1. Introduction
Reducing maternal mortality and improving maternal health represent global priorities, as illustrated by the Sustainable Development Goals. The global maternal mortality ratio in 2017 was estimated at 211 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births [
1]. Higher ratios of death related to pregnancy and childbirth disproportionately affect low-to-middle income countries, where 94% of all maternal deaths occurred in 2017 [
1]. Although maternal mortality ration declined by approximately 38% worldwide from 2000 to 2017, considerable efforts are required in low-to-middle income countries, especially in Africa and Asia, to achieve Target 1 of the Sustainable Development Goal 3: Reducing global maternal mortality ratio to less than 70 per 100,000 live births by 2030 [
2].
Approximately 75% of all maternal deaths are associated with severe bleeding, infections, high blood pressure during pregnancy, complications from delivery, and unsafe abortions, conditions that are highly preventable [
3]. Maternal health interventions, including access to high-quality care during pregnancy, delivery, and after childbirth, are considered highly effective in reducing the burden of maternal mortality and morbidity, particularly in low-resource settings [
1,
4,
5]. Various factors contribute to access to quality maternal health services, from those well-documented, such as poverty, distance to health care facilities, access to information, quality health services, and cultural beliefs and practices [
6], to those that have been identified most recently, including green space coverage [
7]. However, it is important for local stakeholders to identify which barriers are most prevalent in their communities.
Compared to maternal health crises in Sub-Saharan Africa (maternal mortality ratio of 542 per 100,000 live births) and Southern Asia (maternal mortality ratio of 157 per 100,000 live births), which accounted for approximately 86% of global maternal deaths in 2017 [
1], maternal health care utilization in Southeast Asia has not been widely studied quantitatively. Southeast Asia is home to many of the most economically, socially, and culturally diverse countries in the world [
8]. Those differences are likely to create unique challenges in providing maternal health interventions in the region. As of 2017, Myanmar had the highest maternal mortality ratio in Southeast Asia (250 per 100,000 live births), which is almost twice as high as the regional average of 137 deaths per 100,000 live births [
1]. In spite of progress following the transition from military rule to a civilian government in 2011, Myanmar, classified as a low-to-middle income country, continues to suffer from numerous challenges, including those in the health care sector [
9].
To date, little is known about the patterns of maternal health services utilization in Myanmar. Moreover, large variations in maternal mortality exist between the country’s regions. As of 2014, the maternal mortality ratio of the Mandalay region accounted for 280, which was similar to the union’s average of 282 deaths per 100,000 live births [
10]. Such results place the region in-between in terms of the in-country maternal mortality ratio, ranging from 157 in the Tanintharyi State to 357 deaths per 100,000 live births in the Chin State, characterized by high fertility rates. The level of maternal mortality was also higher in rural areas (310 deaths per 100,000 live births) compared to urban communities (193 deaths per 100,000 live births), which highlights the need to further explore the landscape of maternal health services and utilization trends at the local level. Uncovering the determinants of healthcare service utilization plays a crucial role in understanding maternal well-being. Therefore, the objective of this study was to evaluate barriers and facilitators of maternal health care utilization in Myanmar, including (1) antenatal care, (2) delivery, and (3) postnatal care. To address the knowledge gap concerning the mentioned study areas in rural populations, the study findings have been presented according to an urban and rural setting and discussed with the aim of improving evidence-based decision-making on maternal health services and further enhancing maternal health outcomes in Myanmar and also in other similar low-to-middle income countries.
3. Results
3.1. Study Population
The average age of the study population, mothers with children under five, was 32 ± 8 years old. Those living in the rural setting were approximately three years younger on average than mothers in the urban setting (
p = 0.02) (
Table 1). The women’s education levels were significantly different between urban and rural settings (
p < 0.01). The median education levels in urban and rural settings were upper secondary school and lower secondary school, respectively, which were significantly different (
p < 0.01) and higher than the union’s level (where completed primary education was most common), as well the Mandalay State (incomplete primary education). It should be noted that compulsory education in Myanmar includes primary and lower secondary schools. Occupations varied significantly between urban and rural settings (
p < 0.01), with the most common occupation being housewife (35.9% in the urban and 44.9% in rural setting). Median monthly household income in both settings was Myanmar Kyats 250,000 (an equivalent of
$200). More women in the rural setting (35.4%) lived in households below the extreme poverty line of
$1.25 per day per person (
p = 0.02).
3.2. Antenatal Care
The most common choices for maternal health care services were significantly different by setting: governmental (54.6% in the rural setting) or private clinics/hospitals (61.7% in the urban setting) (
p < 0.01) (
Table 2). Only 6.6% of the participants, who all lived in the rural setting, visited traditional birth attendants as the primary maternal health care service providers. The use of traditional birth attendants has been seen only in the rural setting (
p = 0.02). Women from households where the highest level of education was less than high school were approximately seven times (OR = 6.63; 95% CI 1.43–30.7;
p = 0.02) more likely to choose traditional birth attendants compared with women from households with high school education and higher.
Overall, women followed the recommendations on the number of antenatal care visits during each trimester, overutilizing the services during the first and second trimester. However, many women did not make the recommended number of visits during each of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd trimesters: 16.6%, 26.8%, and 58.3%, respectively. Women in the rural setting were approximately three times (OR = 2.92; 95% CI 1.58–5.38; p < 0.01) more likely not to meet the recommended five visits during the third trimester.
The most frequently mentioned reason for not attending antenatal care was the perception that it was unnecessary (36.8%). Such perceptions showed statistical associations with levels of educations; for example, women with less than primary education were more likely to hold these views (p = 0.03). When controlling for primary education and median income, women were approximately 17 times (adjusted odds ratio, or AOR = 17.7; 95% CI 1.72–183; p = 0.02) more likely not to visit an antenatal care service provider for the recommended visits if they lived in the rural setting (Table 6). The women who cited lack of transportation as the reason for not seeking antenatal care visits were approximately 14 times (OR = 14.3; 95% CI 1.56–131; p = 0.01) more likely not to meet the recommendation of two visits during the second trimester compared to women expressing other reasons.
It took 30 ± 29 min on average for the women to travel to antenatal care service providers, which was significantly longer (p < 0.01) than the time needed to visit general health care providers (22 ± 18 min on average). Distance was a reason for not seeking antenatal care only for women in the rural setting (p = 0.01). If walking was a primary mode of transportation to attend an antenatal care visit, rural women were approximately nine times (OR = 8.89; 95% CI 1.40–56.6; p = 0.02) more likely not to make the recommended number of third trimester visits than urban women.
The participants who visited clinics, hospitals, and health facilities run by the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association (MMCWA) largely received most recommended antenatal care services, including physical examination (90.7%), gynecological examination (82.5%), or ultrasound (85.6%). The same services were received by significantly fewer mothers (0%–35.7%) when visiting a traditional birth attendant (
p < 0.01) (
Table 3).
3.3. Labor and Delivery
Over a quarter (27.1%) of women delivered their last babies at home, while the majority (72.9%) gave birth in conventional health care facilities (
Table 4). Most women (94.7%) delivered with skilled birth attendants but 5.3% did not. While all women who delivered at health care facilities were assisted by skilled birth attendants, 18.5% of the women who delivered at home did so without the assistance of skilled birth attendants. Women reported low rates of delivering a stillborn baby (1.3%) and spontaneous abortions (3.0%) in the past. All reported stillborn baby cases were observed among the women who gave birth at home. Spontaneous abortions were 14.3 times (OR = 14.3; 95% CI 1.63–125;
p = 0.01) more likely to be observed in women giving birth at home compared to those delivering in conventional health care facilities.
Although giving birth at home was more common in the rural (34.1%) than urban (6.6%) setting (p < 0.01), household education level was a significant predictor for home delivery after controlling for confounding variables. Women from households in which compulsory education was not attained were approximately three times (AOR = 3.31; 95% CI 1.72–6.38; p < 0.01) more likely to deliver at home compared to those with compulsory education when controlling for median income. It was assumed that the women who visited conventional antenatal care service providers would give birth at conventional health facilities, while those who visited traditional birth attendants as their antenatal care service providers would give birth at home with their assistance. However, 21% of women who visited conventional health care facilities for antenatal care gave birth at home. Similarly, 18.8% of women who initially visited traditional birth attendants for antenatal care gave birth at conventional health care facilities. The most common reason for not delivering at a health care facility was that women preferred having their babies delivered at home (81.1%). The other reasons included lack of money (9.4%), distance to a health facility (3.8%), and lack of transportation (3.8%). Those reasons were significantly different between urban and rural settings (p < 0.01).
3.4. Postnatal Care
The majority of mothers (88.9%) and their babies received postnatal care within 24 hours after giving birth. Over three-quarters (77.6%) of women and infants were visited by skilled birth attendants in the first week after birth. Common postnatal care services received included examinations (e.g., physical examination—79.9%, child growth and weight monitoring—74.1%, and a blood test for anemia—47.9%); maternal education (e.g., information on clinical signs of newborn illness—74.1%, family planning—58.4%, and support for new parents—64.1%); counseling (e.g., breastfeeding—78.6% and postpartum depression—57.5%); and provision of nutritional supplements (65.5%) (
Table 5).
When delivering at home with a traditional birth attendant, mothers were about 38 times (AOR = 38.5; 95% CI 9.17–167;
p < 0.01) more likely not to receive such postnatal care services when controlling for household compulsory education and median monthly household income. Women who delivered babies at home were also approximately three times (OR = 2.89; 95% CI 1.50–5.54;
p < 0.01) more likely not to be visited by skilled birth attendants
Table 6.
4. Discussion
The results of this study show significant variations in the utilization of maternal health services among women in Mandalay, poor use of late antenatal care, low presence of skilled birth attendants during home delivery, and unsatisfactory postnatal care services provision. Burmese women have been reported to attain higher educational levels when compared to men [
23]. In 2014, nearly 60% of those who graduated from university and almost two-thirds of those with postgraduate qualifications were women [
23]. The main predictors of poor maternal health choices were household education as well as residing in rural areas and delivering at home.
It has been recommended for pregnant women to visit antenatal care providers at least one time during the first trimester, twice during the second trimester, and five times during the third trimester [
24]. While reasons for the overall overutilization of antenatal care have not been explored in the study, such behavior could be a result of pregnancy complications or anxiety in women classified as at high risk of such complications [
25]. The concerning lack of the perceived value of antenatal care and its association with women’s education, previously identified by [
26] in a local study, remains to be an important and long-manifested barrier to the utilization of maternal health services in many low-income settings [
27,
28]. Coverage of essential antenatal care services received by the women was generally higher compared with available evidence from Myanmar (below 80%) [
29]. However, high use of early antenatal care and low antenatal care attendance later during pregnancy is in contrast with other studies [
26,
30], suggesting an undesirable tendency.
While lower than the rates of home delivery reported earlier, especially in rural settings [
26,
29], one-fourth of reported deliveries took place at home and were scarcely accompanied by skilled birth attendants. This is one of the factors hindering progress towards reducing maternal mortality. Home deliveries were largely chosen according to women’s preferences, which is commonly related to the cultural dimensions of pregnancy and birth, manifesting itself by the perception of comfort and privacy associated with home delivery [
31] or the development of unique relationships between future mothers and traditional birth attendants in community settings [
32]. Traditional birth attendants remain vital providers of maternal and neonatal care whose responsibilities vary in different low-to-middle income countries [
33]. Despite increasing access to skilled birth personnel in Myanmar, traditional birth attendants continue to be utilized, especially in rural areas. Besides essential services related to antenatal care, delivery, and postnatal care, they frequently assist with everyday care of infants within the first week following the delivery [
34]. In addition, the competences of traditional birth attendants in community settings, especially in conflict areas within the country, have been further enhanced through local networks of service provision, where they are also responsible for overseeing colleagues [
35]. In the local context, the important role that traditional birth attendants play in maternal health care provision, including linking women to the formal health system and services provided by skilled birth attendants, is especially relevant. Recognizing that access to skilled birth attendants in both geographic and financial terms remains a major challenge and population sizes are often too large for skilled birth attendants to provide full antenatal and postnatal care coverage [
27], traditional birth attendants play a crucial role in first-line care, maternal education, and complementing the formal health system. The discourse on the role of skilled and traditional birth attendants in improving maternal health outcomes in Myanmar needs to be further supplemented by available evidence from other low-to-middle countries [
36].
Although overall postnatal care service utilization within 24 hours after birth was much higher compared with other studies from Myanmar [
37], postnatal care services were underutilized compared with antenatal care services. Importantly, the likelihood of not receiving such services was much higher for those that delivered at home and had lower education. As highlighted by Mon et al. [
38], the preference of home delivery can be largely related to women’s misconception on postnatal care. Based on Burmese customs and traditional beliefs, some women tend to choose strict home confinement for up to a week after delivery, which may hinder their timely and adequate attendance of postnatal care. Moreover, lack of culturally appropriate postnatal care information, pointed out by Diamond-Smith et al. [
31], may drive women to resort to traditional practices that sometimes carry harmful effects both for women and their babies. Experiences of delivery and the postnatal period among Burmese women may be further influenced by religious beliefs, as 99.2% of the surveyed women identified themselves as Buddhists, for which it is common to perceive health outcomes as a result of one’s fate [
39].
The study has several limitations. The distinction between rural and urban study areas used for the purpose of the analysis may not fully reflect the actual characteristics of the two areas. Specifically, although mostly rural (66%) [
40], Amarapura Township owes its origin to the expansion of urban populations of Mandalay City to remote areas, and approximately one-third of its territory can be characterized as an urban environment. Due to the sampling method used for the original database, the study population was distributed as follows: 26.0% of participants lived in the urban, while 73.9% lived in the rural settings. Such a distribution does not adequately represent the actual distribution of the target population in this study site (e.g., 65.4% of women with children under five live in urban Chanayethazan and 34.6% in rural Amarapura, based on a 2014 census, [
41]. However, the study population proportions reflected a reported distribution of maternal deaths in Myanmar (23.4% in urban and 75.7% in rural settings) [
15]. Thus, it was justified to include larger survey data from women in rural settings in this study. The nature of the survey required that participants were asked to report on past experience with maternal health services and delivery. The survey asked about experiences related to the last pregnancy; however, its design did not allow for data analysis per strata reflecting such dates (e.g., comparing experiences of mothers that delivered a year ago with those that gave birth five years ago). Consequently, asking women to reflect on their experiences from, in some cases, as long as nearly five years prior to the point of survey administration could have generated recall bias, which poses a concern when using self-reported data [
42]. Nevertheless, evidence suggests that mothers’ recall of events related to pregnancy remains reliable over extended periods of time [
43]. Additional data sources, such as home-based records, may need to be used in similar studies to complement self-reported accounts. Lastly, the nonrandomized sampling technique employed in the study may have resulted in recruiting participants having certain characteristics, as in this case rural communities, for example.