1. Introduction
Over the last three decades, many efforts have been made to address deforestation and illegal logging. The European Union (EU), United States of America (USA) and Australia, among others, have adopted specific measures to avoid the placing of illegal timber on their markets. To prevent imports of illegally sourced timber and timber products, the EU adopted the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Action Plan in 2003 and the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) in 2013. While FLEGT addresses the supply side (producing countries), EUTR addresses the demand side (importing EU countries). The EUTR obliges importers to implement a due diligence system (DDS) to minimize the risk of importing illegally sourced timber and timber products to the EU.
EU regulations increased awareness of illegal logging in producing and importing countries [
1], but the effects of these regulations on the trade of illegally sourced timber and timber products are still debated. Eight years after the EUTR came into force, its effectiveness is still unsatisfactory due to deficient implementation [
2]. The implementation of EUTR within EU member states is uneven, which impacts its effectiveness also on market operators and traders. In its 2020 fitness check, the European Commission reported that “while progress has been made in some countries, the current level of technical capacity and resources (both human and financial) allocated to the Competent Authorities often does not correspond to the needs and must be strengthened in most of the member states to increase the number and quality of compliance checks” ([
3], p. 11). Furthermore, many reports and studies reveal other gaps in implementation (i.e., information disclosure, weak sanctions, etc.), which need improvements to succeed in a full and effective implementation of the EUTR [
2,
4]. They call for the EU to strengthen the EUTR implementation and facilitate the removal of deficiencies, stating that uneven implementation by the member states might indicate that “the fight against illegal logging is not considered a high priority by national governments” ([
2], p. 19).
EU regulations increased awareness of illegal logging in producing and importing countries [
1], but the effects of these regulations on the trade of illegally sourced timber and timber products are still debated. Eight years after the EUTR came into force, its effectiveness is still unsatisfactory due to deficient implementation [
2]. The implementation of EUTR within EU member states is uneven, which impacts its effectiveness also on market operators and traders. In its 2020 fitness check, the European Commission reported that “while progress has been made in some countries, the current level of technical capacity and resources (both human and financial) allocated to the Competent Authorities often does not correspond to the needs and must be strengthened in most of the member dtates to increase the number and quality of compliance checks” ([
3], p. 11). Furthermore, many reports and studies reveal other gaps in implementation (i.e., information disclosure, weak sanctions, etc.), which need improvements to succeed in a full and effective implementation of the EUTR [
2,
4]. They call for the EU to strengthen the EUTR implementation and facilitate the removal of deficiencies, stating that uneven implementation by the member states might indicate that “the fight against illegal logging is not considered a high priority by national governments” ([
2], p. 19).
Available studies have mainly considered EUTR impacts on markets and trade flows, both within and outside the EU (e.g., [
5,
6,
7]). Borsky et al. (2018), as well as Houghton and Naughton (2017) studied the impact of production sustainability on international trade, focusing on the effect of the International Tropical Timber Agreement on countries’ trade patterns of tropical timber [
8,
9]. Giurca et al. (2013), Pepke et al. (2015) and Masiero, Pettenella and Cerutti (2015) studied the influence of policy measures on the international trade flows of tropical timber [
6,
10,
11]. They all call for caution about possible policy spillover effects in terms, for instance, of creation of dual markets for certain products and other influences on trade patterns, including, e.g., product or species substitution effects. Jonsson et al. (2015) studied how EUTR and other regulatory measures influenced timber flows involving tropical and EU countries [
1]. Buongiorno (2016) analyzed the world trade in forest products, as well as the effects of the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement on the trade of forest products between 12 EU member states [
12]. Akyüz et al. (2010) studied the trade in forest products between the EU and Turkey [
13]. Morland, Schier and Weimar (2020) applied the gravity model to study global trade flows for 13 types of forest sector products [
14]. Becher (2019) found that “the imports, after the enforcement of EUTR, experienced a linear increase, or in case of tropical wood products, stagnation after a previous falling trend” ([
5], p. 33). In the southern and eastern Europe, researchers mostly looked into forest certification as a mean for sustainable forest management [
15,
16], chain of custody certification [
17] and trade of timber and timber products [
18]
Although EU imports of legally harvested timber increased to some extent as a consequence of implementing specific policies and regulations, it is possible that illegally harvested timber and timber products are sourced and traded domestically, or that the producer countries shifted exports to the countries/regions with less stringent regulations [
19]. Among countries at risk of producing and trading in illegal timber, as well as being subject to policy side-effects, are some Western Balkan countries (e.g., Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia). Worries about Balkan countries as a source of illegal timber have been reported, for instance, by Segato (2017), who found that “research into corruption in the forest sector in the Balkans shows that southeastern Europe is a corridor for criminal activity and illegal timber trafficking. A complex supply chain makes it difficult to identify falsified documents, and the lack of robust enforcement–due to insufficient resources–and the cost of compliance to companies means that there is little incentive to adhere to the EUTR. A better understanding of the EUTR, as well as more stringent due diligence systems and risk assessment, is needed to tackle corruption in the region” ([
20], p. 13).
In Western Balkan countries, democratic changes took place in the late 1990s and early 2000s, leading to new forest regulatory frameworks, new public procurement procedures, new regulation of private forest companies, stricter financial regulations, etc. In their accession to the EU, Croatia and Slovenia had to harmonize their laws with the EU legislation and its international principles. In this context, the EUTR is part of the body of community law and regulations that need to be incorporated to fulfill EU requirements ([
21], p. 1). Slovenia and Croatia aligned their policies and regulatory frameworks with those of the EU and had to implement the EUTR requirements. Serbia is still in the pre-accession process and has yet to adopt EUTR obligations. It is recognized by the European Commission as a priority country for the implementation and enforcement of the EUTR [
22]. In addition, all three countries have a significant share of their forest certified by third party verifiers, such as FSC and PEFC [
15].
Although Western Balkan countries are regarded as priority areas for improving legality monitoring systems in line with EUTR requirements and aims, no recent work has analyzed the adaptation of national forest policies to the EUTR obligations
Furthermore, no comprehensive study on EUTR implementation in the Western Balkan countries has been performed. Our study aims to contribute to the understanding of EUTR implementation by analyzing the adaptation of policies of the Western Balkan countries (Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia) to the EUTR. For this purpose, we look into two research questions:
RQ1: How did the Western Balkan countries-namely Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia-adapt their policies to the EUTR?
RQ2: To what extent and how did they implement the EU requirements?
In
Section 2, we outline the EUTR obligations and their implementation within the EU. In
Section 3, we describe the research methodology. In
Section 4, we provide some basic data on the forest sector for the selected countries (Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia) focusing on EUTR enforcement. In
Section 5, we present the results of our research, arranged according to our research questions. In
Section 6, we discuss our findings and draw conclusions. Additional materials are provided in Appendices.
2. EUTR Obligations and Their Enforcement
The EUTR was passed by the EU Parliament in October 2010 and entered into force in March 2013. It covers the demand side for timber and timber products, by prohibiting the placing of illegally harvested timber and timber products on the EU market [
23]. EUTR lays down three main obligations for operators who place timber and timber products on the EU market [
24]:
- (1)
It prohibits the placing of illegally harvested timber and products derived from such timber on the EU market for the first time.
- (2)
It requires operators (i.e., those who place timber products on the EU market for the first time) to develop, implement and update a due diligence system (DDS), by obtaining information on the source and legality of timber and timber products, as well as conducting a risk assessment and risk mitigation.
- (3)
It requires traders (i.e., those who buy or sell timber and timber products already on the market) to keep records of their suppliers and customers.
Operators can use their own DDS or one provided by monitoring organizations recognized by the European Commission. The task of the monitoring organizations is to assist operators in complying with EUTR requirements. The monitoring organizations develop a DDS, grant operators the right to use it, and check it is used correctly [
23]. With this respect, forest certification schemes (i.e., FSC and PEFC) can be used by companies as a complementary tool for proving legality of timber and sustainable forest management. Furthermore, they can be used “also as an influencer in private and public purchasing policies and as a component of emerging wood harvesting and trade legality schemes” [
17].
EUTR is legally binding for EU member states. Member states designate one or more Competent Authorities that are responsible for carrying out checks at regular intervals on operators’ compliance with the EUTR, as well as for laying down penalties and enforcing the EUTR. “The institutional structures, legal powers, and status of the designated authorities vary between countries due to their different legal and institutional frameworks” ([
3], p. 2). Penalties differ considerably between countries, as well as “the approach taken to ensure effectiveness, proportionality, and dissuasiveness of the penalties applied” [
25] (p. 1). The majority of countries impose administrative fines (23 countries) or seize timber and timber products (23 countries). In some countries, criminal fines (16 countries), suspension of trade authority (15 countries), or even imprisonment (17 countries) are applied for breaching the EUTR provisions [
25]. In addition, criminal fines by 16 countries, imprisonment by 17 countries, and other penalties can be imposed by 11 countries [
25].
In the recent Biennial report, the European Commission recognized certain shortcomings in the implementation of EUTR across the EU and concluded that an “uneven implementation can have potential implications in terms of both the effectiveness of legislation and a level playing field for market operators. In several countries, the number of checks remained relatively low compared to the number of operators, and it is doubtful, whether such a low number of checks can have a truly dissuasive effect across the industry. In addition, further effort should be made to ensure that the scope and quality of the checks carried out reflect a more consistent approach across the EU.” ([
3], p. 12).
Several other organizations worry about discrepancies in the formal implementation of EUTR. In its Position Paper regarding EU rules on Illegal Logging published in November 2020, ClientEarth lists several issues about EUTR implementation [
4]:
Lack of staff and financial capacity in the member states;
Uneven implementation leading to market disruption;
Satisfactory assistance provided for small and medium enterprises (SMEs);
The low number of checks conducted by Competent Authorities in the member states;
Low penalties;
Non-transparent reporting and disclosing relevant information of the member states;
Weak cooperation between enforcing authorities within the member states.
Similarly, WWF found gaps in the implementation of EUTR concerning penalties and sanctions, number and quality of checks, follow up of control results and prosecution, resources and staff training, substantiated concerns by third parties, cooperation within and between countries, and transparency of Competent Authorities [
2].
3. Materials and Methods
This research presents a comparative case study of three Western Balkan countries, i.e., Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia. A case study is “an empirical inquiry that investigated a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” ([
26], p. 18). This research endorses multiple embedded case study design, as it analyzes policies and laws related to the prevention of illegal logging and trade of illegal timber and timber products of three Western Balkan countries. A multiple case study design covers multiple cases and draws a single set of cross-case conclusions. It is thus more reliable and robust than a single case study approach. The embedded design refers to embedded units of analysis within each context [
26].
The countries were selected as cases for the analysis as they present a wide range of economic, social and policy conditions [
27]. All three export a large proportion of their timber and timber products to EU member states. They also reflect the changes that occurred after the breakup of the former Republic of Yugoslavia and with accession to the EU. Slovenia joined the EU in 2003, Croatia in 2013, while Serbia is still in the pre-accession process. There are therefore also several differences between these countries concerning economic development, social-political stability, and new forest policy and regulatory frameworks. Within each case, units of analysis include policies and laws related to the prevention of illegal logging and trade of illegally sourced timber and timber products, as well as policies and laws related to EUTR implementation.
As policy documents are written plans that prescribe means of actions [
28,
29,
30], we focused on the content of policy documents that are of relevance to the legality of timber and timber products. National policies and regulations related to the prevention and tackling of illegal logging, as well as the trade in timber and timber products, were collected via a literature review and internet search in May 2021. The starting point for the identification of relevant policy documents were the websites of Ministries responsible for forestry in the three selected countries. Those websites contain lists of policy and normative documents that guide the national forestry sectors. After compiling an initial list of documents for targeted countries, other relevant websites were searched, including, among others, the websites of state forest enterprises, chambers of forestry engineers, associations of private forest owners, etc. Finally, a Google search was used to find other relevant policy documents in national languages using a combination of keywords, i.e., “Slovenia”, “Croatia”, “Serbia” and “illegal logging”, “wood processing”, “timber trade”, “European Union Timber Regulation” and “forestry documents”. For Slovenia and Serbia, this search did not yield additional results, whereas for Croatia it resulted in three additional documents not previously identified. The finalized lists of documents for all three countries were cross-checked with 3 national experts on forest policy from Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia. In total, we identified 8 Slovenian, 10 Croatian, and 4 Serbian policy documents. In the case that policies and regulations were not available for consultation through the above-mentioned sources, relevant institutions were contacted and were asked for the documents.
Policy documents were analyzed using qualitative content analysis. This is a technique for the systematic analysis of texts that addresses the content, themes and core ideas in texts [
31,
32]. “Qualitative content analysis includes contextual information, latent content, as well as formal aspects of the analyzed documents” ([
30], p. 149). The software NVivo 12 was used to perform the analysis. All documents were coded in the relevant national language. Coding was performed by using a combination of deductive and inductive coding, distinguishing between coding categories and themes. Based on the content of Regulation (EU) No 995/2010 (EUTR), five main coding categories, and their respective themes were deducted (
Table 1). During the coding process, several other themes emerged as relevant for EUTR implementation; thus, they were added inductively. Whole paragraphs of the text were coded under relevant themes, and multiple coding of paragraphs was allowed.
6. Discussion and Conclusions
Our study points out that none of the analyzed countries have strategic policy documents (i.e., a strategy or action plan) specifically dedicated to the prevention of illegal activities in forestry. Existing policies address illegal logging marginally, without specifying measures for preventing and combating it. This might imply that, in analyzed countries, illegal logging and trade are not currently regarded as “hot” political issues requiring targeted strategies or action plans, which is in line with the WWF findings from 2019 [
2]. Illegal logging is referred to in analyzed forest laws, mostly within the description of tasks and responsibilities for forestry inspectors and guards.
Table 9 presents a summary of EUTR obligations and related key documents needed to prove DDS implementation and timber legality in the three targeted countries. Both similarities and differences concerning the EUTR implementation were noticed between analyzed countries. Both Slovenia and Croatia fully implemented EUTR requirements through regulatory documents. Slovenia amended the Forest Act in 2016 and integrated all EUTR requirements. In 2018 Croatia adopted the Law on the Implementation of the European Union Regulations on the Trade of Timber and Timber Products in addition to the already existing Law of Forests. Although Croatia reported the Law on the Implementation of European Union Regulations on the Trade of Timber and Timber Products to be the only reference for the enforcement of the EUTR, we found that the Law on Forests is also explicitly relevant for the EUTR, as it refers to the legality of logging and timber products, as well as to the documents needed for fulfilling the obligations of due diligence and traceability. Serbia has not yet implemented EUTR requirements, but it will have to do in the near future. Although EUTR is not yet implemented, the Law on Forests as well as other regulatory documents show links and connections to EUTR obligations.
In all countries, forest management plans define the legal and technical basis for felling. Legally harvested timber must be accompanied by certain documents which vary from country to country. Ministries responsible for forestry in Slovenia and Croatia also provided guidelines on EUTR implementation explaining the more difficult-to-understand parts of the EUTR requirements.
In order to conduct a full risk assessment, due diligence obligations require operators to collect detailed information on timber and their suppliers [
22]. In Slovenia and Croatia, due diligence is proven by several documents and permits that must accompany timber from the logging site to the final destination. All these documents contain specific information about the timber and its origin (see
Appendix A.2 and
Appendix B.2), but not all of them include general information needed for the risk assessment, in particular with regard to the complexity of the supply chain and the prevalence of illegal logging. As a result, to prove the legality of timber and timber products, operators need to obtain a number of additional documents, e.g., documentation on logging rights, payments for logging, legal rights of third parties regarding the use and possession of land affected by logging, trade and customs-that prove that the timber is legally obtained and traded.
In each analyzed country more than 50% of forests are certified and all countries are aiming to promote forest certification and increase certified forest areas and organizations [
16,
17,
18]. In these countries FSC certification “is, to a certain extent, perceived as a guarantee for the legality of wood operations and origin.” ([
15], p. 17). Since certification is desirable as a management and marketing tool but does not represent a sufficient condition for ensuring legality according to EUTR requirements, further cautions are necessary.
The Western Balkans are known as an area exposed to a high risk of corruption, which together with illegal activities is recognized as one of the key problems in the forestry sector at the regional scale [
80]. Both Croatia (47) and Serbia (38) show a Corruption Perception Index that is lower than 50 [
81], a threshold that is often associated to a higher risk. In this sense, Croatia makes an interesting example. The state forest enterprise, Hrvatske šume, develops forest management plans and manages state forests. At the same time, it is the largest timber operator on the Croatian market, acting as an organizer of timber auctions. This multiplicity of roles might lead to some conflict of interest [
82], undermining the credibility of documentation as well as actual legality of timber [
83]. Indeed, a recent report on massive deforestation in Croatia accuses Hrvatske šume, as well as administrative bodies for forestry and nature protection, of committing deforestation on large areas all over Croatia, including within Natura 2000 sites.
At the same time, in Serbia and Croatia, numerous protests have been organized by civil society in the last year regarding the issue of timber logging associated with land use changes. An example is given by the Facebook group “Odbranimo reke Stare planine”, i.e., “Let’s protect Stara planina rivers”, aiming to protect rivers in the mountain area of Stara planina against human activities, including logging for the development of skiing facilities and hydropower stations. These events call for increased precaution when dealing with timber from these areas, posing challenges to forest owners and operators in general that, with the strengthening of the implementation of EUTR, will need to prove the legality of timber by several means (i.e., due diligence systems, multiple certification, permits, receipts). While attention paid by civil society organizations and citizens on these issues may ensure some watch-dogging of forestry activities it may also result in additional efforts and costs for operators called to prove the legality of the timber they place on the market.
Transparency, availability and accessibility of information are of critical importance for obtaining the necessary information on timber legality [
83]. Yet, transparency of information is still low in some countries. For example, in all three countries forest management plans, felling permits, consignment and delivery notes should be kept permanently as archive material. Some of those documents are publicly available, as this is also a requirement for many documents, such as a summary of the forest management plan, according to FSC standards, while for others a special request and/or administrative fee must be paid. In addition, there is not easily and freely available information about illegal logging in Croatia. There are no national reports or any other documents accessible online that quantify illegally logged timber. At the time of manuscript preparation, Croatia, as well as Slovenia still had not submitted an EUTR Annual report for 2020 to the European Commission. Furthermore, although websites of Ministries responsible for forestry do list documents relevant for forestry (i.e., strategies, laws, etc.) it often happens that those lists are not regularly updated, thus showing old documents, or being incomplete. Finally, not all listed documents are available online. Our findings are in line with recent reports on EUTR implementation which found that Competent Authorities do not regularly publish information on checks and/or breaches detected during control [
2,
4].
To prove legality of timber, operators in Slovenia and Croatia have to ensure record keeping for at least five years, while in Serbia this period is only two years. As the latter is a discrepancy with EUTR, Serbia will have to change the required duration of record keeping. We see a few possibilities about how this could happen. To comply with EUTR obligations, Serbia will have to opt either for amending the existing Law on Forests, as Slovenia did, or more probably, opt for the adoption of a new, separate law on EUTR implementation (as was the case in Croatia). In any case, it will have to establish a Competent Authority, which will probably be The Ministry responsible for forestry [
18]. Most likely, the Inspectorate for Forestry will take over most of the Competent Authority obligations. This will be an addition burden on the already limited capacities of the public forest administration for coercion and monitoring of forest legislation.
Limited capacities of public authorities were also recognized as limiting factors for EUTR implementation [
2,
4,
22]. Our results confirm these findings. Both Croatia and Slovenia have no separate budget for EUTR implementation and invest minimal human resources. They report no cooperation with other EU member states on EUTR implementation. A limited number of checks on operators, traders and monitoring organizations is performed in both countries. In the 2019 report Croatia reported that no monitoring organization is operating in Croatia; thus, checks were not needed [
42]. Penalties for breaching EUTR are average in Slovenia and lower in Croatia compared to other EU Member states [
3], and mostly stay on the level of notice for remedial actions.
Our findings indicate that the reporting quality of Competent Authorities should also be improved, which is in line with the findings of the European Commission (2020), ClientEarth (2020) and WWF (2019) [
2,
4,
22]. Our research found some inconsistencies between what Competent Authorities reported in their biennial reports for the period 2017–2019, and what is prescribed in laws. While both the Slovenian Forest Act and the Croatian Law on the Implementation of European Union Regulations on the Trade of Timber and Timber Products prescribe seizure of illegal timber and timber products, both countries reported that they cannot apply this measure.
Currently, in all targeted countries, several activities are taking place within the framework of EUTR policies and their implementation, which may be regarded as an indicator of future changes and improvements. In Slovenia, a specific online tool and platform have been developed to improve the connectivity of the forest–wood chain and market conditions (
www.mojgozdar.si, accessed 25 August 2021). As a part of the national register, Croatia is currently compiling a register of private forest owners, and a register of companies operating with timber and timber products. In Serbia, a new information system for forestry is being developed, which will also include electronic consignment and delivery notes. In parallel, a new national forest inventory is being conducted to ensure more precise data. Capacities for implementation of the EUTR are being built through the dedicated twinning project “Improvement of forest management in Serbia as a contribution to climate” with the objective of introducing comprehensive sectoral policies to ensure the reduction of illegal activities and the increased resilience of forests to climate change [
63].
With ongoing discourses on Green Deal policies and the ambitious EU target to cut CO
2 emissions by 55% by 2030, as well as the increasing focus on “deforestation-free” commodities, stricter implementation of EUTR might be expected at EU level. Most countries would probably have to build capacities for EUTR implementation and become more transparent and responsible concerning information availability. Western Balkan countries will be no exception, and decision makers and forestry professionals, as well as operators and traders, will face new challenges. To overcome them, they will need to learn from existing best practices and improve cooperation. To successfully implement EUTR, a number of checks, as well as stricter fines, will be needed. Those policies [
83] will likely not be enough to ensure an appropriate promotion of legality. It seems that for ensuring a better governance of the forest sector effective mix of policy tools (including voluntary ones, for instance, forest certification) is needed. This will need to imply a stricter cooperation among all relevant forest sector actors, both public and private, to identify technically and economically viable solutions for ensuring legality and the respect of existing regulations, while at the same time ensuring competitiveness on domestic and, above all, global markets. More empirical research on the Western Balkans must be performed to understand how operators could respond to EUTR requirements. This may also provide guidance and best practices for other Balkan countries not covered in this study.