地记), emphasized its religious attribute as “the Grotto-Heaven of Utmost Divinity and Mysterious Emptiness”, and reinforced its cultural image as a “Jiangnan Secret Realm”. (A. Wang n.d.a, p. 165) Zhenze Bian traced the history of the Lingyou Temple (Lingyou Guan 灵祐观) near the cave: “In the second year of the Qianfeng era of Emperor Gaozong of the Tang Dynasty, an imperial decree ordered the construction of Spirit Temples and Secret Temples in famous mountains and large rivers throughout the nation, in order to promote Daoism and honor virtue. The establishment of Divine Scenery occurred in that same year. In the fourth year of the Yuanhe era, the Daoist Priest Zhou Yinyao devoted all his efforts to managing the Linwu Cave. During the Tianxi era, envoys were sent to present Dragon Tablets, requesting that it be changed into a temple, which is now named Lingyou. In the fifth year of the Tianxi era of the Song Dynasty, Emperor Kang Xiaoji ordered its reconstruction 唐高宗乾封二年, 诏天下名山大川皆创灵观秘宇, 以侈尊道崇德之意, 神景之置, 即是岁也。至元和四年, 羽流周隐遥悉力经营。天禧中, 使人投龙简, 归请改作观, 今名灵祐。宋天禧五年, 诏康孝基重建” (A. Wang n.d.a, p. 165). This connected the rise and fall of the Daoist temple to local history and used epigraphic evidence to demonstrate the spatial interdependence of the temple and the cave. Wang Ao 王鏊’s Rhapsody on the Two Mountains of Dongting (Dongting Liangshan Fu 洞庭两山赋) (A. Wang n.d.b, pp. 182–89) (Figure 3) through field investigations combined Linwu Cave’s geological features with the legend of “Great Yu controls the flood” (大禹治水), stating “stone caves are hollow, some say they are traces of Yu 石窦嵌空, 或云禹迹”, imbuing the cave with a symbolic meaning of the origin of Chinese civilization. This rhapsody was later inscribed on a stele on the West Dongting Mountain, becoming a local cultural landmark text (the existing rubbing being held in the Suzhou Museum of Inscribed Stone Tablets). Cai Yu 蔡羽’s Collected Writings on Linwu (Linwu Ji 林屋集) also systematically reviewed historical documents, examined the evolution of the cave’s names (“Dragon Cave 龙洞”, “Rain Cave 雨洞”) and traced the origins and development of these alternative names). It also mapped the directions of the cave’s internal branches and their connections to the external water system, further underscoring Linwu Cave’s status as a cultural landmark (Cai n.d., pp. 359–61).

In summary, through literary studies and on-site investigations, Suzhou literati connected Linwu Cave’s religious attributes with the civilization history in the Jiangnan region, giving it “historicity”, “religious sanctity”, and “regional identity”, making it a shared material and cultural heritage for the scholar-officials class. This research and verification transformed Linwu Cave from an abstract Daoist symbol into a Jiangnan cultural landmark with both historical significance and geographical reality. As Li Xiaoti 李孝悌 points out in Obsessed with the Mundane (Lianlian Hongchen 恋恋红尘), by “examining and verifying the sacred”, the Jiangnan literati in the Ming Dynasty were constructing a “localized transcendence”, to counteract the cultural homogenization imposed by centralized power (X. Li 2022).

3. Wu School’s Reconstruction of Daoist Imagery in Linwu Cave Paintings

The Wu School’s paintings of Linwu Cave during the Ming Dynasty (

Table 1. “Linwu” Related Paintings by Wu School Painters of the Ming Dynasty.

Date	Artist	Title	Collection/Source
1466	Liu Jue 刘珏	Du Qiong, Liu Jue, Shen Zhou Landscape Album—Singing Merrily at Linwu (Fangge Linwu) «杜琼, 刘珏, 沈周山水合卷—放歌林屋»	Shanghai Museum
1466	Liu Jue 刘珏	Du Qiong, Liu Jue, Shen Zhou Landscape Album—Nurturing Natural Harmony (Yiyang Tianhe) «杜琼, 刘珏, 沈周山水合卷—颐养天和»	Shanghai Museum
1466	Du Qiong 杜琼	Du Qiong, Liu Jue, Shen Zhou Landscape Album—Casting Off the Worldly Realm (Tuoxie Mingqu) «杜琼, 刘珏, 沈周山水合卷—脱屣名区»	Shanghai Museum
1466	Shen Zhou 沈周	Du Qiong, Liu Jue, Shen Zhou Landscape Album—Finding Joy Alone in the Fragrant Garden (Fangyuan Dule) «杜琼, 刘珏, 沈周山水合卷—芳园独乐»	Shanghai Museum
N/A	Shen Zhou沈周	Landscape at Linwu Mountain (Xishan Linwu Tu) «溪山林屋图»	Nanjing Museum
1487	Shen Zhou沈周	Record of a Journey to West Mountain (Xishan Jiyou Tu) «西山纪游图»	Shanghai Museum
N/A	Shen Zhou沈周	Autumn Clearing over Dongting Lake (Dongting Qiuji Tu) «洞庭秋霁图»	N/A
N/A	Shen Zhou沈周	Tour of West Mountain Scroll (You Xishan Tu Juan) «游西山图卷»	N/A
1504	Tang Yin 唐寅	Linwu Cave (Linwu Dong Tu) «林屋洞图»	Record of Grand Views (Daguan Lu) «大观录»
1506	Tang Yin 唐寅	Lord Wang Appointed Prime Minister (Wang Gong Baixiang Tu) «王公拜相图»	Beijing Palace Museum
1548	Wen Zhengming 文徵明	West Mountain of Dongting Lake (Dongting Xishan Tu) «洞庭西山图»	Taipei Palace Museum
N/A	Wen Zhengming文徵明	Tour of West Mountain (Xi Shan You Tu) «西山游图»	Catalogue of Calligraphy and Paintings in the Collection of Zhu Wo’an (Zhu Wo’an Cang Shu Hua Mu) «朱卧庵藏书画目»
N/A	Wen Zhengming文徵明	Poems and Paintings of a Tour of West Mountain (You Xishan Shi Bing Hui Tu Juan) «游西山诗并绘图卷»	Shiqu Baoji, First Compilation (Shiqu Baoji Chubian) «石渠宝笈·初编»
1527	Wen Jia 文嘉	Wen Jia, Wen Boren, Lu Zhi, Chen Daofu, Wu School Masters Celebrating Yuan Fangzhai’s Triple Excellence Album—Linwu Cave (Wen Jia, Wen Boren, Lu Zhi, Chen Daofu, Wu Men Zhujia Shou Yuan Fangzhai Sanjue Ce—Linwu Dong Tu) «文嘉, 文伯仁, 陆治, 陈道复吴门诸家寿袁方斋三绝册—林屋洞图»	Beijing Palace Museum
1564	Wen Jia 文嘉	Seeing Off Recluse Oujiang to Tour Linwu Cave Heaven (Song Oujiang Jushi You Linwu Dongtian) «送鸥江居士游林屋洞天»	Tokyo National Museum
1572	Wen Jia, Qian Gu 文嘉, 钱毂	Linwu Cave Heaven (Linwu Dongtian Tu) «林屋洞天图»	Beijing Rong Bao Auctions, Autumn 2017 Art Auction
1555	Wen Boren 文伯仁	Juqu and Linwu (Juqu Linwu Tu) «具区林屋图»	Taipei Palace Museum
N/A	Wen Boren 文伯仁	Juqu and Linwu (Juqu Linwu Tu) «具区林屋图»	Shanghai Museum
N/A	Wen Boren 文伯仁	West Dongting Mountain (Xi Dongting Shan Tu) «西洞庭山图»	Taipei Palace Museum
N/A	Wen Boren 文伯仁	Ten Views of Gusu—Spring Scenery of Dongting (Gusu Shijing Tu—Dongting Chunse) «姑苏十景图—洞庭春色»	Taipei Palace Museum
N/A	Wen Boren 文伯仁	East and West Mountains of Dongting (Dongting Dongxi Liangshan Tu) «洞庭东西两山图»	Catalogue of Calligraphy and Paintings from the Shibaizhai Studio (Shi Bai Zhai Shu Hua Lu)«十百斋书画录»
N/A	Lu Zhi 陆治	Linwu Cave Heaven (Linwu Dongtian Tu) «林屋洞天图»	China Academy of Art
1527	Lu Zhi 陆治	Wen Jia, Wen Boren, Lu Zhi, Chen Daofu, Wu Men Masters Celebrating Yuan Fangzhai’s Triple Excellence Album—Xiaoxia Wan (Wen Jia, Wen Boren, Lu Zhi, Chen Daofu, Wu Men Zhujia Shou Yuan Fangzhai Sanjue Ce—Xiao Xia Wan Tu) «文嘉, 文伯仁, 陆治, 陈道复吴门诸家寿袁方斋三绝册—销夏湾图»	Beijing Palace Museum
N/A	Lu Zhi 陆治	Fan Painting of Spring Dawn at Juqu (Juqu Chunxiao Tu Shan Ye) «具区春晓图扇页»	Beijing Palace Museum
1534	Lu Zhi, Cai Yu 陆治, 蔡羽	Combined Calligraphy and Painting Scroll of Records of Xiaowan Bay (Xiao Xia Wan Ji Shu Hua Hebi Juan) «销夏湾记书画合璧卷»	Shanghai Tianheng Auction Co., Ltd. Autumn 2009 Art Auction
N/A	Lu Zhi, Cai Yu 陆治, 蔡羽	Combined Calligraphy and Painting Album of Misty Scenic Wonders (Shu Hua Hebi Ce Piaomiao Shengjing) «书画合璧 册 缥缈胜景»	Taipei Palace Museum
N/A	Zhang Hong 张宏	Ten Views of Baoshan—Linwu Cave (Baoshan Shijing Tu—Linwu Dong) «包山十景图—林屋洞»	Taipei Palace Museum
1626	Zhang Hong 张宏	Mount Shigong Scroll (Shi Gong Shan Tu Juan) «石公山图卷»	Chongqing Museum
1649	Zhang Hong 张宏	Refreshing Autumn Air on West Mountain (Xi Shan Shuangqi Tu) «西山爽气图»	Zhejiang Provincial Museum
1637	Zhang Hong et al. 张宏等	Overview of the Suzhou Terrace—Autumn Scenery of Yanggu (Su Tai Lan Sheng Tu—Yanggu Qiurong) «苏台览胜图—旸谷秋容»	Shanghai Museum
N/A	Lu Shidao 陆师道	Album of Juqu Linwu «具区林屋»册	Appreciating Calligraphy and Painting (Shu Hua Jian Ying) «书画鉴影»
1610	Qian Gong 钱贡	Fuyuan Temple on West Mountain of Dongting Lake (Dongting Xishan Fuyuan Si Tu) «洞庭西山福源寺图»	Suzhou Museum
N/A	Sun Zhi 孙枝	Landscape Scroll by Sun Zhi (Sunzhi Shanshui Juan) «孙枝山水卷»	Beijing Palace Museum
1626	Yuan Shangtong 袁尚统	Magistrate Kou Shen of Suzhou Retiring from Office—Autumn Mist over Dongting (Suzhou Taishou Kou Shen Qu Ren Tu—Dongting Qiuai) «苏州太守寇慎去任图—洞庭秋霭»	Suzhou Museum

Note: Linwu Cave is located on West Dongting Mountain (also known as “Linwu Mountain”) in Suzhou, China. Therefore, this table compiles paintings related to “Linwu Cave”, “Linwu”, “Dongting”, and “West Mountain”.

) represent more than geographical landscapes but also a reconstruction of the cave’s cultural imagery. Through the medium of brush and ink, painters transformed the Daoist grotto-heavens and blessed lands into visual expressions that carried ideals of reclusion and spiritual faith. This artistic process was both a visual translation of the Daoist worldview and a collective practice of the literati to construct a spiritual home between the secular and the sacred.

3.1. Painters’ Faith and Creation Context

Represented by Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Tang Yin, and others, the Wu School of painting during the Ming dynasty not only portrayed natural landscapes but also projected literati’s spirit and religious beliefs. As one of the Ten Great Grotto-Heavens of Daoism, Linwu Cave was transformed by Wu School painters from a geographical landscape to a cultural symbol carrying ideals of reclusion and faith. This transformation was deeply tied to the painters’ personal Daoist beliefs and the socio-cultural context of the mid-Ming dynasty. Through socializing and creating art, Wu School painters seamlessly integrated Daoism into artistic practices, transforming Linwu Cave into a unique medium that bridged the sacred and the secular, as well as religion and art.

The close interactions between the Wu School painters and the Daoist community provided religious insights that enriched their artistic creation. Wen Zhengming often associated with Daoist Priests. In 1545, Wen Zhengming’s letter to the Daoist Priest Shuangwu 双梧 (Wen Zhengming Ji 1987b, p. 1482), accompanied by seven travel poems (Wen Zhengming Ji 1987a, p. 422), was not only a gesture of gratitude after a tour, but also implied an exchange of knowledge and ideas. (Clunas 2009, p. 169) As one of the Daoist centers in Suzhou, the Xuanmiao Temple 玄妙观’s architectural space itself was a manifestation of the Daoist worldview. Shuangwu’s guidance provided Wen Zhengming an interpretation of Daoist space. During a visit to the Taiqing Palace 太清宫 on Mount Lao, Wen reportedly “discussed metaphysics and Daoism with the Daoist Priests, meticulously studied the principles of the qin (a traditional Chinese stringed instrument), stayed for more than ten days, and then bid farewell 谈玄论道, 精研琴理, 逗留十余日, 告辞而归” (Lin 2021, p. 102). In 1553, Wen Zhengming also wrote a poem entitled Presented to Daoist Zhu Yihe 赠朱一鹤道士 (Wen Zhengming Ji 1987a, p. 1001). Wen’s interactions with Daoist Priests were not simple social activities but a complex practice that integrated religious experiences, artistic creation, and spiritual emotions. Wen’s Daoist connections also influenced his artistic works. In 1533, Wen created Thirty-One Views of the Humble Administrator’s Garden 拙政园三十一景图 for his friend Wang Xianchen 王献臣. According to Wei Xiuyu’s research, in this painting, Wen drew inspiration from the recluse Lu Hong 卢鸿’s Thatched Cottage 草堂图, and incorporated Daoist beliefs to express either the garden owner’s or his own longing for a secluded and refined life. (Wei 2017, pp. 74–75) In 1548, Wen and his friends visited West Dongting Mountain, where Linwu Cave is located, and painted West Mountain of Dongting Lake, inscribing on the painting:

A faint moon veiled by thin clouds on a misty night. A long path stretches through ten li of pine shade. The hidden stream in the grassy ravine sends forth its sound at times. Wild plum blossoms conceal snow and emit a subtle fragrance. A towering haze obscures the color of the distant mountains. Distant fires faintly illuminate the broken walls. This is the place I visited fifteen years ago. Returning now, I have nearly forgotten my past footprints. Tenth month of guǐmǎo. I traveled to West Dongting Mountain with Lü Xue. Upon returning, I painted it, and added this poem. Now, in the mid-winter of wùshēn (1548 AD), six years have passed. Recalling those times, I created this. My spirit and eyesight have not diminished. Zhengming, at the age of seventy-nine.3 (Wen [Ming Dynasty])

薄云笼月夜微茫。十里松阴一径长。草涧伏流时送响。野梅藏雪暗吹香。冥烟突兀苍山色。远火依稀破壁光。十五年前旧游地。重来踪迹已相忘。癸卯十月。同履学游洞庭西山。归而图之。并系此诗。迄今戊申 (西元一五四八年) 冬仲。六阅年矣。追想作此。精神目力。尚不减也。徵明。时年七十有九。

The use of poetic phrases such as “thin clouds veiling the moon”, “ten li of pine shade”, and “hidden streams in grassy ravines” reflects a reverence for the beauty of nature, resonating with Daoism’s principle of The Way Follows Nature (Dao Fa Zi Ran 道法自然). The imagery in the painting, including “watching waterfalls”, “thatched cottages”, “Daoist temples”, and “a boy delivering a qin to a recluse”, are all related to Daoism, suggesting his own faith in Daoism and spiritual aspiration for quiet cultivation and separation from the world. Amidst the towering rocks and lush trees, Wen creates a space of emptiness with boundless vitality, just like the dantian 丹田 (elixir field, a center of Qi) area in humans’ body in Daoism. Wen Zhengming’s second son, Wen Jia 文嘉, also a devout follower of Daoism, shared similar artistic and spiritual pursuits. He frequently associated with Daoist priests and visited Linwu Cave multiple times. In 1564, Wen Jia created Seeing Off Recluse Oujiang to Tour Linwu Cave Heaven4 (Wen [Ming Dynasty]), which depicted “grotto heavens” and “blessed lands”. The identity of “Recluse Oujiang” remains unknown, and Cai Chunxu speculates that he was likely a Daoist follower. (Cai 2016, p. 12) Therefore, both father and son expressed their Daoist faith through their unique artistic approaches and lifestyles. Their works reflect a shared pursuit of the Daoist spirit blending art, philosophy and spirituality into a harmonious whole that embodies the reverence for nature and their quest for transcendence.

Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming’s teacher, was also deeply influenced by Daoist thoughts and practices. (Lee 2009) Shen Zhou maintained a close relationship with Daoist Priest Fang Zhiqing 方志清. In 1475, Fang Zhiqing visited Xiangcheng to encourage Shen Zhou to pursue the Dao of the Mysterious Elder (xuanlao zhi dao 玄老之道). While Shen Zhou politely declined the invitation, his Daoist inclinations were evident throughout his life. At the age of fifty-five, he likened himself to “a fool of heaven and earth” (He 2015, p. 243) in a poem inscribed on a painting, revealing his Daoist beliefs. In 1484, Shen Zhou visited scenic spots with Wu Kuan 吴宽and painted three cypress trees that had been planted in 500 AD by a Daoist Priest in a temple in Yushan, north of Suzhou. There were originally seven trees, known as the Seven Stars. (Cahill 2023, pp. 88, 90) The “Seven Stars” correspond to the Daoist belief in the Big Dipper 北斗七星, “The Eastern Dipper governs calculation, the Western Dipper records names, the Northern Dipper determines death, the Southern Dipper governs birth, and the Central Dipper is the Grand Commander, overseeing all spirits 东斗主算, 西斗记名, 北斗落死, 南斗上生, 中斗大魁, 总监众灵” (Anonymous n.d.a, p. 10). The Seven Stars in Daoism are not only a symbol of cosmic order but also an object of contemplation for practitioners. Shen Zhou’s poem inscribed on the painting, “The Seven Stars transform into three trees, still resonating with the sound of jade pendants in the celestial breeze 七星幻作三株在, 犹在天风响佩环”, contains multiple layers of Daoist meaning, implying Shen’s complex interaction with Daoist culture. The cultural resonance of these cypresses is further evidenced in the art of the period. For instance, Wen Zhengming also depicted the Seven Stars Cypresses, underscoring their significance within the literati imagination of Suzhou’s sacred geography (Little 2000, pp. 374–75). Additionally, Shen often visited West Dongting Mountain, the location of Linwu Cave, and created works such as Viewing the West Mountain (Xishan Guantu 西山观图), Autumn Colors of the West Mountain (Xishan Qiusetu 西山秋色图), Cloudy West Mountain (Xishan Yunai Tu西山云霭图), West Mountain (Xishan Tu 西山图), and Record of a Journey to the West Mountain (Xishan Jiyou Tu西山记游图), depicting the scenery of West Mountain across different times and spaces, serving as visual meditations on nature and expressions of Shen’s emotions. Viewing the West Mountain in the Rain (Xishan Yuguan Tu西山雨观图) was created when Shen Zhou went to West Mountain to bury his wife. The lakes, mountains, distant peaks, and forests are all rendered with delicate ink dots, imbuing the scroll with a sense of Shen’s sorrow and introspection. For Shen Zhou, West Mountain was not only a source of artistic inspiration but also a sanctuary for his spirit, as he expressed in the postscript to Record of a Journey to the West Mountain:

I have lived in the Wu and Kuaiji region for sixty years. My footsteps have been limited, and I have been unable to pack provisions and wield a sword to explore the wonders of the world’s mountains and rivers to broaden my horizons. I often row a boat with wine and wander leisurely on West Mountain, writing poems and gathering herbs, lingering for days. Unable to satisfy my lifelong love of travel, I return and trace my paths, letting my brush imagine every forest, every stream, every hill, and every valley, keeping these paintings within a few frames for my own enjoyment. I am ashamed that my brushwork is clumsy and awkward, my composition shallow and constrained, lacking the timeless and layered feeling of the ancients. Skilled masters will surely criticize me.’—Inscribed by Shen Zhou at the Ink-Inspired Retreat.5 (Shen [Ming Dynasty])

余生育吴会六十年矣, 足迹自局, 未能裹粮仗剑, 以极天下山水之奇观以自广。时时棹酒船, 放游西山, 寻诗采药, 留恋弥日。少厌平生好游未足之心, 归而追寻其迹, 则放笔想象, 一林一溪, 一峦一坞, 留几格间自玩。所愧笔墨生涩, 运置浅逼, 无古人悠远层叠之意, 大方家当有诮也。沈周题墨兴斋中。

The phrase “I have lived in the Wu and Kuaiji region for sixty years. My footsteps have been limited” reflects Shen Zhou’s sense of confinement within the physical body and the mundane world, a sentiment deeply tied to Daoist ideals of transcendence. This sense of limitation contrasts with the Daoist aspiration for spiritual freedom, as embodied in the legends of wandering immortals who “pack provisions and wield a sword to explore the wonders of the world’s mountains and rivers”. Shen Zhou’s unfulfilled travels evoke a subtle disillusionment with the Daoist ideal of “ascension in the flesh, leading to immortality”6 (roushen feisheng, 肉身飞升) (Duren Jing 度人经, juan 1). However, Shen transforms his regret into an alternative form of spiritual wandering: “rowing a boat with wine and wandering leisurely on West Mountain”. This act of leisurely wandering becomes a metaphor for Shen Zhou’s internal journey toward Daoist ideals, reflecting his ability to reconcile the limitations of the physical world with the boundless freedom of the spirit. In the inscription on West Mountain, Shen Zhou vividly describes the tranquil beauty of Jiangnan water towns: “Fishing villages and crab huts cluster together, forming villages on the lake that resemble paintings. Interconnected shores and broken sands are naturally connected by bridges, light gulls and distant waters are all empty. Boats are lost in the willows, people lean on the green, lamps are separated by reeds, and fires reflect red. Everything matches my family’s style, as the thatched cottage once had this foolish old man 鱼庄蟹舍一丛丛, 湖上成村似画中。互渚断沙桥自贯, 轻鸥远水地俱空。船迷杨柳人依绿, 灯隔蒹葭火映红。全与吾家风致合, 草堂曾有此愚翁”. While the imagery of “ naturally connected by bridges “ and “fishing villages and crab huts” powerfully evokes the utopian trope of Tao Yuanming’s Peach Blossom Spring (桃源)—a prevalent literary motif for Ming literati seeking spiritual escape—it is crucial to recognize that this archetype of an earthly paradise is itself deeply indebted to Daoist conceptions of the Grotto-Heaven (Bokenkamp 1986; Stein 2025). Thus, while the poem appeals to a shared literati culture, its foundational imagery is ultimately grounded in the Daoist cosmology associated with the Linwu Cave. Shen Zhou’s East Village (Dongzhuang Tu, 东庄图)7 further exemplifies his Daoist inclinations. The painting includes a depiction of “Crane Cave”, a reference to the Daoist legend of Wang Ziqiao (王子乔), who is said to have ascended to immortality by transforming into a white crane. Wang Shizhen (王世贞) later wrote a poem about Wang Ziqiao, reinforcing the connection between the depiction of caves and Daoist metaphysical thought. In Shen Zhou’s works, caves become symbolic spaces that bridge the earthly and the divine, allowing him to express his Daoist beliefs and aspirations within the framework of his art.

Tang Yin’s creation of Linwu Cave, accompanied by an inscription, has unfortunately been lost to history. However, his other poems, lyrics, and documented life experiences reflects his deep reverence for Daoism and his aspiration for a reclusive existence. Within the Wu School artist’s tradition, “Linwu Cave” and “West Mountain” transcended their physical locations to become spiritual havens for the literati. Through social interactions and artistic creation, Wu School painters integrated Daoist philosophy into their artistic practices, making Linwu Cave a unique medium connecting the sacred and the secular, as well as religion and art. This artistic projection of faith not only enriched the religious connotations of their paintings but also made the painters active practitioners of their beliefs. By employing brush and ink, the Wu School painters reimagined Linwu Cave from a Daoist sacred site into a cultural symbol of the literati’s spiritual world, achieving a profound transformation from a geographical space to a cultural symbol.

3.2. Meanings of Elements in Paintings

3.2.1. Stalactite

The flat, “rooftop-like” ceiling of Linwu Cave lacks the prominent presence of stalactites, yet their frequent depiction in paintings may be closely related to the Daoist veneration of these formations.

In Daoism, stalactite mountains hold profound symbolic significance, deeply intertwined with Daoist cosmology and cultivation practices. According to Daoist scriptures, stalactites are regarded as “the essence of stone marrow, congealing into milk over a thousand years 石髓凝精, 千年为乳”. Their slow mineral deposition process is interpreted as an embodiment of “the union of heaven and earth 天地交媾”, resonating with the Daoist cultivation principle of “assembling the five elements 攒簇五行 (X. Xu n.d., p. 34)”. During the Tang dynasty, Daoist alchemists recognized powdered stalactites as an important ingredient in elixirs (wai dan shu 外丹术). For example, the Nine Cauldrons Divine Elixir Scripture and Formulas (Jiu Ding Shen Dan Jing Jue 九鼎神丹经诀) records its combination with mercury and cinnabar (Anonymous n.d.b, pp. 162–163). Similarly, the Ming dynasty Register of Elixir Chamber Recipes (Dan Fang Pu Lu 丹房谱录) preserved in Suzhou’s Xuanmiao Temple points out that the stalactites of Linwu Cave (part of a stalactite mountain cave complex) were revered as a superior raw material for refining the “Nine Cycles Reconstituting Elixir (jiu zhuan huan dan九转还丹)” (Quan and Shi n.d., pp. 49–51) due to their “containing purple qi”. This material significance was not only based on their physical properties but also rooted from the Daoist religious imagination of “Earth Energy Veins 地脉灵气”. Within the Daoist cosmological system of grotto heavens and blessed lands, stalactite mountain caves were incorporated into the narrative of the “Thirty-Six Lesser Grotto-Heavens”. For example, Record of Linwu Grotto Heaven (Linwu Dongtian Ji 林屋洞天记) mythologizes Linwu Cave as the site where Yu the Great obtained the Five Talismans of the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao Wufu 灵宝五符). The stalactites within the cave are further identified as transformations of “Yu’s Surplus Grain (yu liang 禹余粮)”, elevating the natural landscape into a sacred site through mythical associations. Artists of the Wu School, Wen Jia, in Linwu Cave, depicts the characteristics of stalactite mountains in two ways (Figure 4b). Wen Jia represents stalactite mountains using simple outlines and “green” rendering, where green corresponds to the Wood virtue of the East in the Daoist color spectrum, symbolizing continuous vitality. Additionally, Figure 4d uses “rolled cloud texture strokes (卷云皴)” to depict the hanging form of stalactites, where the spiraling brushstrokes could be interpreted by a Ming viewer familiar with Daoist inner alchemy as metaphorically implying the experience of “qi rising to the crown of the head (炁冲百会)”, thereby elevating geological features into a potential cultivation diagram. Lu Zhi’s Linwu Cave Heaven (Figure 4c) utilizes texturing and shading strokes (cun ca 皴擦) to convey the deep spatiality of stalactite mountain caves, emphasizing their mystical and sacred qualities.

In summary, for the literati, stalactite mountains, as envisioned in Daosim, were not only the material resources of cultivation practices but also served as the “wordless scripture” of natural Dao. Myths, alchemical traditions, and artistic representations collectively imbued the stalactite mountain with religious significance.

3.2.2. Immortal Mountains and Auspicious Clouds

Immortal mountains and auspicious clouds, as essential motifs in Daoist paintings, function as a visual translation system of the religious worldview.

From the Daoist saying “Kunlun and Xuanpu are where the immortals dwell 昆仑玄圃, 仙真所居” to the “cloud atmosphere method (yun qi fa 云气法)” recorded in Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Zhang n.d.c, p. 53), these images consistently embody the Daoist philosophical principle of “the unity of heaven and humanity (tian ren he yi 天人合一)”. In Wu Daozi 吴道子’s Heavenly King Who Sends Children (Songzi Tianwang Tu 送子天王图) from the Tang Dynasty, immortal mountains traverse the composition in an “S” shape, subtly mirroring the alchemical Dan Dao (丹道) cyclical orbit of “Kanli Kuangguo坎离匡郭” (Yin n.d., p. 5). Meanwhile, in the context of the Daoist history of the cave, the vortex structure of auspicious clouds, rendered with the “water shield texture stroke (chun cai miao 莼菜描)” technique, may be viewed as the inner vision of “qi swirling to form clouds (qi xuan cheng yun 炁旋成云)” (Yong n.d., p. 869) during Daoist cultivation. The “three distances method (san yuan fa 三远法)” proposed by Guo Xi 郭熙 in Lofty Ambitions of Forests and Streams (Guo 1936, p. 15) acquires new interpretation within the Daoist context: the towering and precipitous “high distance” immortal mountains corresponds to the image of the Niwan Palace 泥丸宫 with “seven jade seals shutting the double gates 七蕤玉籥闭两扉” (J. Zhang n.d.a, p. 200). The extending and unfolding “flat distance” auspicious clouds symbolize the circulation of qi channels, expressed as “true qi steams and reaches the four limbs 真炁薰蒸达四肢” (Xiao n.d., p. 7). Huang Gongwang 黄公望’s Heavenly Pool and Stone Wall (Tianchi Shibi Tu天池石壁图) from the Yuan Dynasty employs ochre to daub the mountain body and cinnabar to outline the cloud patterns, with a color system that strictly follows the religious color spectrum in the Jade Mirror of the Sacred Treasure (Ling Bao Yu Jian 灵宝玉鉴), where “red clouds are the qi of heaven, and dark essence is the marrow of earth 丹霞为天炁, 玄精为地髓” (Anonymous n.d.c, p. 295).

The Wu School painters of the Ming Dynasty further secularized these images. In Wen Boren’s Spring Scenery of Dongting (Figure 5c), a flat distance perspective is adopted, reducing the immortal mountains to the hills of Jiangnan and simplifying the auspicious clouds into light ink washes. This approach reflects the Daoist thought of “harmonizing with the light and assimilating with the dust (he guang tong chen 和光同尘)” (Guo and Cheng n.d., p. 30) in the visual form. Zhang Hong’s Linwu Cave (Figure 5d) further simplifies the brush and ink, dissolving the sacred immortal mountain into the “auspicious clouds” formed by the spatial blank space. Similarly, Liu Jue’s Singing Merrily at Linwu (Figure 5a) also uses blank space to highlight the sacredness of the “immortal mountain”. In Wen Jia’s Linwu Cave (Figure 5b), Wen uses an outlining techniques to depict the “auspicious clouds”, transforming them into cloud patterns encoded with the numerological principles of Hetu 河图 and Luoshu 洛书. This approach achieves the ultimate integration of religious symbols and the numerological worldview.

3.2.3. Lingyou Temple, Hermits, and Hermitage Space

In Wu School paintings, depictions of Daoist temples with distinct characteristics, such as those in Lu Zhi’s Linwu Grotto Heaven (Figure 6a), are relatively rare. In this picture, Lingyou Temple, as a typical representative of Daoist temples, embodies the religious worldview of “emulating heaven and modeling the earth 象天法地” and the cultivation concept of “both form and spirit achieving perfection 形神俱妙”. The combination of hermits and thatched cottages in Daoist culture is not just a simple symbol of reclusion. Instead, it carries the philosophy of “returning to simplicity and genuineness 返璞归真” and the cultivation practice of “both form and spirit achieving perfection”. From the admonition of “see the simple, embrace the genuine 见素抱朴” in the Dao De Jing 道德经 (Lao n.d., p. 41) to the ideal of “roaming freely between heaven and earth 遥于天地之间” in Zhuangzi 庄子 (Zhou 1919, pp. 794–95), the thatched cottage emerges as the tangible embodiment of hermit’s connection to nature and the human microcosm. Daoist hermits residing in thatched cottages focus on the spatial construction principle of “emulating heaven and modeling the earth”. Sima Chengzhen’s Chart of the Palaces and Bureaus of the Grotto Heavens and the Blissful Lands from the Tang Dynasty stipulates, “The refined dwelling for cultivating truth must be built near mountains and rivers, with unpruned thatch 修真精舍须依山傍水, 茅茨不翦”. Such locations were required to be at “the place where earth veins converge 地脉交汇之所”, gaining nourishment from the “qi of the mountain’s yang side 山阳之炁” and forming a natural “jade liquid embrace 玉液环抱” pattern with flowing water. Wu School painters elevated the representation of the thatched cottage to an artistic pinnacle. In Wen Jia’s Linwu Grotto Heaven (Figure 6b) and the collaborative work by Wen Jia and Qian Gu’s Linwu Grotto Heaven (Figure 6c), the thatched halls subtly incorporate Daoist cultivation space, with visual metaphor for “a world within a pot 壶中天地”. Among the hermit poems collected in Complete Tang Poems (Quan Tang Shi 全唐诗), over 60% of poems reference the environmental characteristics of thatched cottages. As Lü Dongbin 吕洞宾 articulated in his Kiln Head Mud Pie Song (Yaotou Peige 窑头坯歌), “The supreme Dao is contained within the thatched mound, and profound secrets are hidden within the earthen cave 草团标中含至道, 土窟里头藏玄机” (Yu n.d., p. 172).

The Daoist hermit’s thatched cottage is far more than a simple dwelling; it serves as a composite Daoist practice site, integrating cosmic cognition, cultivation techniques, and aesthetic expression. From its rammed earth foundations to its thatched roofs, as well as the placement of the alchemical furnace to contemplative visualization, every detail embodies the concept of “the unity of heaven and humanity”. Furthermore, the deer occupies a unique position in Daoist culture (Figure 6d). Wen Jia combines the hermit and the deer into one, forming a multi-layered symbolic system that connects celestial spirit beasts with hermit cultivation. The paintings also feature a variety of other symbolic elements, such as cave entrances, winding paths, cranes, lingzhi mushrooms, old pines, and scriptures. Each of these Daoist images contributed to a visual translation of Daoist philosophy, cosmology, and the cultivation system. By incorporating these images, Wu School painters articulate the Daoist ideals of reclusion, transcendence, and detachment.

4. The Imagistic Functions of Linwu Cave Paintings

4.1. Construction of Local Beliefs

During the Ming Dynasty, Suzhou literati reconstructed Mount Linwu and Linwu Cave from Daoist sacred sites into cultural symbols that embodied the spiritual aspirations of the scholar-officials. Through poems and inscriptions, these sites were reinterpreted to reflect the intellectual and cultural ideals of the literati class. Wang Ao played an important role in this process, which fostered a collective creative tradition among the Wu School literati. Consequently, the cave image emerged as a significant symbol, representing the shared identity of Wu School literati community.

Wang Ao (1450–1524), a prominent representative of the Wu School literati, frequently composed poems about Mount Linwu and Linwu Cave, transforming these sites into symbols of spiritual reclusion and cultural identity. In his poetry, Mound Linwu was not only a geographical landmark but also a spiritual homeland for scholar-officials. Through the poem Harmonizing with Yu Ru’s Thanks for Oranges 和玉汝谢橘 (A. Wang n.d.c, p. 240), Wang praised the abundance of Jiangnan’s natural products by comparing the loquats and lychees of Wu with northern fruits and invoked “relying on Linwu 依林屋” to counter He Zhizhang 贺知章’s Jian Lake retirement anecdote. Similarly, in Docking at Zhigu, Bidding Farewell to Vice Minister Shen, Following His Rhyme 舟次直沽别沈方伯次其韵 (A. Wang n.d.d, p. 287), Wang expressed a sense of psychological closeness to Mount Linwu despite its physical distance, idealizing it as a site that could be admired from afar but not easily reached. Thus, Mount Linwu transcended its physicality, becoming a symbol of cultural superiority and a spiritual homeland embodying the scholar-officials’ longing for a reclusive life.

Linwu Cave, on the other hand, was depicted as a Daoist secret realm and a place of spiritual dwelling. In Responding to Vice Minister Chuan’s Poem on Linwu Cave 林屋洞次传水部韵 (A. Wang n.d.e, p. 345), Wang infused the cave with Daoist mysticism, integrating images such as Yu the Great storing books, gods guarding the gate, jade springs, and jade moon, thereby constructing a sacred space that “separates from the human world”. It showed exaggerated expression of extreme longing for the grotto heaven in the final sentence “How much of the clouds and dreams in my heart must I swallow 胸中云梦几湏吞?”. In Passing the Xu Family of West Dongting 过西洞庭徐氏, Wang expressed his determination to grow old in Linwu Cave regardless of geographical obstacles “I want to grow old with fields at Mount Linwu, how can I be limited by a river 林屋有田吾欲老, 岂因一水限西东” (A. Wang n.d.e, pp. 242–44). But Revisiting Linwu Cave 再游林屋洞 showed his contradictory psychology of awe and longing: “ To Pengshan, a road exists, yet how to reach? Linwu has no bolt, inviting frequent return. Treasured books in stone chests, hard to see again, golden courts and jade pillars, for whom do they open? I only worry: darkness, obscurity, utter emptiness; again I fear: a deafening roar, sudden thunder. Not the sacred that bars the profane; the profane bars itself. Before layered gates, about to knock, I hesitate. 蓬山有路那能到, 林屋无扃可数来。宝笈石函难复见, 金庭玉柱为谁开。只愁黯黮浑无地, 又恐砰訇忽有雷。不是隔凡凡自隔, 重门欲叩更徘徊” (A. Wang n.d.e, pp. 412–13). In Wang’s poems, Linwu Cave was not just a simple depiction of reality. Instead, with the grand scenes of “sea surging” and “connecting to the sky” (A. Wang n.d.f, p. 442), he elevated Mount Linwu and Tai Lake into cosmic existences. The line “Daily presenting the Six Arts and various histories, its momentum surpasses the Three Mountains and Ten Continents 日陈六艺兼诸史, 势压三山与十洲” (A. Wang n.d.f, p. 442) compared the library to Daoist immortal mountains (Three Mountains and Ten Continents 三山十洲), further emphasized this cosmic significance. Wang Ao’s poems revitalized the literary and cultural significance of Mount Linwu and Linwu Cave, offering valuable insights into the religious sentiments and reclusive ideals of the Ming Dynasty’s Suzhou literati. His works serve as an essential text for understanding the intersection of literature, Daoist philosophy, and the cultural identity of scholar-officials during this period.

Wang Ao’s literary creation triggered emulation among the Wu School literati, fostering the development of “Linwu inscription tradition”. Although Chen Chun 陈淳 (1483–1544) was a disciple of Wen Zhengming, his poem Touring Dongting on the 28th Day of the Seventh Month («七月二十八日游洞庭») continued Wang Ao’s “looking from afar” narrative. Similarly, Wang Chong 王宠’s (1494–1533) two poems in Touring Mount Bao 游包山诗, Entering Linwu Cave 入林屋洞 and On the Road to Linwu 林屋道中, transformed cave exploration into a metaphor for spiritual enlightenment through the experience of “entering Linwu cave and finally realizing the narrowness of the human world 入林屋洞天, 始觉人世窄”.

This transformation of cave exploration into a metaphor for spiritual enlightenment underscores the importance of the experiential aspect of the site. The physical act of navigating the cave’s confined, dark passages before encountering a spacious hall was often described in literati travelogues as an allegory for spiritual discovery and inner transformation. Lu Zhi (1496–1576) achieved a unique intersection between poetry and painting in his Sixteen Panels of Poems and Paintings of Touring Dongting 游洞庭诗画十六帧. His depiction of stalactite described as “open lips high in the void 虚中高揭唇” in the paintings (see the poem Dong Mountain 洞山),became a recurring visual motif for later painters. These imagery was further reiterated by Lu Shidao 陆师道 (1510–1573) in his Album of Juqu Linwu and a poem Dong Mountain, where he wrote “Dong Mountain is empty, with open lips high in the void, white stones lined up as gums 洞山虚中高揭唇, 白石齿齿排为龈”, (Qian 1989, p. 473). The “ stalactite teeth” subsequently appeared in the paintings of Shen Zhou, Shi Tao 石涛, and others.

In this context, the recurring pictorial focus on the cave’s entrance and its intricate internal rock formations in Wu School paintings can be interpreted as more than topographical detail; it is a visual attempt to mediate this immersive, transformative journey. The paintings thus functioned as virtual portals, allowing both the artist and the viewer to re-live the experience of moving from worldly confinement (“the narrowness of the human world”) to spiritual expansion (“enlightenment”) within the sacred space. Ju Jie 居节’s (1524–1585) further reimagined the cave space in his poem Lodging in a Daoist Temple 宿道院, reconstructing it as “unpacking the bag at the immortal’s home, a small grotto room with green vines 解橐神仙宅, 青萝小洞房” (Qian 1989, p. 482). Meanwhile, collaborative works by Qian Gu and Wen Jia became focal points for literati gathering, as representations of cultural identity and intellectual exchange. In the collective writing of the Ming Dynasty’s Suzhou literati, Linwu Cave underwent a functional transformation from a carrier of belief to a cultural symbol, from a secret cultivation realm to a social space, and from a natural landscape to a textual and visual landscape, making it a core symbol for regional cultural identity.

Wu School’s visual reconstruction of Linwu Cave revealed a unique tendency of “de-ritualization”. Liu Jue’s Singing Merrily at Linwu (Figure 5a) and Shen Zhou’s Landscape at Linwu Mountain (Figure 7) focused on depictions of immortal mountains and houses hidden in the city. Similarly, Qiu Ying 仇英’s Jade Grotto Immortal Spring 玉洞仙源图 and Peach Blossom Spring 桃源仙境图 (Figure 8), portrayed three literati carrying qins, books, and tea sets walked along the stream. A Daoist Priest gritted them at the cave entrance bowed in the same manner as the scholar-officials. The paintings omitted the traditional Daoist ritual instruments and honor guards, added elements of literati garden such as green pines, strange rocks, and flowing springs.

This shift was not a misinterpretation of religious scenes, but an intentional transformation of “pilgrimage” into “elegant gathering”. The dynamic contrast between the fluttering sleeves of the literati figures and the static pine trees and rocks at the cave entrance, implying the dialectic of “entering the world 入世” and “leaving the world 出世”. In 1504, Tang Yin visited two mountains of Dongting. at the same time, Wang Ao was at home mourning his father’s death. Tang Yin accompanied Wang Ao on a tour of Linwu Cave and inscribed on a stone wall. Later, Tang yin painted Linwu Cave, with the following verse: “In front of the Bing Cave at the east end of Yanggu, leaves obscure the path, and water obscures the sky. Prime Minister Wang’s former inscription remained; revisiting, I gently touched it, lost in wistful thought. 旸谷东头丙洞前, 叶迷行径水迷天。相公旧日题名在, 重到摩挲思惘然”. In April 1506, Wang Ao was summoned to the capital as the Vice Minister of the Ministry of Personnel (吏部左侍郎). Tang Yin created Lord Wang Appointed Prime Minister as a gift. Gu Wenbin 顾文彬’s Paintings and Calligraphy Recorded in the Guoyun Tower 过云楼书画记, juan 8, recorded Tang Ziwei and Wang Jizhi Leaving the Mountain 唐子畏王济之出山图卷: “Written in ink, Shouxi is depicted wearing a hat and belt, sitting in a comfortable cart. His beard and eyebrows are lifelike, with axes leading the way in front of him. The surrounding forests and valleys embrace him; the mountain scenery of Dongting leaps onto the paper... 墨笔写守溪冠带坐安车中, 须眉如生, 其前有斧钺导之; 四围林壑复抱, 洞庭山色, 跃然纸上……” Linwu Cave in the paintings was no longer solely a Daoist sacred site but evolved into a “cultural theater” for literati gatherings, The religious sanctity of Linwu gradually replaced by the aesthetic privilege of the scholar-officials.

4.2. Spiritual Retreat Amidst the Conflict Between Public Service and Reclusion

The engagement with Linwu Cave by Suzhou literati during the mid-Ming Dynasty can be understood as a strategic cultural response to the pervasive pressures of the imperial examination system and a turbulent political environment. During this period, the civil service examinations became an intensely competitive and often unpredictable pathway to official success, while court politics were marked by factional struggles. These conditions created profound psychological tensions for scholar-officials, caught between Confucian ideals of public service and a growing desire for personal solace and spiritual autonomy.

The personal experiences of key Wu School figures exemplify this collective predicament. Wen Zhengming (1470–1559) faced repeated failures in the provincial examinations over several decades before obtaining a minor official post late in life, a career frustration that likely deepened his affinity for Daoist reclusion. Tang Yin (1470–1524) saw his promising scholarly career abruptly ended by his involvement in a metropolitan examination scandal in 1499, after which he adopted a deliberately unconventional lifestyle, turning to art and a performance of disengagement. Even the successful senior statesman Wang Ao (1450–1524), who attained the high office of Grand Secretary, documented his frustrations with factional disputes at court. For this diverse group of literati, reconstructing the Daoist sacred site of Linwu Cave into a symbolic space through poetry and painting offered a means to alleviate these existential anxieties and create a cultural refuge for their intellectual and emotional struggles. By reconstructing Linwu Cave, a Daoist sacred site, into a symbolic space, they sought to alleviate their existential anxieties and create a refuge for their intellectual and emotional struggles. Unlike the pure pursuit of reclusion by hermits of earlier dynasties, Ming Dynasty scholars endowed Linwu Cave with a dual nature through poetry and painting. While preserving its sacred status as a Daoist “grotto-heaven and blessed land” (洞天福地), they also infused it with Confucian ideals of farming and studying, forming a unique “non-institutional reclusion” lifestyle. This duality transformed Linwu Cave into a symbolic buffer zone between the extremes of public service and complete withdrawal from society.

In the first year of the Zhengde reign (1506), Tang Yin’s journey to Nine Carp Lake (Jiulihu) to pray for a dream was marked by Wang Ao’s farewell poem, Sending Tang Ziwei to Jiuxian to Pray for a Dream (送唐子畏之九仙祈梦), which contained the line, “The path of life, whether to serve or withdraw, is difficult for Heaven to decide” (人生出处天难间). This line encapsulated Wang Ao’s inner conflict between public service and reclusion, a recurring theme in his writings. Similarly, his line, “I want to grow old with fields at Mount Linwu”, from the Zhen Ze Collection (震泽集), used “field” not as a literal agricultural space but as a metaphorical cultural and spiritual retreat. Linwu Cave, in this context, was transformed into a symbolic dwelling that balanced the demands of reclusion with the identity of a scholar. In another poem, Wang Ao wrote, “To be ennobled and rely on Linwu is enough; why seek Jian Lake in old age” (封侯且得依林屋, 投老何须乞鉴湖?), juxtaposing fame and fortune (“to be ennobled”) with reclusion (“rely on Linwu”). By replacing the traditional reclusive retreat of Jian Lake with Linwu Mountain, Wang Ao constructed a localized identity for Suzhou literati, affirming Linwu as a spiritual refuge.

This duality was further visualized in the paintings of Liu Jue, Shen Zhou, and Qiu Ying, which omitted Daoist ritual elements and instead emphasized natural landscapes featuring thatched huts, books, mountains, and rivers. These depictions accentuated Linwu Cave’s secluded characteristics, allowing it to embody both Daoist ideals of “escaping the world to cultivate immortality” and Confucian ethics of “perfecting one’s virtue in adversity” (穷则独善其身). The collective literary and artistic focus on Linwu Cave by Ming Dynasty Suzhou literati reflected their existential anxieties and their yearning for a harmonious balance between engagement and withdrawal. Through their writings and paintings, they constructed a symbolic space that enabled them to achieve “withdrawal from the court while still in it” (身在庙堂, 心归山林). This practice allowed them to navigate the tensions of their time, creating a spiritual and cultural retreat without requiring physical seclusion in the mountains and forests.

The religious symbolism of Linwu Cave and the spiritual needs of Suzhou literati during the Ming Dynasty were seamlessly integrated through the interplay of rituals, texts, and images. This dynamic interaction between the sacred and the secular revealed Linwu Cave’s unique cultural and spiritual significance for the era.

Through artistic and literary expression, the Suzhou literati transformed Linwu Cave into a symbolic grotto-heaven, offering a subtle path to spiritual fulfillment. Their creative engagement with the site redefined its role, blending Daoist sacredness with Confucian ideals and literati aesthetics. This synthesis ultimately established Linwu Cave as a cultural model that harmonized “sacredness” and “secularity”, embodying the spiritual and intellectual aspirations of the Jiangnan region during the Ming Dynasty.

5. Conclusions

This research, through an interdisciplinary approach combining art history and religious studies, systematically examines how Wu School painters of the Ming Dynasty transformed Linwu Cave, the Daoist “Ninth Grotto-Heaven”, into a symbolic space embodying the literati spirit. The three-phase model of the Linwu Cave’s development—from a Daoist Grotto-Heaven, to a site of state ritual, and finally to a literati cultural symbol—illustrates the dynamic process through which a sacred space was secularized and incorporated into the Ming scholars’ visual culture of reclusion. Employing a “de-ritualization” imagery strategy, they replaced Daoist ritual elements with depictions of hermits’ thatched cottages to express the ideal of “unity of heaven and humanity”. This reimagining blurred the ritualistic nature of Daoism, transforming Linwu Cave into a “habitable space” that harmonized reclusive ideals with worldly ambitions.

This transformation was not merely a superficial appropriation of religious symbols but a deliberate cultural strategy by Ming literati to address the tensions between their aspirations for official success and their longing for seclusion, within the constraints of the rigid civil service examination system and intense political strife. The study identifies two primary drivers behind the creation and dissemination of Linwu Cave imagery: first, the Daoist framework of “grotto-heavens and blessed lands” offered a spiritual refuge beyond mundane reality; second, textual research and on-site investigations by Suzhou literati integrated Linwu Cave into Jiangnan’s regional civilization history, establishing it as a symbol of “localized transcendence” to resist cultural homogenization.

The paintings of Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, and others not only visually translated the Daoist worldview through the interplay of poetry and painting but also elevated painting into a form of religious practice, paralleling Daoist alchemical processes. By introducing the “sacred space” theory, this research transcends the traditional binary of “style and society” in art history, revealing the religious functionality of literati paintings and offering new methodological insights into Daoist art. Future studies could investigate the artistic reconstruction of other Daoist sacred sites, such as Wudang and Mao Mountains, and explore the varied uses of religious symbols across social classes to deepen our understanding of the interaction between Daoism and traditional Chinese art.