Decolonizing Climate Change Adaptations from Indigenous Perspectives: Learning Reflections from Munda Indigenous Communities, Coastal Areas in Bangladesh

Abstract

This study explores the imperative need for decolonizing climate change adaptation strategies by focusing on Indigenous knowledge and perspectives. Focusing on the Munda Indigenous communities residing in the coastal areas of Bangladesh, the research offers critical insights into the intricate relationship between Indigenous wisdom and sustainable climate adaptation. By engaging with the Munda Indigenous people and their traditions, this study explores how traditional ecological knowledge and practices can inform and enhance contemporary climate adaptation efforts. Following the decolonial theoretical research framework, this research used participatory research methods and collaboration with the Munda Indigenous community. In this study, we shared our learning reflections to uncover unique approaches to climate resilience, including traditional community-based disaster risk reduction and cultural practices that foster social cohesion. These insights challenge the prevailing Western-centric climate adaptation paradigms, emphasizing recognizing and valuing Indigenous voices in climate discourse. The research underscores the significance of empowering Indigenous communities as key stakeholders in climate adaptation policy and decision-making. It calls for shifting from top-down, colonial approaches towards more inclusive, culturally sensitive strategies. The Munda Indigenous communities’ experiences offer valuable lessons that can inform broader efforts to address climate change, fostering resilience and harmonious coexistence between people and their environment. This study advocates for integrating Indigenous knowledge, practices, and worldviews into climate adaptation frameworks to create more effective, equitable, and sustainable solutions for the challenges posed by climate change.

1. Introduction

Indigenous communities across the globe are advocating for the preservation of their environmental heritage, with a strong focus on securing Indigenous land and water rights, protecting their languages and cultures, promoting sustainable development, maintaining their connections to their ancestral lands, and upholding their traditional customs. These efforts are rooted in the enduring legacies of colonialism spanning centuries, particularly among Indigenous people in coastal areas [1,2,3,4]. In a recent study, Sultana [2] suggested that the climate’s coloniality infiltrates everyday life, placing restrictions and constraining possibilities. This occurs through the frameworks of global racial capitalism, colonial dispossession, and climate debts, especially pronounced in coastal areas in Bangladesh. Thus, unpacking the impact of colonialism, imperialism, capitalism, international development, and geopolitics is essential for decolonizing the climate. These factors perpetuate existing colonial legacies through established global governance structures, discursive frameworks, envisioned solutions, and interventions.

In coastal areas, cyclones and storm surges most negatively impact agriculture and fisheries [2]. For instance, the north Indian Ocean basin is one of the world’s least violent cyclone/hurricane basins; the Bay of Bengal has around five times as many cyclones as the Arabian Sea, making India’s east coast more vulnerable [3,4,5]. The eastern shores of India and Bangladesh have a high population density, making them very vulnerable, resulting in tragic losses of life and property [6]. Between 72 and 187 million people may be forced to relocate by rising sea levels alone by 2100 [7]. These effects are typically felt hardest by low-income or other marginalized populations [7].

With an average of four per year, Bangladeshis are the nation’s most vulnerable citizens to tropical cyclones, according to the UN, particularly Indigenous and minority people who are in more danger of climate disasters [8,9]. Many Indigenous communities in Bangladesh have limited access to up-to-date information about hazards and fewer available resources for assistance [9]. The Indigenous communities of coastline Bangladesh are at high risk of natural disasters, especially cyclones and storm surges. Furthermore, frequent high tidal flooding, erosion, floods, and droughts are other common dangers that harm the agriculture and fishing industries and result in significant losses of life and property.

Adaptation strategies that are “disconnected from local realities, including people’s needs, the cultural fabric, and the traditional system of governance” are the result of “a large amount of attention given to climate change on the global level and the everyday concerns of vulnerable communities and according to [10], this is called the “Climate gap” [11]. The effects of climate change on Bangladesh’s Indigenous people have not received as much attention as other aspects of the country’s climate change study. Heatwaves, droughts, cyclones, and wildfires are just a few examples of the climate-related extremes that are becoming more frequent and intense because of global warming [8]. However, there are also salinity, unemployment, health issues, lack of fresh water, absence of land rights, etc. Limited research focuses on the Munda Indigenous community in southwest Bangladesh. Cultural disparities, unequal access to resources, and the marginalization typically associated with racial injustices in social, economic, and political contexts may all contribute to it [9,10,11,12,13,14,15].

As indicated in recent studies [1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,15,16], explaining the climate vulnerabilities of Indigenous communities underscores the critical importance of adopting a community-based approach. This methodology is essential for developing bottom-up strategies that directly involve and empower the affected communities in addressing climate-related challenges. Embracing a community-based approach not only acknowledges the unique insights, traditional knowledge, and perspectives of Indigenous peoples but also serves as a source of optimism in the realm of disaster research. By fostering collaboration and engagement at the community level, this approach not only enhances the effectiveness of mitigation and adaptation strategies but also promotes resilience and sustainability. In an unpredictable world, the community-based approach offers a promising avenue for creating meaningful and context-specific solutions that consider the needs and experiences of Indigenous communities in the face of climate vulnerabilities. These initiatives create avenues for inventive solutions by developing responses to climate risks that are location-specific, community-engaged, resource-efficient, cost-effective, and sustainable in our study. In our decolonial approach, we learned that enhanced coordination among various stakeholders (including Indigenous rightsholders) and facilitators is a key element in ensuring the success of these endeavors [15].

The Munda people, identified as Indigenous tribes, play an essential role in the social and national development that hinges on the collaborative efforts of all societal strata [4,5,6,7,8,9,10,12,16]. Despite Bangladesh’s ongoing progress, the essential needs of tribal communities, especially the Munda people, persist without redress [5]. They contend with various natural adversities, including cyclones, floods, salinity intrusion, famines, heatwaves, and the COVID-19 pandemic [5]. The circumstances underscore the Munda people’s resilience, highlighting their formidable challenges while sustaining their livelihoods near the Bangladesh Sundarbans Forest [4,5,6,7,16]. Located in the southwestern region of Bangladesh, the Munda (Adibashi) community faces substantial deprivation and neglect. Cultural erosion, language deterioration, and the imposition of superstitions result from social discrimination. Regrettably, the existence of Munda communities in the coastal zones of southwest Bangladesh, particularly in the Khulna and Satkhira districts, remains largely disregarded and disavowed by both the broader Bangladeshi populace and the Bangladesh Government, not to mention the global community [3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,16].

This study will share the story of the Munda Indigenous community for the policy makers to rethink their fundamental human rights and provide them with what these people deserve. Moreover, this article is concerned with the speech of Indigenous people, and all the recommendations came from the Indigenous community.

This paper aims to achieve three primary objectives: (1) investigate the diverse impacts of climate change on the Munda Indigenous community residing in coastal Bangladesh, (2) delve into the coping and adaptation strategies initiated by the community itself, and (3) compile solutions proposed by Indigenous women within the community. Our focus centers on understanding the climate change impact and adaptation strategies led by the Indigenous community in Coastal Areas of Bangladesh, with a specific emphasis on the high vulnerability of Munda Indigenous women. This research is part of a broader inquiry dedicated to formulating policies and practices for Bangladesh’s Indigenous and minority communities. We used the insights we gained through learning from Indigenous women, who shared their perspectives on climate change concepts, the challenges associated with climate events, and their adaptive measures [14]. The paper commences with clarifying our positionality, followed by the theoretical framework guiding our research objectives. We outline our study approach and methodology, followed by presenting our data analysis results, categorized into primary and subthemes. Lastly, drawing from our study’s outcomes, we address the challenges and recommendations articulated by the Indigenous women storytellers, concluding with reflections on community-based adaptions and strategies based on our lessons learned.

2. Researcher Positionality

Researcher positionality plays a pivotal role in Indigenous research due to its profound impact on the research process and the ethical considerations involved [11,14,15,17]. First and foremost, it is crucial to recognize that Indigenous research often involves exploring sensitive topics and engaging with marginalized communities [15]. A researcher’s positionality encompasses their cultural background, personal experiences, and social identity, which can significantly influence their interactions with Indigenous participants and their understanding of the issues. Acknowledging and understanding one’s positionality allows researchers to approach their work humbly and respectfully, reducing the risk of reinforcing harmful stereotypes or inadvertently perpetuating colonial attitudes. Conducting research in Indigenous communities involves a multitude of approaches, leading to a hybrid and flexible research methodology within many Indigenous contexts [11]. For instance, many Indigenous scholars explained that knowledge varies in the Indigenous community from land to land, community to community, and Elders to Elders. This variety of knowledge is the beauty of research [11,14,15,17]. The multiple ways of knowing and acting research enable researchers to build trust within Indigenous communities, foster meaningful collaborations, and develop culturally relevant research questions that respect Indigenous worldviews.

Author 1: is a land-based and decolonial community-based researcher. As a minority scholar, he has developed a strong understanding of decolonial and anti-racist research frameworks in his 17 years conducting research with Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities in Canada and South Asia, and his current program of research supported by his existing network of Indigenous, visible minority immigrants and refugee, and Black communities, scholars, students, practitioners, and professionals in Canada and beyond. Research is a lifelong responsibility for him.

Author 2 belongs to an Indigenous community in Bangladesh. She is also a person who comes from one of the minority communities in Bangladesh. She became a part of this study because she wanted to be the voice of the unspoken. With her enthusiasm, she listens to the stories, and by gaining experience and knowledge, she wants to be a storyteller on behalf of the Indigenous communities in the outer world.

We strongly understand that engaging in work within Indigenous communities presents potential limitations for outsiders that require careful consideration and a decolonial approach for meaningful collaboration [11,14,15,17,18]. We know that the challenges lie in recognizing and navigating historical power imbalances and colonial legacies that may influence community dynamics [11]. However, understanding positionality and responsibilities is helpful in dismantling traditional hierarchies, fostering meaningful relationships, and actively involving community members in decision-making processes. We also know that another potential limitation involves cultural sensitivity, as misinterpretations or misappropriation of Indigenous knowledge can occur. Since we are both from minority communities in Bangladesh, our positionality and socialization were helpful in co-learning and respectful dialogue, ensuring that knowledge exchange is reciprocal and aligns with Indigenous values.

Our positionality is also helpful in addressing power imbalances historically existing in Indigenous research. Indigenous communities have often been subjects of research rather than active participants or collaborators. Critically examining our positionality allowed us to redefine our research agenda by ensuring that the research benefits the community and their needs. Our positionality is fundamental to fostering ethical, respectful, and empowering research relationships with Indigenous communities and advancing knowledge that genuinely serves their interests and well-being.

3. Theoretical Framework and Methodology

A decolonial research framework represents a critical and transformative approach to research that seeks to challenge and redress the enduring legacies of colonialism in academia and beyond [11,14,15,17,18,19]. This framework acknowledges that colonialism has profoundly shaped the historical landscape and the methodologies, perspectives, and epistemologies used in research [17,20]. Decolonial research seeks to deconstruct and destabilize dominant narratives and structures of historically marginalized Indigenous and other marginalized communities [17,18,19,20]. It recognizes that traditional research practices often perpetuate power imbalances, objectifying and exploiting Indigenous knowledge and peoples. Thus, a decolonial research framework aims to center Indigenous voices, knowledge systems, and worldviews while critically examining how colonialism has influenced the research process [18]. Within a decolonial research framework, the primary focus is fostering respectful and equitable partnerships with Indigenous communities and other marginalized groups. This approach values the self-determination and sovereignty of these communities, allowing them to define research priorities and methodologies. It also emphasizes the importance of researchers acknowledging our own positionality and biases, while actively working to minimize harm and promote ethical research practices [20]. A decolonial research framework is a call to action to reevaluate and reshape the research landscape, striving for more inclusive, equitable, and decolonized knowledge production that respects the diverse ways of knowing and being of Indigenous and marginalized communities.

Following the decolonial research framework, we used deep listening and Indigenous storytelling. We learned stories from nine Indigenous women in August 2023, while abiding by conventional Indigenous customs and ceremonies. Deep listening was an essential strategy for respecting and honoring the opinions of Indigenous women. Since Indigenous stories are tied to the land and characterized by the land, language, and Nation of the people, storytelling helps to reestablish a connection with land-based learning 14. We strictly complied with traditional Indigenous rituals and ceremonies in addition to the institutional research methodology. In addition to using deep listening and incorporating Indigenous storytelling, we used reflective writing as a tool to reassess our responsibilities in crafting narratives that prioritize community needs, amplify community voices, and reflect diverse perspectives. The process of reflective writing allowed us to reconsider our role in the research, ensuring that the narratives were shaped by and centered around the insights and experiences shared by the community. The stories told by the community became guiding elements that shaped and directed our research, emphasizing the importance of an inclusive and community-centered approach in the storytelling process.

Following our decolonial research theoretical framework, we actively incorporate the community-based research with Indigenous communities prioritizing collaborative and participatory approaches through our research. This research approach helped to emphasize shared decision-making and reciprocal relationships with community members. It seeks to address community needs and promote culturally sensitive and sustainable outcomes [19].

We learned critically from 9 Indigenous women through diverse interactions, story-sharing, and daily activities. While we acknowledge the small sample size in traditional research terms, depth of learning holds significant value in decolonial research. Rather than viewing the limited number as a constraint, we perceive it as a meaningful learning opportunity. In our decolonial research, our focus was not on quantity but on creating meaningful avenues for learning.

Deliberately, our research purposefully selected Indigenous women, with a specific focus on Indigenous Elders as identified by the community, whose ages ranged from 55 to 70 years old. The perspectives of Indigenous women assume considerable significance in the realm of climate change research in the coastal areas of Bangladesh [17]. Studies suggest [17] that Indigenous women serve as reservoirs of unique insights, informed by traditional knowledge, experiential understanding, and profound connections to the land, which collectively illuminate the complex inter-relationships between their communities and the environment. The acknowledgment of Indigenous women’s voices served to augment the efficacy of climate-related policies and interventions, aligning them more closely with the distinctive needs and aspirations of the most profoundly affected communities.

Finally, we used our thoughts and critical rethinking to sort and value our findings. This procedure enhanced our concentration and improved the quality of our research [14]. Regarding resilience analysis protocol (RAP), we used a community-based process to identify challenges within Indigenous communities. In our research, RAP emphasizes a local perspective, fostering a participatory approach in problem identification and solution development. Through collaborative efforts, our aim was to create self-determination within and from communities by cultivating Indigenous solutions that enhance resilience [17,18,19,20,21,22]. We strongly tried to maintain the ethical protocols. We maintained the privacy and confidentiality of the respondents and showed our respect and gratitude to the community Elders and Knowledge-keepers. We kept the privacy of the individuals because they are members of a vulnerable group, the Munda Indigenous community. We also ensured that the respondents’ participation was well-informed and voluntary.

4. Results: Learning Reflections from Munda Indigenous Communities

Most of the Munda Indigenous communities live in Sundarban mangrove forest areas in Bangladesh. The Munda Indigenous community, which originated in India, arrived in Bangladesh 300 years ago and has remained ever since. They can be found in Khulna, Jessore, and primarily near the Sundarbans in the Shyamnagar upazila and Joypurhat. They live in the Sundarbans mangrove forest and rely on the environment for subsistence and a living. For this study, we visited Shyamnagar upazilla and a few Munda villages under Vetkhali, Dhatinakhali and Burigoalini union.

We listened to the recorded stories multiple times and focused on their various aspects. We focused on the key topics and subthemes identified by the female co-researchers. We reflected on our learning individually after deeply listening during story sharing and re-listening from the recordings. Our own reflections aided us in learning respectfully.

Listening to recorded interview stories provided a different perspective on a topic than reading transcripts. The listener’s emotions were addressed differently and more intensely. Indigenous women shared their emotions and experiences in our learning stories, which were frequently difficult and moving. We mainly chose quotes that stayed with us, could be remembered later, and were significant for us to analyze and memorize.

We developed main themes and sub-themes as a continual form of listening and reflective learning (Figure 1). The key themes are, first, the impact of climate change on the Munda Indigenous community and, second, the adaptation strategies. Following that, we concentrated on solutions proposed by Indigenous women.

4.1. Impact of Climate Change on the Community

The impact of climate change on the Munda Indigenous community can be described as a few natural disasters and their impacts, which occur randomly and frequently. Therefore, we have divided them into two sub-themes: Environmental Changes and Effects on Livelihood (Figure 2).

4.2. Environmental Change

In the coastal areas, Indigenous people suffer from disasters like water salinity, floods and cyclones, which cause severe problems in their lives. Indigenous women from the Munda community mentioned “increasing salinity” and “changed weather”. The heatwave is also becoming very common in the coastal areas. Salinity is everywhere, and this chronic situation is making them more vulnerable. Life is very difficult, and their survival is now jeopardized. Indigenous woman 1 said, “Salinity is increasing daily. The weather is changing. The people are cutting trees to make home”. Munda Indigenous woman-2 said, “Everywhere there is saline water”. This situation worsens when summer’s scorching heat dries out the water bodies. Munda Indigenous woman-3 mentioned, “In the summer, our soil is also getting salty. I think these are happening due to climate change”. Salinity, along with higher temperatures in the summer, endangers people’s lives as drought damage their homes.

Frequent flooding became very frequent nowadays in coastal regions, with most areas experiencing inundation during adverse weather conditions and tidal waves. Indigenous communities often describe how heavy rainfall alone can swiftly transform their surroundings into a flooded landscape. For Monda Indigenous communities in coastal areas, the occurrence of intense and irregular rainfall patterns has become increasingly common, contributing to the abrupt onset of flooding. The heightened frequency of heavy rain events exacerbates the vulnerability of these communities, underscoring the pressing challenges associated with managing and adapting to sudden floods in coastal regions. For instance, Munda Indigenous woman-4 said, “The flood comes when it rains” and “We have heavy rain at the wrong time”. Munda Indigenous woman-3: “When the flood came, we lost everything; chickens and cattle are washed away”. In those areas, the habitat of the Munda Indigenous community is kept safe by embankments. However, when the flood comes, the water hits the roads and embankments. As a result, water enters their areas. One of the women mentioned this “Suppose, if the road get broken, water enters into the area. Saline water makes it difficult to live”. So, the flood directly hits them and harms them in uncountable ways.

Indigenous woman-9 from the coastal area can recall the massive cyclones and tornados which forced them into displacement, “I can remember the day of cyclone SIDR. That was 25th May 2009 and the day was Sunday and it was very memorable. Our house was broken. And the waves washed away our books”. Most Indigenous women described their areas as “drowned” and “broken”. Munda Indigenous woman-6 mentioned, “During the cyclone Aila in 2016 or 17, my house got broken”. Whenever big cyclones come, people are forced to leave their land and move elsewhere. Furthermore, the cyclones cause heavy floods that destroy communities. Munda Indigenous woman-4 said, “I need to increase the height of my house, but I cannot do it due to the money”. This expression clearly shows how climate change and disasters extremely affect the inhabitants of the coastal area, particularly when the Indigenous people suffer from poverty.

4.3. Impacts on Livelihood

Climate change is significantly damaging every stage of the Indigenous community in the coastal areas. It has created problems in their livelihood. Indigenous people lack housing and land rights, employment, and freshwater.

4.4. Land Rights and Housing

Munda Indigenous people came to this region more than 300 years ago. They have lived in Munda Indigenous villages for generations. However, they do not have any rights to the land they live in and most Indigenous women expressed their frustration about this. Munda Indigenous woman-5 said, “I feel bad because we do not have our own land. Everywhere, people have a small piece of land. However, we do not have our own land; we stay on other people’s land”. They have to live on other people’s land. Munda Indigenous woman-3 said, “Till now they have never asked us to leave the place. We do not know where to go. We don’t have money to buy our own land”. Moreover, no matter the family’s size, they have to live in a single room. There is no facility for proper sanitation and bathing place inside their home. Munda Indigenous woman-1 mentioned, “We have so many problems due to climate change. Toilet and sanitation is the worst of them”. The house they live in is also not disaster-friendly. In the dry season, their house erodes as it is made of mud, and they do not have money to rebuild it. Munda Indigenous woman-8 mentioned, “As the water is saline, it is not so appropriate to make mud house with this water. In the dry season, it just starts decaying”. Munda Indigenous woman-7 said, “ During the disaster, they also leave their houses”.

4.5. Education

Education is a very strong weapon for the Indigenous people. However, in coastal areas, education becomes “more challenging”, “very far,” and “inconvenient” for people. During any disaster, the children stop going to school because roads remain under water. Munda Indigenous woman-4 said, “They cannot go to the school during monsoon because of the broken road. They miss the classes at that time”. Moreover, most of the schools are used as cyclone centers. Munda Indigenous woman-2 said, “The primary school is so far from here. The boy cannot go alone and somebody needs to go with him”. On the other hand, schools are so far from their areas so it becomes more challenging. Most of the women of the Indigenous community mentioned, “We cannot send our children outside for higher studies because we don’t have the ability”. It also happens that the children go to work instead of going to school. Munda Indigenous woman-2 also said, “The boys go to the brick field to work”. On the other hand, the impact on girls is massive. They are forced to get married at an early age and leave school. Munda girl-1 explained this well, as she said, “If a girl passes the Secondary School Certificate exam, her parents rushed to get her married”. Therefore, education is not easily accessible for the coastal Indigenous communities and climate change makes this situation worse.

4.6. Decreasing Trend in Mobility

Climate change also impacts the income of coastal Indigenous people and increases the ratio of unemployment. Unemployment is related to “working outer areas” and “borrowing money”. Munda Indigenous community usually lives on the river by catching fish and crabs and the forest Sundarbans by collecting honey and herbs. The Sundarbans and the nearby rivers remain closed for six months, and these people have nothing to do then. Munda Indigenous woman-3 mentioned, “He goes to the Brickfields. Nevertheless, even if he goes to the forest somehow and the police see him, they would burn the net and boat”. There are no alternative working options due to the extreme nature of the environment. Therefore, men and teenage boys go to the outer areas for alternative earning sources. They go to the brick fields to work. A Munda Indigenous woman said, while talking about borrowing money during the disaster and unemployed phase, “We cannot earn that time. We borrow money from other people”. Therefore, they need to borrow money from others and in order to repay the money, they retake loans and take the extra burden.

In our study, we learned that the significance of impact on livelihood is particularly pronounced in coastal areas of developing nations and serves as a primary catalyst for climate-induced displacement, with Bangladesh being a poignant example. The vulnerability of these coastal regions amplifies the socio-economic repercussions of climate change, directly affecting how communities sustain themselves. The community expressed that rising sea levels, extreme weather events (such as extreme rain, no rain, cyclones, tornados), and changing environmental patterns contribute to the erosion of livelihoods, disrupting traditional economic activities such as agriculture and fishing. This, in turn, leads to increased migration and displacement as communities seek alternative means of subsistence. Understanding the intricate link between climate change and livelihood disruption is crucial for developing effective strategies to mitigate its adverse effects, safeguarding the well-being and resilience of communities in vulnerable coastal areas.

4.7. Water Crisis

The dry summer season and salinity make it challenging to collect fresh water. Munda Indigenous woman-5 said, “We have a problem with drinking water. We get drinking water from the freshwater pond by filtering it, but if the flood comes, we must go very far to bring drinking water”. Water is a basic need and right, but fresh water is very difficult to collect in the coastal areas. “For six months, we have a scarcity of water. We try very hard to get the water that time”, and according to Munda Indigenous woman-3, the water crisis persisted for a long time and lasted half a year. Munda Indigenous teenage girl-2 explained how water salinity increases every now and then. “There is shrimp farm everywhere. When they make the water enter the farm, saline water enters our freshwater pond. Our freshwater pond is not fresh anymore; it is getting salty”. Both climate change and human activities are worsening the situation of salinity.

4.8. Lack of Health Facilities

Coastal areas of Bangladesh suffer from cyclones, drought, heavy rain and, most significantly, floods and coastal Indigenous people are attacked by these disasters. Their livelihood also depends on the forest and rivers. Most of the time, these are underwater and cause the people to develop various diseases. There is a connection between “diseases”, “hospital at distant,” “quack,” and “poverty”. In the community, men and women both suffer from skin diseases, but women suffer from different diseases. According to Munda Indigenous woman-3, “Women are suffering much in our area. They are having trouble with their menstrual cycle. They are having tumors inside their ovaries”. This is so alarming; most importantly, there is no proper health system in those areas. Munda Indigenous woman-5 mentioned, “It becomes problematic when someone gets sick. Our area has no doctor, and the hospital is so far from here”. She also mentioned that they could not get the treatment if any hospital were available there. “We cannot get the treatment due to poverty. If I go to the hospital and have to do any test, we need money”. Additionally, when they become sick, they choose the traditional method of treatment. Every village has a quack who gives medicine to the people and demands money. Again, “There is a clinic near the Upazila parishad; we go there. The doctor sees the patient for free and gives free medicine. However, it is so far from here, and we have to spend more for transportation”, said a Munda Indigenous woman-4. Due to poverty, they cannot have proper meals and get sick easily. Munda Indigenous woman-9 said, “We do not have good food here, so we suffer from malnutrition”. Coastal Indigenous people are poor and do not have health facilities in their areas. In an emergency, they have to go to the town for treatment, which is expensive and not convenient. This situation becomes more severe during the flood as people cannot move around. “After every disaster, how many days can you survive by eating dry food and water? That time people become worried and get sick,” said Munda Indigenous woman-3. “Here, people die from lack of treatment,” said the same woman. They become mentally sick and upset. During the disaster, they lost everything, and the memory of this made them traumatized.

4.9. Challenges in Drug Addiction

In recent years, men and boys have been going to brick fields to work because they do not have work options in their village. Therefore, “People of most ages are smoking, drinking and becoming addicted”. They live far from the village, so the adults cannot say anything to them. Also, “Children are learning these things by following the adults”. According to Munda Indigenous woman-9, they “bring the local alcohol as well as the Indian alcohol” and spend everything they have earned earlier on drinks. When these people return to the village, they have drinks and smoke outside of their homes and “when they return home, they beat their children, their wives”, said the same Indigenous woman. The people of Munda Indigenous community indeed have a habit of drinking alcohol during their festivals and celebrations, but now it has become mundane, causing their family mental trauma because of frustration.

4.10. Adaptation Strategies

In the Munda Indigenous community’s village, Indigenous people have their own coping and adaptation strategies. Moreover, some are good for the community, and some make them more vulnerable. In this chapter, we have discussed their adaptation strategies. The results are summarized in Figure 3. Main and Sub-themes of Adaptation Strategies (Figure 3).

4.11. Shelter

The ongoing impact of colonization continues to significantly affect Indigenous communities in Bangladesh, particularly the Munda Indigenous communities. The legacy of historical colonization has left enduring imprints on these communities’ socio-cultural, economic, and political aspects. This influence is evident in the erosion of traditional practices, displacement of Indigenous populations, and the marginalization of their voices within broader societal structures. For instance, when a disaster comes, people must reach a nearby shelter as they are not living in a safe environment. However, in Munda Indigenous community, they do not go to the shelter. The reason behind this was told by Munda Indigenous woman-1, “We cannot go to the government’s cyclone center because that is so far from here”. Also, she has reported that “the center becomes occupied long before we can reach there”. That is why they prefer to stay at their houses, although their houses are not strong enough to keep them safe. Therefore, their strategy is to stay inside the house. If the situation exacerbates, “We took shelter inside the school. We took important documents with us and left all the goods inside the home”, said Munda Indigenous woman-2. Sometimes, communities needed to take shelter on the roads, and the reason was said by Munda Indigenous woman-5, “We go to the school. But in the primary school, the chairman does not allow us to enter”, said the same woman. However, this is not a proper shelter. Due to their social status, they cannot enter the cyclone center and any other opportunities during disasters that mainstream people are able to receive. Therefore, addressing the impact of ongoing colonization is crucial for fostering sustainable development and preserving the rich cultural heritage of these marginalized communities in Bangladesh.

4.12. Disaster Preparedness

As this vulnerable community cannot go to the shelter, they prepare themselves to face the disasters by themselves. They have limitless love for their land and Munda Indigenous woman-2 said: “We stay here, no matter if we live or die. So many big typhoons hit us so far, but we never leave our land,” and whenever they know about the upcoming disaster, “They show the signal. Sometimes, they announce the upcoming cyclone. By that time, we take the preparation and store dry food”. Some people can make things that help them during a disaster. “I had a portable oven to feed my children during a disaster. So I carry that oven with me”, said Munda, an Indigenous woman. Not only this family but other families also cook food in this oven. Therefore, they stay in their area, cook together, store dry foods and pass the disaster. Munda Indigenous woman-4 said about sickness during a disaster, “I use or saline [home-made medicine]. However, if I have sugar or jaggery in my home, I make the saline on my own. Sometimes, I buy saline from the shop”.

4.13. Loans

In many cases, people lose everything after a disaster. They have nothing to eat; their houses are broken. This is when they need some help but cannot receive it or receive any relief. Government relief goes to the other villages but cannot reach them because of their remote location. Munda Indigenous woman-1 mentioned, “They come to the nearby areas, but they cannot reach our area, so we cannot receive the relief”. When asked why this was, she mentioned, “They do not give us any importance; they only care about the mainstream committee. The government is providing so many facilities to the people of the village. However, the member and the chairman are taking everything”, and “We do not get anything remarkable”. Therefore, they take loans from people, which is the biggest trap they fall into. “We take loans from people. We also take loans from cooperatives. We pay the monthly installment and repay again”, said Munda Indigenous woman-7. Not everyone is pleased with taking out a loan. We have this statement from Indigenous woman-4: “If we had other options, we would never take money from other people”. They also take loans when someone in their family is severely sick, and the local doctor cannot adequately treat them. Therefore, they take the loan and move to Shyamnagar Upazilla for better treatment. The situation is so bad there. Munda Indigenous woman-7 reported, “We will not survive if we do not take loans. Whenever we are in trouble, we take loans. We usually return the money on a weekly or monthly basis”. Taking loans is one of the survival strategies of the Munda Indigenous people.

4.14. Water Management

Water availability is the main problem in the life of the Munda Indigenous people. There are one or two freshwater ponds in the areas from where they collect water for cooking, drinking, and daily work. Some villages have filters to filter the pond water. However, the problem arises when the saline water enters the freshwater pond. Villagers try their best to save the freshwater pond, they also worship the freshwater pond as a deity. They have mentioned this clearly, “The pond that contains fresh water, we do not pollute that” and “Our life will be destroyed if the pond gets polluted”. They built a water collecting and preservation system by themselves and with the cooperation of other organizations like Sundarbaan Adivasi Munda Sangstha (SAMS), UNDP, etc. Munda Indigenous woman-4 said, “We store water in the tank from rain provided by UNDP. One year back, we got this tank”. During a disaster, water collection becomes difficult, and they have reported, “If the flood comes, we have to go very far to bring drinking water, and we go by boat”. During monsoon, they reserve rainwater inside a big tank for drinking and cooking. However, not everyone can buy the tank (drum) as they are not free. Munda Indigenous woman-9 mentioned this issue, “The drum was not provided to everyone because they demand 3000 taka per drum. So, they could not take this”. According to them, the drums are very effective, and maintenance is also easy, “I think this drum works well because it keeps the water cold. We have to clean it once in a year. We clean it in the monsoon”, said the same Munda Indigenous woman. The Munda Indigenous people have the greatest difficulty managing the water on a daily basis.

4.15. Land-Based Spirituality

Land-based Spirituality is a logical way to survive, but the land-based Munda Indigenous community prays for their betterment. They try to find peace and escape from vulnerability through their festivals. They said during their water ceremonies that “We celebrate our water every morning. Our water is God, family member, and our body. Without our water, we can not survive. Our everyday ceremonies make us strong and self-determinative”. They believe that their everyday spirituality will save them, and they mentioned, “We are celebrating this festival every day, and we are being saved,” they perform everyday practice, which is their survival strategy. “If we do not pray to God who is not visible, we are not protecting our land-water Gods, Our water god live with us?” said Munda Indigenous woman-1. Praying is an everyday practice and a way of protecting their traditional land-based culture, therefore the community Elders and Knowledge-keepers have suggested that everyone in the community must respect their land-based practices.

4.16. Suggested Solutions from Indigenous Women

Some changes in the system and society are needed to improve the situation of the coastal Indigenous people. In this paper, we included solutions suggested by the Munda Indigenous women. All of the suggestions come from the stories of the community, and we later explained them thematically (Figure 3).

4.17. Housing, Shelter and Spoke-Person from Indigenous Community

The government needs to allocate land to Indigenous people across the country. “If we had our own land, it would be better”, said all of the Munda Indigenous women. They also have the wish to own land and a house. They also need assistance to build their house, which will keep them safe during floods or cyclones. Some people also said, “If we can go to the normal land, we will be able to live by cultivation and farming”. It is not surprising that they have talked about land-based solutions. “I have a wish that I will save money and buy a small land and we will make a house”, said Munda Indigenous woman-3 and from this, we know that they wish to build a house by themselves. Moreover, they have told us that they want to be a part of the local government so that they can work for their own community. “I think that I would be educated, and I would try to be the member or chairman to help the people”, said Munda Indigenous woman-2. The local government does not welcome Indigenous people to their forum. Including Indigenous people as leaders of their community in local government is crucial to empowering vulnerable community. Some respondents said, “If we have a cyclone center around us, it would be better”. If the cyclone center had been built near the village areas of the Munda Indigenous community, they would have benefitted the most.

4.18. Access to Indigenous Education

The Munda Indigenous community is very enthusiastic about education, but faces difficulties. Munda Indigenous woman-1 said, “The primary school is so far from here [indicating their house]. So, they demand nearby schools and colleges for their children, a basic human right. Those areas are poorly constructed, so woman-2 suggested that, “If they fix the roads, my children can go to school easily”. They also mentioned that “we do not get any stipend for our education; if we get stipend for education we do not need go to work without going to school. Governments must ensure that stipend goes to the community’s students”.

4.19. Challenges in Health

In the coastal areas, people cannot get treatment due to poverty, and the health complex is very far from their residences. “Here, people die from lack of treatment. We need a Doctor and hospital most,” said Munda Indigenous woman-5. They also need government-operated hospitals to get free or low-cost health care.

4.20. Internal Migrations

The Indigenous people living in Bangladesh’s coastal areas are suffering greatly from the effects of climate change, as our study confirms. Our storytellers also articulated the facts clearly, which helped us later include them in our writing. One of the respondents said that climate change “is an ongoing process. Some people from our area had moved to other places. So many things have been changed. Our own language is not even spoken by many people now”. This indicates that they know that they are losing their existence daily because of climate change. We have seen that climate change is impacting their lives.

4.21. Financial Challenges

Financial support is something that cannot be ignored or denied. Their story taught us how a small amount of money can make a change. Munda Indigenous woman-7 said, “If we get 300 takas per month, that would be very helpful for us”. Disaster-vulnerable groups should be included in the Vulnerable Group Feeding Program (VGF). “We do not have any access to the government facilities like (VGF) card. We do not even have the ration card”, said Munda Indigenous woman-8. Local authorities should work on including them in these government facilities.

4.22. Challenges in Employment

In the coastal areas of Satkhira, working facilities are rare for Indigenous people and the mainstream population. “If the government involves us in an income-generating activity, it would be really better”, said Munda Indigenous woman-8. She also said, “If they are involved with work which brings money, it would be beneficial to us. The government also gives the Indigenous people extra quota to get a job, but they are very limited, they are very few”. We also learned from woman-5 that “We need to have a connection to get a job; the government can do that for us. So, the government should make projects to train and prepare them for work in relation to our traditional culture and practice”. Finally, Munda Indigenous woman-6 said, “We need good roads, a good job, good schools, and hospitals in our area, it would be better, but we do not have anything in our communities, we are so risk in every year disaster”.

The suggested solutions may bring some changes to the lives of the Indigenous coastal population. This would be very difficult, as minority people are seen as inferior compared to mainstream people. Also, the thought process of people is colonized, so they think the minority’s rights should be suppressed. Authorities from every sphere need to work on this to make the changes.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

Coastal Bangladesh is susceptible to natural calamities like tropical cyclones, storm surges, droughts, salinity incursions, sea level rise, riverbank and coastal erosion, riverine and flash floods, and storms [22,23,24,25,26,27,28,29,30,31,32,33,34,35]. In addition to poverty, unmanageable food and water shortages, unemployment, saline intrusion, addiction to various drugs, and issues with physical and mental health, climate change has a wide range of adverse effects on people, animals, and the ecosystem. In this article, both researchers have discussed the impact of climate change, adaptation strategies and solutions suggested by the women in the Munda Indigenous community. The discussion and conclusion contain three main conclusions, including Indigenous people in leadership, restructuring adaptation strategies and rethinking climate policies.

5.1. Inclusion of Indigenous People in Leadership

Our study shows how Indigenous people are excluded from all rights and facilities. Our Indigenous storytellers said the same thing. They are not allowed to participate in the local decision-making and service provision in a way that benefits them [30,31,32,33,34,35,36]. Maldonado (2012) argued that a systems thinking approach to adaptation would assist in moving away from an economic-based framework and towards a people-centered framework that emphasizes human rights, local participation, input, and decision-making and draws attention to the social, political, and economic inequalities produced by our current system [37]. Therefore, we suggest that incorporating the Monda Indigenous people into leadership roles in Bangladesh is essential to addressing their specific concerns and challenges. Indigenous leaders from the Monda community bring firsthand knowledge of their unique cultural practices and sustainable approaches, ensuring policies are tailored to their needs. The inclusion of Monda Indigenous people in leadership is key to promoting cultural preservation, fostering community resilience, and achieving equitable development.

5.2. Restructuring the Adaptation

Our study demonstrates the current adaptation strategies of the Munda Indigenous community. Whatever they do in their area, they do it by themselves, only because they receive no assistance from any sources. They prepare for a disaster and pray to stay home no matter what happens to them. They cannot go to any shelter because of their social status and the inconvenience of the shelters. They take out loans, deteriorating their situation further. Rabbani et al., 2018 argue that plans for sustainable disaster response and recovery, coastal management, and even relocation of residents and loss of livelihood are all at risk [38]. Thus, we suggest restructuring adaptation strategies is critical for Monda Indigenous people in Bangladesh to address their distinct vulnerabilities and cultural context. Focusing on these strategies to meet the specific needs of the Monda community ensures more effective resilience against climate change impacts. By restructuring adaptation efforts, we can promote sustainable practices that align with Monda traditions, fostering a resilient and culturally sensitive approach to environmental challenges.

5.3. Rethinking Climate Change Adaption Policy

In our study, we have seen that policies to combat climate change are not enough. There is mismanagement and ignorance towards the Indigenous communities. This mindset and policies need to be changed. Additionally, efforts are required for comprehensive disaster management, flood control, increased rural and urban resilience of vulnerable groups, migration, and other important challenges. To address these issues for the underprivileged, creative, transparent, and communicable solutions are required [20]. Therefore, rethinking climate change adaptation policies is critical for Indigenous people in Bangladesh to address the unique vulnerabilities of Monda Indigenous communities, considering the intersection of cultural practices and environmental changes [30,31,32,33,34,35,36,37,38,39,40]. By incorporating the Monda Indigenous community’s land-based perspectives, climate change policies need to be better aligned with traditional knowledge and adoptive community resilience. Ensuring inclusivity in adaptation strategies is imperative to safeguard the rights and well-being of Monda Indigenous populations facing the escalating impacts of climate change in Bangladesh [22].

5.4. Lack of Fresh Water

The most critical impacts of climate change are the salinity and lack of fresh water in that region. Most of the sickness comes from that. Due to the expenses, they are not prudent to make arrangements for water for their daily usage. They therefore depend on the current water supply process. Water management becomes their biggest challenge. This study mentions that the coastal population is very vulnerable, resulting in tragic losses of life and property [31,32,33,34,37,38,39,40,41,42]. They suffer from various skin diseases caused by salinity, malnutrition, etc., and they are unable to visit a doctor in their area. Moreover, they cannot perform basic health check-ups. In case of an emergency, they visit the nearby quack to get treatment that is not trustworthy or permitted.

5.5. Lack of Land Rights

The Munda Indigenous community people do not have their land or rights to it, either. Their houses are uninhabitable and they have to stay away from home for long periods of time to search of work. Many do not have any employment opportunities, and many of them have to live without drinking water, food, and employment. Many said they had no ensured future and the government ignored their basic human rights. They are confused about their life. Poverty, unemployment, water crisis, salinity and various natural disasters have left their lives stranded. Moreover, disparities, unequal access to different facilities, marginalization, and social injustice have brought despair to their life [25,26,27,28,29,30,31,32,33,34,35,36,37,38,39,40,41,42].

The Munda Indigenous community is a victim of both ongoing colonization and climate change. Incorporating the perspectives of Monda Indigenous communities in Bangladesh’s climate change adaptation policy is essential to ensuring policies align with their unique experiences and challenges. By including Monda voices, adaptation strategies can better address community-specific vulnerabilities and foster resilience. This inclusive approach contributes to more effective and culturally sensitive climate change practices that honor Monda Indigenous traditions and promote sustainable solutions. Using the Monda Indigenous communities land-based knowledge and practice, Bangladesh can make timely decisions about dealing with climate change. By understanding how the community relates to the land, we can come up with effective plans to tackle climate challenges. This way, Bangladesh can benefit from the Monda people’s knowledge and work together for a better, more resilient future.