6.1. Test of Main Hypothesis
Using Pearson’s or Spearman’s correlation, this paper tests the central hypothesis that the use of multiple ethnic identifications will be positively related to social network diversity. I examine the relationship between social network diversity and two related dependent variables: the number of ethnic categories participants reported using (multiethnicity) and ethnic identification switching (EIS). A summary of key findings from the correlation tests is shown in
Table 2. EIS and multiethnicity were positively correlated, and while statistically significant, the correlation was weak (
rs = 0.22,
p = 0.03). This suggests that, as long as there are at least two options, the number of ethnic categories that people can draw on has minimal bearing on the act of switching ethnic identifications. There was modest support for the hypothesis that multiple ethnic identifications are positively associated with social network diversity. While no statistically significant relationship was found between social network diversity and EIS (
rs = 0.14,
p = 0.18), there was a weak positive association between the use of multiple ethnic identifications and social network diversity (
r = 0.20,
p = 0.056). One-way ANOVA’s revealed important differences between the four Latino groups in terms of average EIS (see
Table 3). Group differences in the average number of times that participants switched between ethnic identifications were statistically significant (
F = 2.93
df = 3,
p = 0.03). Dominicans were considerably less likely to switch (
M = 1.63 ± 1.8), while Mexicans had the highest average (
M = 3.42 ± 3). Minimal group differences were found in the average number of ethnic identifications that participants reported having. Mexicans reported having a slightly higher number of ethnic categories (
M = 4.83 ± 1.9), and Colombians (
M = 4.34 ± 1.8) and Dominicans (
M = 4.37 ± 2.2) the lowest. However, the group differences were not statistically significant (
F = 0.226,
df = 3,
p = 0.878).
In what follows I present results providing further detail about intra- and cross-ethnic relationships among Latinos and the links of such relationships to ethnic identification. First, I cover findings about the relationship between multiethnicity, EIS and demographic and neighborhood variables. Then I examine specific relationships between social network diversity, and network composition, highlighting some important differences between the Latino groups considered in this study.
6.3. Gender, Age, Children, and Foreign-born Status
No significant differences between men and women were found with regard to EIS (t = −0.79, p = 0.43) and multiethnic identification (t = 1.0, p = 0.32). Age was negatively associated with multiethnic identification (r = −0.22, p = 0.03), but not at all related to the number of times that people switched between ethnic categories (r = 0.07, p = 0.51). There was a statistically significant difference between those with children and those without in terms of the number of ethnic identifications used (t = 2.37, df = 85, p = 0.02). People without children were more likely to report having used more categories to identify themselves ethnically to others. This relationship was likely mediated by age, since older participants were more likely to have children, but less likely to report using multiple ethnic identifications. Neither EIS nor multiethnicity was associated with participants’ foreign-born status. However, foreign-born participants were less likely to have US-born alters (F = 34.81, p = 0.01).
6.8. Neighborhood Diversity
Dominican and Colombian alters were found to be related to neighborhood diversity. Dominican alters were negatively associated with neighborhood diversity (
r = −0.36,
p = 0.002), while Colombian alters were positively associated with neighborhood diversity (
r = 0.38,
p = 0.001). These findings are consistent with the diversity profile of the NYC neighborhoods where either Colombians or Dominicans are found in greatest numbers. For example, the largest concentration of Colombians is found in Jackson Heights, Queens, a neighborhood where no one group dominates, and which includes significant numbers of Mexicans, Ecuadorians, and South Asians [
29]. In contrast, in Washington Heights, Manhattan, with the highest concentration of Dominicans, the percentage of Dominicans nears 50% [
1].
6.9. Other Variables
Finally, the most diverse networks were those that had alters who lived in the US (
r = 0.33,
p = 0.001). In other words, transnational ties were negatively associated with network diversity for participants with Colombian alters abroad (
r = −0.28,
p = 0.01), and for those with Dominican alters abroad (
r = −0.33,
p = 0.001). Participants were also asked to indicate the type of relationship they had to each alter (e.g., spouse, blood relative, co-worker). As would be expected, the percentage of blood relatives in participants’ networks was negatively associated with network ethnic diversity (
r = −0.33,
p = 0.001). Moreover, the percentage of alters who participants felt “very close” to was negatively associated with network diversity (
r = −0.31,
p = 0.002). This was the only statistically significant relationship found between closeness to alters and network diversity. It is quite likely that many of those alters who participants felt very close to were indeed blood relatives
4. In addition, the percentage of alters who participants “met through a third person” was positively associated with network diversity (
r = 0.22,
p = 0.01). Further, there was a positive association between the percentage of alters met though others and the percentage of alters who participants were “not close” with (r = 0.27,
p = 0.01). Together, these findings hint to the possible role played by weak ties in increasing the ethnic diversity of people’s networks.