1. Introduction
Social capital has been well acknowledged as an important factor of economic growth [
1,
2,
3]. It matters even more in the context of sustainable development, and the recognition of this fact is growing in literature [
4]. The idea of social capital is close to that of a sustainable community, focusing on within- and between-communities cohesion and social inclusion, and being, next to ecological concerns, a fundamental part of sustainable development [
5,
6,
7]. Social capital is believed to determine the introduction of sustainable plans and policies by local authorities [
8]. However, its influence here is not straightforward and depends on institutional context and its evolution. Pierce at al. found a positive effect of social trust on adopting sustainability initiatives in 2000, and a lack of impact ten years later [
8]. There are many ways in which social capital may affect sustainable development. Social capital, associated with notions of reputation, trust, and reciprocity, enhances collective action and helps to solve the problem of governing commons by reducing transaction and monitoring costs [
9,
10]. This is especially important for the protection of endangered national resources, like fisheries and forests [
11,
12], and dealing with climate change [
13]. Additionally, interactions within social networks play an important role in social learning and adaptive co-management and therefore are crucial for the management of social-ecological systems [
14,
15]. Furthermore, people who trust others and feel identification with a community care more for a group/public good and therefore it is not surprising that social capital correlates with pro-environmental norms and attitudes [
16,
17].
Social capital, considered from the perspective of community or society, is generally associated with social trust, cooperative attitudes, and social cohesion [
1,
3,
18,
19]. Social trust is understood as “an expectation that people will behave with good will, that they intend to honor their commitments, and that they will avoid harming others” [
20] (p. 25). Readiness to cooperate is based both on expectations about the cooperativeness of others, and the internal values of cooperative individuals [
21]. Social cohesion requires connectedness not only within but also between distinct groups [
3,
6]. The notion that connects all three concepts is moral trust, as proposed by Uslaner [
22], which is trust based not on personal experience or calculations, but on the assumption of shared fundamental values. This leads to trusting other people, however different they are, caring for them and treating them equally [
22] (1–50). Such a perception of social capital is especially meaningful from the perspective of sustainable development, and many studies mentioned above use similar conceptualization [
8,
11,
12,
13].
The alternative understanding of social capital focuses on resources embedded in social networks and connected with structural positions within those networks [
23,
24]. Those resources determine individual well-being and may serve the competitive aims of individuals and organizations [
25]. This is well illustrated in the study carried by Bodin and Crona [
26], who showed that the coexistence of coherent groups (bonding ties) and connections between groups (bridging ties) was not guaranteeing sustainable fishing practices. The explanation was that the most influential actors, occupying central brokering positions in the local ecological knowledge network, were deep-sea fishers. They were not affected by the problem of declining fish stock and were driven by their particular interests [
26]. This example shows that micro-level mechanisms connected with social capital are complex and their aggregated impact on sustainable development can be diverse.
Taking into consideration the role that community/society social capital plays in sustainable development, there is a big concern regarding a possibility to foster social capital in communities and societies in which it is lacking. According to the “social capital dream” there is a virtuous circle between participation in social networks, trust, and cooperation [
21]. This idea refers to the belief that different definitions of social capital have common roots, connected with the same underlying phenomenon. In particular, it means that the main components of social capital, emphasized by different authors, are mutually interconnected [
21]. Community- and society-level trust and cooperation are believed to emerge from grass-root interactions between individuals within social networks, however the operating mechanisms are still not recognized enough [
27,
28]. The most influential contribution in this area can be accredited to Putnam [
18,
19]. He claimed, following the ideas of Tocqueville, that participation in dense and vertical networks, especially networks of civic engagement, produces positive external effects and fosters trust and cooperative attitudes [
19] (p. 173). The processes that are at work are a facilitation of communication, a flow of information about trustworthiness of others, and learning positive patterns of collaboration [
19] (p. 174). A special role is played here by weak ties (like acquaintances networks and voluntary associations) connecting different people, in opposition to strong ties (like family and friends networks) which tend to be homogeneous [
29]. A good illustration comes from Sabatini, who stated, for Italy, that high involvement in voluntary associations connected with heterogeneity of their members “generally implies the sharing of moral norms of trust and reciprocity that can counteract the negative effects of the ‘amoral familism’, as well as the tendency of organizations to lobby for the narrow interests of their members” [
28] (p. 439). The thesis that participation in social networks and voluntary associations fosters social trust and collaboration is a promising view for proponents of sustainability, as it is potentially easier to promote participation than affect social norms.
There are empirical evidences, based on the statistical modeling of data from social surveys, which lead to the conclusion that participation in associations enhances social trust [
30,
31,
32,
33]. Findings based on the structural model, performed on data from the General Social Survey aggregated for 1972–1994, show that the influence of civic engagement on interpersonal trust is stronger than the reverse relationship between these variables [
30]. A reciprocal relationship between participation in voluntary associations and interpersonal trust was also validated for Michigan Socialization Study panel data, which presented partial evidence that participation is a significant cause for trust and no results indicating an influence of trust on participation [
31]. According to results of multilevel modeling performed on the 1999–2001 wave of the World Values Survey from 48 countries, among different individual-level factors of generalized trust, the strongest effect is connected with voluntary associations membership [
32]. Some authors postulate that both active and passive membership in voluntary organizations can matter for increasing social trust and civic engagement, as the passive membership can influence sense of community and identification with a group [
33]. Additionally, experiments show that group affiliation fosters within-group altruistic norms [
34], and that group membership builds a social identity that enhances cooperative behavior even if assignment to groups is random and interactions between members last a short time [
35]. The type of organization also matters, as connected organizations were found to be more beneficial for the creation of generalized trust than isolated groups [
36]. More generalized trust was found to be generated in organizations with diverse and engaged members connected by weak ties [
37], and due to participation in various associations with multiple interests [
33]. Other researchers argue that in many countries informal networks are more important for building social trust than memberships in associations [
38,
39]. Contact with friends turned out to be a significant factor explaining generalized trust in all seven countries studied (South Korea, Switzerland, East Germany, West Germany, Spain, Hungary, and Slovenia), while membership in voluntary organizations was significant only in three countries (Switzerland, East Germany, and Hungary) [
38]. Interestingly, close interpersonal relationships were similarly important in Central-Eastern European and Western countries [
38]. The relevance of participation in informal relationships was also confirmed in the case of Poland, as lagged relationships with acquaintances (from 2005) were found to be positively correlated with generalized trust (from 2007) [
39]. At the same time, contact with family and friends turned out to be insignificant upon adding control variables [
39].
Some authors challenge the hypothesis advocated above and suggest that the direction of the relationship between participation in networks and social trust is the other way around, i.e., it is the second that causes the first [
40,
41]. This is in accordance with findings of the studies which show that social norms are persistent over time and culturally dependent [
42,
43,
44]. Other studies stress that it is socialization in early childhood and education attainment which determines social trust the most [
22,
45,
46]. There is also evidence, based on research on twins, that social trust has a genetic origin [
47]. All these arguments, however, do not exclude the possibility that social interactions foster trust and cooperation, as there may be several determinants of social trust working simultaneously.
What seems especially important for the considerations presented in this paper is the argument that participation in groups causes within-group trust and within-group cooperation, which do not apply beyond the organization boundaries [
22,
40]. Participation may lead to particularized and not generalized trust and can hinder social inclusion [
22]. Furthermore, some organizations enhance hostility toward other groups [
36,
48]. This conflict between within- and beyond-group trust and cooperativeness concerns both formal and informal networks. An interesting finding comes from a study of 1540 students from different Polish regions, based on the comparison of survey and experiment data [
49]. The outcomes determine that a high frequency of contact with friends is associated with: a belief in strategies which are both cooperative and “on the borders of legality”, low generalized trust, acceptance of tax evasion, and cooperative behaviors within in-group, experimental designs [
49].
A helpful distinction of potential mechanisms operating in social networks is one based on the idea of closure and brokerage. Closure is associated with dense and strong ties within a community, which, through means of social sanctions and a sense of belonging, encourage trust and cooperation [
48,
50]. At the same time, closure can lead to the emergence of distrust towards strangers, and it reinforces divisions between “us” and “them” [
48]. Generalized trust seems to be more associated with brokerage, based on ties between individuals from different groups, located across structural holes [
18,
19,
48,
51]. These ties are expected to be weak and connect heterogeneous individuals [
29]. At the same time, brokerage reduces the group-dependency of individuals, and increases the possibility of breaking group norms, so brokers are more free to follow their private interests. This contradiction has been noticed by Gonzalez-Bailon [
52], who shows that the same network structure that efficiently serves the flow of information also increases the likelihood of free riding, and thus destroys willingness to cooperate and trustworthiness of others. Some researchers claim that this contradiction can be solved by a coexistence of closure and brokerage [
3,
48] or the existence of underlying, general moral values [
22].
The aim of this paper is to validate the role of participation in informal and formal social networks in enhancing social trust and respect towards others. The relevance of both strong and weak ties is considered. Social trust is divided into two components. The first is generalized trust, which is an expectation that others play fair. The second is a belief that other people are cooperative and ready to help those in need. The justification of this division, together with an explanation regarding the measurements used for all dependent and independent variables and the expected effects of the proposed determinants of social trust and respect, are presented in the Materials and Methods section. The following hypotheses are stated:
Generalized trust is positively affected by relationships with acquaintances, participation in voluntary associations, and volunteering. The strong ties that characterize friends and family networks undermine generalized trust.
As it was argued in the presented literature review, weak interpersonal ties and participation in civil organizations are expected to be plausible sources of generalized trust [
18,
19,
28,
29,
51]. Strong ties may lead to particularized trust and therefore decrease generalized trust [
22,
49]. This is especially plausible in societies with a narrow radius of trust [
1,
28] and therefore may be expected in Poland, which has been assessed to be characterized by low social trust [
39,
53].
- 2.
Expectations about the cooperativeness of others are grounded in relationships with friends and family, and volunteering.
Behaviors involving help are specific for networks of strong ties [
48,
50], as well as charities and volunteering [
22].
- 3.
A lack of respect for all people can be overcome by participation in voluntary associations, relationships with acquaintances, and volunteering. The strong ties that characterize friends and family networks enhance disrespect to some groups of persons.
Weak ties are connected with the heterogeneity of network members and this can lead to an openness for new perspectives and ways of living [
22,
29,
48]. By being involved with charity and volunteering, a belief in common moral values and the equality of all people may be fostered [
22]. Strong ties can enhance beyond-group hostility [
36,
48].
Most of the existing studies validating the relationship between participation in social networks and social trust are cross-sectional [
30,
32,
33,
36,
37,
38,
45]. Sometimes a time sequence is introduced by regressing generalized trust on lagged indicators of participation [
39]. Cross-sectional approaches are connected with a potential problem of omitted variables, regarding psychological traits of respondents and their early-life socialization, which can be remedied by utilizing a fixed-effect longitudinal approach [
54,
55,
56]. According to the best knowledge of the author, this method has so far been utilized only twice for analyzing the effect of changes in social network participation on changes in social trust. These studies were performed for cases of the USA [
57] and the UK [
58]. The first used data from 2006 and 2008 waves of the General Social Survey and concluded that a change in the frequency of social interactions with friends, family, and neighbors is a source of change in the index of interpersonal trust. It does not take into consideration participation in voluntary associations [
57]. In the case of the second, the results of fixed-effects modeling, performed on data from six waves (1998–2008) of the British Household Panel Survey, are compared with estimations of pulled and random-effects logistic regressions. These two alternative approaches have been accused of being biased when investigating relationships between social connections and trust, due to omitted variables. The authors concluded, based on fixed-effects outcomes, that the number of organization memberships, frequency of meetings with friends and family, and frequency of talking with neighbors are not significant for generalized trust [
58].
This research follows the methodological approach of these two studies but differs from them in a few important points. First, it introduces a different cultural surrounding—a Central-Eastern European country. In Poland, in comparison with Western countries, social trust and civic engagement are small, and stocks of social capital are more evident in relation to informal relationships with family and friends than participation in voluntary associations [
39,
59,
60]. Second, in addition to explaining the determinants of generalized trust, it introduces two alternative dependent variables connected with the notion of moral trust (and distrust): the belief that other people are helpful and the conviction that some people do not deserve respect. Third, in both reference papers, participation in informal social networks was measured by the amount of time spent on socializing with friends, relatives, and neighbors. The present research instead takes into consideration the size of (1) family and friends and (2) acquaintances networks (contacted on regular basis). The justification of the perceived superiority of this approach is given in the Materials and Methods section.
Fixed-effects’ logistic regression models were estimated in Stata 15 [
61,
62] on data from the 2011, 2013, and 2015 waves of “Social Diagnosis” (“Diagnoza Społeczna”), which is a panel survey conducted in Poland [
63,
64,
65,
66,
67,
68]. They make it possible to determine if, for an observed panel of Polish respondents, a change in informal and formal networks is followed by a change in social trust and respect towards others. An increase in generalized trust turns out to correspond with an increase in the acquaintances network, a decrease in the friends and family network, and an increase in volunteering. A rise in expectations about the cooperativeness of others is found to be enhanced by an increase in the friends and family network and by volunteering. A lack of respect to some groups of people is not affected by participation in either formal or informal networks. Overall within-person heterogeneity is small, suggesting that possibilities for fostering moral trust by participation are limited.
4. Discussion
There are several conclusions that can be made based on the presented results. First, taking into consideration that heterogeneity in all the considered dependent variables was more affected by between- than within-person variance, the results support the arguments of authors claiming that the possibility of fostering social trust by an increase in participation is limited [
22,
40,
45,
58]. Second, as illustrated by the descriptive analysis, the type of organization and the level of diversity between members of social networks are worthy of consideration. As they could not be included in the estimation of the fixed-effects model in this study, future research in a longitudinal framework is needed to examine their effect on social trust. Third, although generalized trust, the belief that others are helpful, and respect for all groups of people are all connected with the theoretical idea of moral trust [
22], when measured in a real-life empirical surrounding they differ and lead to different results. It seems that the radius of people regarded as a reference point varies in the case of these different indicators, and this observation is an extension of the previous findings regarding the different radius of social trust in different societies [
72].
Following the postulations of the previous studies, it was reaffirmed that in Poland, as a post-transformation country, participation matters more in the case of informal social networks than in voluntary associations [
39,
59,
60]. Within the research framework, it was possible to distinguish between the role of strong and weak interpersonal ties. For generalized trust, the findings indicate the negative impact of the family and friends network and the positive influence of the acquaintances network. These results support the theoretical considerations presented in the Introduction section. It can be expected that in a network based on strong ties, within-group trust is created and between-group trust may be weakened. The finding regarding the negative role of strong ties supports previous results from Poland which distinguish a group of students in which frequent contact with close friends was associated with within-group cooperation but not with following legal norms and generalized trust [
49]. Trust for strangers seems to be dependent on weak ties connecting heterogeneous individuals [
36,
37,
51]. The significance of the acquaintances network for fostering generalized trust confirms previous evidence from Poland, obtained with the use of the same data source but from earlier years [
39]. At the same time, it turned out that experiences gained within a network of strong ties are important for individuals to learn that other people are helpful. This supports the thesis that both brokerage and closure are important [
48], and homogenous and heterogeneous ties serve different aims [
24]. The results also confirm the important role of volunteering, which seems to influence both generalized trust and the belief that people are helpful, as it has the potential to enhance perceptions about shared fundamental values [
22]. Research hypotheses 1 and 2 are therefore confirmed regarding the role of strong and weak informal ties and volunteering, but not with regard to memberships in organizations, which turned out not to matter for either generalized trust or for expectations that people are helpful. Interestingly, opposite to the expectations of hypothesis 3, changes in social participation do not correlate with changes in respect for all groups of people. Such respect seems to be dependent on moral values, which cannot be positively influenced either by interactions with acquaintances or co-members from voluntary associations, who probably do not belong to disrespected groups. In this case, even volunteering experience does not help, inferring that for some respondents respect for all people is a norm, while in the case of others, disrespected groups are beyond the radius of common fundamental values [
22]. At the same time, also opposite to the expectations, an increase in the family and friends network did not enhance disrespect for some groups of people, and this is an optimistic finding. An interesting result is connected with improvement of respect for all groups of people and increase in the belief that other are helpful, observed for analyzed sample of Poles between 2011 and 2015. However, explanation of these effects is beyond the scope of this study and needs further research.
The current study has some limitations. The analyses presented do not determine causality, as changes in dependent variables are taking place in the same period as changes in independent variables [
54] (p. 6). It was possible to use lagged independent variables, but this would shorten the panel to two waves of observations, because of a lack of measurement of informal networks in 2009. Additionally, it can be argued that the effects of participation on social trust, if they exist, appear earlier than two years after joining an organization or enlarging the informal social network. This intuition is confirmed by results for the parent sample from the Michigan Socialization Studies, in which case the simultaneous effects of participation on trust were significant, while the lagged effects were not [
31]. By both controlling the differences between respondents and including a set of potential time-variant variables that could have affected the change in social trust and respect to others, it can be carefully deduced that the observed correlations between variables, conditioned on the respondents’ histories, indicate the effect of participation on trust and not vice versa. The additional limitation is that the fixed-effect panel models’ results are conditioned on the effects observed in the sample and therefore cannot be generalized out of the sample [
56] (pp. 48–49).
Future research is needed to further explore the relationship between participation and social trust within different cultural settings in order to confirm if there are any general patterns operating in diverse environments. It would also be beneficial to use longer panels with a longer history of individuals’ changes regarding participation and trust. An especially promising direction of future research is based on the possibility of including more variables regarding the diversity and structure of social networks. In order to do so, it is necessary to obtain data on characteristics (attributes) of all ego network members and network data enabling calculations of brokerage and closure measures.