The Juridification of ‘Vulnerability’ through EU Asylum Law: The Quest for Bridging the Gap between the Law and Asylum Applicants’ Experiences
Abstract
:1. Introduction
2. The Legal Functions of ‘Vulnerability’ in EU Asylum Law
2.1. ‘Vulnerability’ in the ECtHR Case-Law: A Tool of Judicial Interpretation That Guides the Individual Assessment of the Specific Circumstances of the Case
[Vulnerability] implies a recognition […] of privileges and the distribution of resources, not only with the aim of correcting imbalances which affect vulnerable persons (groups and individuals) disproportionately, but it serves also for tailoring upon social constructions positive obligations—both procedural and substantial
2.2. ‘Vulnerability’ and EU Legislative Provisions on Asylum: A Focus on Addressing ‘Specific Needs’
minors, unaccompanied minors, disabled people, elderly people, pregnant women, single parents with minor children, victims of human trafficking, persons with serious illnesses, persons with mental disorders, and persons who have been subjected to torture, rape, or other serious forms of psychological, physical or sexual violence, such as victims of female genital mutilation(Dir. 2013/33/EU, Art. 21).
Persons with specific needs include: children, including those who are unaccompanied or separated; women at risk; survivors of torture, trauma, trafficking in persons, sexual and gender-based violence, sexual exploitation and abuse or harmful practices; those with medical needs; persons with disabilities; those who are illiterate; adolescents and youth; and older persons(UNGCR, para. 59).13
2.3. ‘Vulnerability’ in Domestic Laws and Practices That Implement EU Directives on Asylum: The Belgian and Italian Cases
accompanied minors, unaccompanied minors, disabled persons, elderly persons, pregnant women, single parents with minor children, victims of torture, rape or other forms of severe psychological, physical or sexual violence(Article 1, 12°, of the Law of 15 December 1980).
3. The ‘Juridification’ of Vulnerability in the European Union
3.1. ‘Vulnerability’ from a Diagnosing Concept to a Legal and Bureaucratic Tool of Resource Allocation
3.2. ‘Vulnerability’ in Law: Beyond Immediate and Practical Needs?
We are capturing the more serious things, such as disabilities and whether a person is deaf. In these cases, we know where to start. You know in these cases that something needs to be done. Less visible needs are more difficult to discover. Vulnerabilities caused by what happened in their home country or on the journey to Norway are not easy to voice. They need to settle down before opening up to difficult experiences and feelings
4. Conclusions: The Challenges, Promises, and Pitfalls of the Juridification of ‘Vulnerability’ through EU Asylum Law
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Conflicts of Interest
References
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1 | When referred to as a concept, ‘vulnerability’ is used in quotation marks, to underline the diversity of sometimes conflicting understandings that hide behind this seemingly self-explanatory notion. |
2 | The VULNER reports result from an extensive analysis of relevant domestic legislations and administrative guidelines, as well as interviews with public servants in Europe (Belgium, Germany, Italy, and Norway), Canada, Lebanon, and Uganda. In this article that has a focus on EU asylum law, I rely on the VULNER reports on Belgium and Italy. The findings of these reports allow me to deepen the analysis of EU asylum law provisions towards ‘vulnerable’ asylum seekers, by reflecting on two different bureaucratic approaches in implementing them at member state level: one that includes standardised vulnerability assessment tools and processes (Belgium), and one that relies on a flexible and elastic use and understanding of the ‘vulnerabilities’ faced by asylum seekers (Italy). |
3 | The ECtHR was established by the Council of Europe, an international organization that gathers EU member states and other European countries (such as the UK, Turkey and, until recently, Russia) in the objective of promoting human rights in Europe. The ECtHR can be seized by individuals and states who are victim of violations of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). |
4 | For additional information on the research participants’ profile and how they were selected, see (Sarolea et al. 2021, p. 14; Marchetti and Palumbo 2021, p. 21). |
5 | Within the framework of the Council of Europe, various Conventions other than the ECHR have been adopted to protect people and groups that are generally considered as particularly vulnerable, such as the Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings, the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, the European Convention on the Exercise of Children’s Rights, and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. |
6 | The ECtHR exercises a lower degree of judicial control in the case of ‘positive obligations’, as states retain their leeway of identifying the policy measures that are the most appropriate in the domestic context. |
7 | These keywords were selected because they refer to the two ECHR provisions, which are most discussed in ECtHR expulsion cases. |
8 | Reg. EU 604/2013. The Dublin Regulation serves to identify the EU member state that has the responsibility to examine an asylum application made on EU territory. |
9 | See also the ruling in the Case C-146/17 Jawo, 19 March 2019, EU:C:2019:218, in which the CJEU opposes the transfer of asylum seekers when they risk finding themselves in extreme material poverty following the recognition of a protection status (the refugee status or the subsidiary protection status) in the responsible EU member state, on account of their particular vulnerability (para. 95). |
10 | I am using the term ‘asylum applicant’ to refer to those who applied for international protection, and who are awaiting a decision on their application. |
11 | See also, outside the scope of the Common European Asylum System: Dir. 2008/115/EC, art. 3(9). |
12 | The Returns Directive 2008/115/EC, which harmonises the processes to remove irregularly staying migrants from European territory, provides for an exhaustive list. The list includes ‘minors, unaccompanied minors, disabled people, elderly people, pregnant women, single parents with minor children and persons who have been subjected to torture, rape, or other serious forms of psychological, physical, or sexual violence’ (Dir. 2008/115/EC, art. 3(9)). |
13 | Contrary to the UNGCR, the UNGCM and the 2016 New York Declaration make numerous references to migrants’ ‘vulnerability’. |
14 | Fineman’s vulnerability theory has also been criticised for laying the emphasis on individuals, which are expected to be responsive, and for overlooking the broader constraints that stem from the overall social conditions in which they evolve (Cole 2016). On that criticism, see also the contributions from Anderson, and Soennecken, and from Klassen to this special issue. |
15 | Although Norway is not a EU member state, its state actors have developed similar bureaucratic practices of ‘vulnerability’ assessments. |
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Leboeuf, L. The Juridification of ‘Vulnerability’ through EU Asylum Law: The Quest for Bridging the Gap between the Law and Asylum Applicants’ Experiences. Laws 2022, 11, 45. https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11030045
Leboeuf L. The Juridification of ‘Vulnerability’ through EU Asylum Law: The Quest for Bridging the Gap between the Law and Asylum Applicants’ Experiences. Laws. 2022; 11(3):45. https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11030045
Chicago/Turabian StyleLeboeuf, Luc. 2022. "The Juridification of ‘Vulnerability’ through EU Asylum Law: The Quest for Bridging the Gap between the Law and Asylum Applicants’ Experiences" Laws 11, no. 3: 45. https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11030045