Impacts of Climate Change and Environmental Degradation on Indigenous People in Bangladesh: An Ethnographic Study

Abstract

Global environmental and climatic changes have become an ever-increasing trepidation worldwide due to the unprecedented changes in temperatures, precipitation, weather, and ecosystems at the international, regional, and local levels. This study attempts to find out the impacts and vulnerabilities of climate-induced hazards and environmental degradation on the lives of Indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), along with finding out the factors of environmental degradation in Indigenous communities. This study also explores the adaptation strategies of Indigenous people in adverse situations in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. For conducting this study, a critical ethnographic approach is adopted, together with participant observation, in-depth interviews (N = 55), and focus group discussions (FGDs) (N = 5, 48 participants), following purposive sampling over one year (October 2019 to October 2020). The findings of this study indicate that climate-induced hazards and environmental crisis brings unprecedented suffering to the lives and livelihoods of Indigenous people. Climate change and variability together with human causes contribute to creating an environmental crisis that threatens food security, creates water scarcity, and disrupts agricultural activities and household properties in Indigenous communities. The findings also indicate that Indigenous people are bound to change their traditional jhum cultivation and adjust their traditional housing structure apart from searching for alternative livelihoods due to climatic events and environmental crises. However, Indigenous people try to adapt to this adverse situation following their life-long experiences and local knowledge. This study helps policymakers as well as governments to understand the major drivers of environmental crisis and climatic events in Indigenous communities, together with finding out the solutions and recuperating the living conditions of the marginalized groups in Bangladesh and beyond.

1. Introduction

In this century, the biggest threat to life and biodiversity is the ongoing climate crisis [1]. Global environmental and climatic changes are causing increasing international trepidation, with unprecedented changes in temperatures, precipitation, weather, and ecosystems [2,3]. These changes are causing instability in wildlife, species, and vegetation patterns, and affecting food security, environment, and water systems [2,3,4,5]. The World Risk Index shows six out of the world’s ten disaster-risk countries are located in Asia and the Pacific. Despite having contributed little to human-caused climate change, several of these nations have a 15-fold higher risk of death or injury from climate-related hazards [6]. In the first decades of the 21st century, over 200 million people in the Asia Pacific region were affected and over 70,000 died annually due to climate change-induced hazards, accounting for 90% and 65% of the world’s total [7]. These extremes are triggered by natural hazards, environmental degradation, social factors, and economic and political conditions, exacerbated by existing social structures [8,9]. Similar predictions are made in the newly released IPCC AR6, which states that Bangladesh is very vulnerable to climate-induced extreme events that might negatively impact people’s livelihoods, food security, health, and general well-being [10].

Indigenous peoples are particularly concerning among communities that are susceptible to contamination. Despite making up only about 5% of the world’s population, Indigenous people account for almost 15% of the extremely poor [11,12], and they trail behind other demographic groups on almost all social and economic metrics. According to research, colonization and historical exclusion are most likely the direct causes of this socio-economic state. According to [12] pollution was transferred from colonial powers to colonized territories as a result of the construction of numerous polluting infrastructures (such as mines, pipelines, and waste incineration facilities) during colonial rule without the free, prior, and informed agreement of the impacted communities.

Bangladesh, a resourceful nation that exemplifies sensitivity to the effects of climate change, is facing all of the consequences of climate change listed in the IPCC’s sixth assessment report [6]. Furthermore, Indigenous people in isolated regions that depend on natural resources, especially fishing and forest-based resources, are identified by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) as a high-risk population in the context of climate change [3,6,10].

Indigenous people of Bangladesh, who make up about 1.8% of the country’s total population, depend on nature for their livelihoods, traditional customs, and way of life, but environmental degradation and climate change are endangering their environment [10]. In terms of emergency support, medical facilities, relief, access to natural resources, and decision-making authority, many people who live on the edge of existence face stark disparities and exclusion from mainstream society, especially during extreme weather events and post-hazard periods [13].

In the existing literature, it is generally found that climate change research mainly pinpoints economic affairs, for example, water, agriculture, infrastructure, settlement, or other sectors; however, it has not focused on peoples, groups/communities, livelihoods, human security, or their environment, etc. [6]. Major climate change reports such as the IPCC report on different countries’ climate change adaptation and other international documents evidence the shortage of research on this vulnerable group. The influential Tyndall Center Conference started their report by highlighting that Indigenous people across the globe seldom deliberated in the academic, public, and policy discourses on climate change [14]. Despite the clear acknowledgments and occasional reporting by academia, development specialists, and international organizations that the people of the Indigenous community are in worse condition than other communities from climate change and adversity, very few studies so far have been undertaken to uncover the susceptibility of the Indigenous community and their environment in the world.

This study highlights the significant impacts of climate change and environmental degradation on Indigenous people in CHT. This study also explores the adaptation strategies of Indigenous people in adverse situations, highlighting the need for further attention to their survival and improvement.

2. Climatic Extremes, Environmental Crises, and Indigenous People in Global Perspectives

This study aims to explore the impacts and vulnerabilities of climate change and environmental degradation on Indigenous communities, focusing on their experiences and responses to these hazards. It seeks to understand how the environment is degraded and how marginalized groups, particularly Indigenous communities, respond to these challenges.

Indigenous groups, particularly the Garo and Hajong communities, face extreme heat and unpredictable rainfall, which causes dry drought-like conditions and groundwater depletion, according to ICCCAD (2022). Groundwater shortages affect crop and agricultural production, livestock and animal productivity, water sanitation and hygiene facilities, women’s and girls’ menstrual hygiene management, and fishing yields [10].

Similarly, ref. [15] reveal in their study that climate change impacts forest resources on which Indigenous people depend for their livelihoods. This includes wildfires, higher temperatures, ecological disruption, and habitat degradation, threatening their forests [15,16]. These impacts affect the composition and distribution of species, plants, and animals, which are crucial for their economy, culture, traditional foods, nutrition, and health [17,18]. The extinction of species or alteration of cultural resources may restrict access to culturally significant species, leading to the loss of traditional knowledge [15,19]. Indigenous people face vulnerability from climate change impacts such as deforestation, drought, sea level rise, food security, water and air quality, supply chain disruptions, weather patterns, health impacts, wildlife reduction, habitat deterioration, soil salinity, and threats to natural and cultural resources [20].

In the same vein, ref. [21] explore the vulnerability of Indigenous people to climate change impacts in their locality, using three dimensions: exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capability. The vulnerability is shaped by social, political, economic, and historical processes, including colonialism, which transformed the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people [21]. Similarly, [22] highlight the impacts of climate change events on Indigenous people’s livelihoods globally, particularly in Africa. They argue that these communities have been adapting to environmental stresses for a long time, but recent impacts are more severe [23]. These impacts include reduced crop yields, water scarcity, malnutrition, and failed policies. Indigenous people in Africa face additional barriers to climate change adaptation due to their large populations, unequal power in decision-making, and differential responsibility, which disrupt their resiliency capacity [22,24].

In their study, ref. [25] demonstrated that around 60% of U.S. tribal people live near nature and maintain a lifestyle of mixed traditional livelihoods and wage labor. They rely on wild foods like mushrooms, rice, deer, and fish for subsistence. This dependency on natural resources makes them vulnerable to climate change, as the alteration of culturally significant plant and animal species may threaten their tribal culture, economics, and resource management [15,18]. The International Labor Organization [26] has highlighted that Indigenous people, despite their minimal greenhouse gas emissions, are the most vulnerable to climate change due to their dependency on natural resources [11,27]. They are also affected by environmental destruction, such as deforestation, soil erosion, and contamination from mining and oil extraction. This exposure threatens their livelihoods, identities, culture, and way of living, and increases their socio-economic, cultural, and psychological vulnerability [26,28,29]. Ref. [30] highlight the environmental crisis and climate change affecting Indigenous people in the United States, particularly in the Southwest, who face restrictions in accessing culturally important habitats and species. This disrupts their subsistence systems, knowledge, water availability, food security, and habitats, potentially destabilizing their traditional way of life [30].

Similarly, ref. [28] show that changes in rainfall patterns, wind direction, heat, thunderstorms, and lightning, as well as water scarcity, can be perceived by Indigenous people as a result of climate change. Older people can comprehend this from their experience and observation of certain signs of the nature and behavior of animals in Chittagong Hill Tracks, and they obtain this information from the local media [28].

Indigenous people rely on traditional knowledge and observations to adapt to climate change variability [28]. However, due to global climate change, traditional systems may become less meaningful. Modern scientific information and communication technology, such as early warning and evacuation systems, and modern devices, can help reduce vulnerability in Indigenous communities. Indigenous people in Southern Uganda have a deep understanding of climate change adaptation, as evidenced by their keen observation of seasonal weather patterns and their evaluation of qualitative environmental signs. They also disseminate their knowledge through radio and mobile phones, benefiting the local community and promoting sustainable practices [31].

In an emergency, however, people attempt to remain cognizant of the recurring risks in order to avoid injury and the risk of death. Root-level organizations, such wards or union councils, issue signals or warnings about recurring risks and provide instructions on what must be done and where. In order to stay informed about possible risks, people watch and listen to television and radio. At this moment, people prepare to deal with their worry and anxiety by finding a safe place to stay [32].

In the same vein, ref. [33] conducted case studies on coastal areas, islands, watersheds, forests, and drylands to explore climate change adaptation strategies. Indigenous people developed coping mechanisms like rainwater harvesting, shoreline reinforcement, and crop and livelihood diversification to minimize climate change impacts and develop resilience. However, these strategies depend on various community factors and can be challenging to implement due to their heterogeneity [33].

Finally, it can be said that Indigenous people experience severe impacts and vulnerability to their traditional ways of life due to climate change and environmental degradation and they try to combat these in their ways to develop resilience in the community.

3. Methodology

3.1. Critical Ethnography

This study utilizes a critical ethnographic approach, based on critical social theory, to critique and alter social structure, focusing on the moral obligation to combat oppression, inequality, and injustice for marginalized communities [34,35].

This study employs critical social theory to critique social and political structures aimed at creating an environment-friendly society and liberating Indigenous people from climate-induced natural hazards. Critical ethnography provides a critical perspective on Indigenous peoples’ experiences, ensuring respectfulness and understanding of power dynamics, respecting local voices, and appreciating their explanations.

3.2. Study Sites

Rangamati Sadar is an upazila (sub-district) at Rangamati district in Bangladesh. It is situated at 92.1833° E and 22.6500° N. Its entire area is 546.48 km. Rangamati municipality and six union parishads make up Rangamati Sadar upazila, of which Kutukchari and Sapchari union parishads were chosen for this study (See Figure 1). There were 35,614 houses and 146,601 people living in Rangamati Sadar upazila as per the 2022 Bangladeshi census. Among them, 24,486 people (19.63%) were younger than ten. In these sub-districts, there were 69,883 (47.67%) ethnic people, and 60,449 of them were Chakma. Several field visits were conducted for data collection from October 2019 to March 2020 and June 2020 to October 2020 to conduct this study. Due to the outbreak of Coronavirus and the imposition of lockdown in the study area, the researchers undertook this strategy for data collection. The logic behind choosing this site as a study area was that it is one of the most hazard-prone and environmentally vulnerable areas in Bangladesh.

Conducting an ethnographic field study in an Indigenous community in Bangladesh can be challenging due to negative perceptions and exclusion. Initially, concerns arose about potential harm to the Indigenous community. However, with a local research assistant, issues were minimal and rapport was established for data collection.

3.3. Data Collection Methods

This study utilized participant observation to gather firsthand experiences about Indigenous people’s lives in the face of climate change and environmental crises. The first 24 weeks of observation took place between October 2019 and March 2020, involving preliminary data collection, community interaction, and short notes. From June to October 2020, we moderately observed the environmental crisis in the locality, engaging with Indigenous community members in events and activities to understand their response and resilience system to climate change, and updating daily notes for authentic data.

This study adopted fifty-five in-depth face-to-face interviews for data collection. Apart from interviewing 45 Indigenous people, this study also interviewed ten stakeholders, including the Headman (community leader), NGO workers, UP chairman, volunteers, and so on in CHT. For recruiting respondents, a criterion-purposive sampling technique was followed in the study area. Only one member in a family, especially a household leader, was given primacy to evade redundancy in this study. An appointment was made with the respondents over the phone or by walking in the community. We continued our interview until saturation when interviewees delivered no new pertinent data regarding the study. Permission was sought before beginning our interview with the respondents for audio recording, and it took around 30–90 min to complete each interview. The audio records derived from the interview were later transcribed and given a written form for interpretation. The interview questions were open-ended, and they mainly focused on the impacts and vulnerability of climatic events on Indigenous people in CHT. It also emphasized how the environmental crisis affects the livelihoods of Indigenous people and how they can adapt to the adverse situation.

This study adopted five focus groups (FG) for data collection. FGs were categorized into three groups; two FGs were conducted among male Indigenous people, another two were with female Indigenous people, and the other one was with the UP chairman, NGO workers, and volunteers of that area. Each participant was formally invited and informed about the purposes, objectives, and outcome of this study before organizing the FGs. A total of 8–10 participants constituted the FG, who belong to heterogeneous ages, religions, occupations, and distinct backgrounds. For conducting the FGs, a researcher moderated the discussion and a research assistant wrote down the relevant information that arose from the discussion. FGs helped us to find authentic and verified information about the Indigenous people and their activities in the face of climatic events and environmental crises in CHT.

3.4. Data Analysis

Recorded data derived from interviews and FGs were translated into English and transcribed, and then thematic analysis was done. For doing thematic analysis, data were processed, described, analyzed with themes, and interpreted. This study started data analysis immediately after fieldwork and continued throughout the study even beyond. The main focus of the analysis was to generate themes and interpret obtained data about the impacts and vulnerability of climate change and environmental crisis on Indigenous people in CHT. In the beginning, a tentative form was made from both the generated themes and the interpretation of the data. This study involved a continuous process of themes, data interpretations, and data gathering, with an initial impression and analysis made throughout. The majority of the explanation came when most data was completed, providing an overall view of the status quo. Participants’ direct quotations and in-depth interviews supported the results.

The research project has been approved by the Human Subject Ethics Sub-committee (HSESC) (or its delegates) of the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (HSESC Reference Number: HSEARS20190826003). For maintaining ethical consideration, an individual informed consent system has been followed strictly in this study.

4. Result of the Study

Indigenous people in Bangladesh face climate change, variability, and weather extremes that disrupt the traditional six-seasons cycle. This variability affects their livelihoods and environment in CHT. The excessive plantation of unsustainable sagwan trees, deforestation, and hill cutting contribute to environmental crises, severely impacting their lives and the environment.

4.1. Changing Weather Patterns and Seasonal Diversity in CHT

Climate change is evident in the shift in weather patterns, as Indigenous people in Bangladesh have observed and sensed changes in rain time, temperature, and cloud color, despite the absence of six historically occurring seasons. In Bangladesh, there are six seasons with different weather patterns but due to climate change variability, these patterns are not seen on a timely basis.

The study findings reveal that the rainy season is affected by delayed rain, impacting crop production. Winter often lacks cold, comes late, and is mainly felt in November and December. Other months experience severe cold, affecting nature and species. The absence of winter and summer seasons can disrupt ecology and cause significant changes in nature. In the study area, the timing of rain and cold can significantly impact crop production and ecosystems (See

Table 1. Seasonal weather patterns change and its impact on nature and human.

Seasons	Begins of Season	Ends of Season	Names of Months in Bengali	Changes in the Time of Climate/Weather	Impacts on Nature/Human
Summer (Grissho)	Mid-April	Mid-June	Boishak-Joishto	Some years excessive heat and some years less heat; Started either early or later some years; Intolerable temperature though uses AC and Fan.	Hamper agro-activities and productivities; Irrigation problems; Nor’ wester and other deadly disasters occurred; Ice-melting and sea level rise.
Rainy season (Borsa)	Mid-June	Mid-August	Ashar-Shrabon	Rain does not occur in time; Occurred either early or later; No rain or excessive rain; One season more to another season with no rain.	Affect timely crop productions and yielding; Delay planting crops, trees, etc. Excessive rain causes landslides; Flash floods damage crops and houses.
Autumn (Shorot)	Mid-August	Mid-October	Vadro-Ashwin	Not found this season every year; Sometimes works in the late rainy season.	White clouds and gentle wind are not found; Stars are not twinkling in the night; Black clouds fly in the sky and rain for whole days; Lightening and thunderstorms in the sky; Massive damage to life and properties; Intolerable hot winds seem like fireballs.
Late Autumn (Hemonto)	Mid-October	Mid-December	Kartik-Ogrohayon	No clouds and rain but lightening and thundering; Sometimes harvesting activities are disrupted due to seasonal change.	Cannot escape from thunderstorm as occurs suddenly without rain; Thunderstorm creates panic to life.
Winter (Sheet)	Mid-December	Mid-February	Poush-Maagh	Some years excessive cold and some years less cold; Winter comes either earlier or later; Winter lasts longer time or less; Raining in winter and too cold.	Fewer yields of crops; Impedes the growth of species; Affects extremely nature and other species; Afflictions of different diseases in the community.
Spring (Boshonto)	Mid-February	Mid-April	Falgun-Choitro	Occasionally, the first half feels cold but the second half feels hot.	Too hot; Scarcity of water here and there.

Source: Fieldwork.

). About the seasonal change, one of the elderly Chakma Indigenous people states—

“In our childhood, we enjoyed the beauty of autumn with white clouds and gentle winds. However, in recent times, we see black clouds and heavy rain, with severe cold and rain in winter. The temperature in summer has risen to intolerable levels due to climate change, affecting our overall quality of life”.

(Participant, interview-3, farmer, 67, Kutuk Chhari union)

About climate change, another Chakma respondent quote,

“Climate change is a curse of God, caused by our actions, such as exploitation and excessive tree cutting, leading to cyclones, floods, and extreme heat. To stop these issues, we must stop these evil works and seek God’s blessing, ensuring the automatic halt of environmental problems”.

(Participant, interview-5, religious leader, 63, Sapchhari union)

The findings indicate that excessive rainfall in any year can lead to a lack of rain for the next year’s rainy season and vice versa. In recent years, landslides, cyclones, thunderstorms, and flash floods have increased significantly in CHT compared to previous decades. These disasters have become more dangerous and destructive, and wind has become intolerable. Additionally, shelter under trees has become less comfortable due to the absence of large trees in localities (See Table 1).

In CHT, Indigenous people have historically been farmers, hunters, and gatherers, with knowledge of nature and the ability to predict seasons. They developed proverbs, riddles, poems, and novels to predict cyclones and droughts. However, recent weather changes have disrupted these perceptions, affected crop plantations and agricultural activities, and affected their social and cultural life. Indigenous peoples also face various natural hazards due to this environmental situation.

In the study area, climate change has led to a new dimension of thunder and lightning, which were once only experienced during rain. Now, thunder occurs without clouds, causing massive damage to life and properties. This new form of thunder is causing panic among Indigenous and mainstream peoples in Bangladesh, as they cannot prepare for shelter during thunder without rain (See Table 1).

4.2. Climatic Events, Un-Environmentally Friendly Activities, and Disruption of Environment in CHT

Climate change is a human-made issue, causing environmental disruption and affecting Indigenous people’s lives in the study area. Historically, Indigenous people have maintained a close relationship with nature, but recent mainstream activities, such as planting sagwan trees, have led to unsustainable activities and the occurrence of both human-made and natural hazards in the locality.

4.2.1. Mono-Plantation of Un-Environmentally Friendly Trees in the CHT

The Chittagong Hill Tract area is facing environmental degradation due to unsustainable activities. Businessmen and locals are planting sagwan trees on their land, causing the depletion of bushy jungles and wooden trees, which provide wild foods, habitats, and fuel wood (See

Table 2. Climate change impacts and environmental degradation in the Chittagong Hill Tracks area.

Climatic Events and Its Impacts	Environmental Degradation and Its Impacts	Sources of Data
Climate change affects timely crop plantation and agricultural activities	People plant sagwan trees by depleting bushy jungles and wooden trees	FGD
Excessive rain causes soil loss and landslides	Unplanned development project causes environmental degradation	Interview
Excessive rain creates irrigation problems and damage crops surrounding the hillside	Climatic hazards affect the activities of jhum cultivation	Interview
Landslide fills canals, and altering water flow	Landslides significantly damage Indigenous people’s agricultural land, causing infertile soil, stones, and sand to fall on the surface cause less yield	FGD and interview
Indigenous people depend on forestry/natural resources which is depleting in climatic hazards	Demand for wood, fuel, and construction lead to illegal tree cuttings and stone extractions	Participant observation
Floods destroy crops, vegetables, etc., and cause massive loss of life	Unapproved brick kilns obtain cheap fuels from the nearest forest leading to indiscriminate tree cutting and polluting environment	Interview
Climatic hazards destroy well from where Indigenous people collect water for drinking	Use harmful pesticides to kill insects in the land, disregarding their environmental impacts.	Interview
Increased frequency and intensity of cyclones due to climate change, causing damage to houses, crops, and properties	Sagwan trees cannot preserve water beneath the soil as well as in the hills, causing water scarcity	FGD and interview
Climate change alters the seasonal diversity in the locality	Stone is extracted excessively underneath the soil causing the incapability of preserving water in the soil	FGD
Climate-induced extremities limit natural resources in the forest	Privatization of hill lands restricts access to forest resources and uses it for commercial purposes	Participant observation
Natural hazards like floods and cyclones destroy traditional houses of Indigenous people	Mainstream people exploit nature for capital accumulation and market-based economic gain, causing ecological imbalance	Interview

Source: Fieldwork.

). Traditional cultivation methods, such as slash and burn (jhum), are not encouraged. The primary reason for planting sagwan trees is the rapid profit accumulation. Sagwan trees grow quickly, provide significant profit, and require less fertilizer and irrigation than other trees in hill tracts, making seedlings manageable and cost-effective for plantation. About the economic benefit of this tree, one of the Indigenous interviewees stated—

“We can earn a lot of money by selling sagwan trees as the wood of these trees is very in demand in the market. Moreover, without costing much money to cultivate these, we do not need to wait much time to sell them in the market”.

(Participant, interview-9, small-scale businessman, 43, Kutuk Chhari union)

Sagwan trees are economically beneficial but harmful to the environment due to their inability to support other trees, resulting in unsatisfactory crop yields soil erosion, water scarcity, and landslides, which are common environmental issues. About the scarcity of irrigation water, one of the respondents informed us—

“In childhood, there was no water scarcity for irrigation due to the hills’ sora/canal being full. However, the planting of sagwan trees and collecting stones decreased water flow, even during winter. Stopping these activities could restore sufficient water for irrigation”.

(Participant, FGD-3, farmer, 35, Kutuk Chhari union)

To obtain a high profit, people cut down other trees and plant sagwan trees in the hills. Due to the adverse impacts of sagwan trees, other trees cannot grow underneath them. About planting sagwan trees, one of the Indigenous farmers demonstrated—

“If a sagwan tree is grown up, we can sell it at minimum 70 USD (1 USD = 85 BDT) within 2/3 years; but in the same time, if we plant a Jamrul tree, we can get only 12 USD. So, why we would plant other trees? We need money for our family”.

(Participant, interview-11, farmer, 29, Sapchhari union)

4.2.2. Relentless Extraction of Stones, and Cutting Down of Forests and Hills Disrupt the Environment

In the CHT, landslides are attributed to climate change and environmental degradation, with excessive rains causing soil loss. Demand for wood and fuels leads to illegal tree cutting and stone extraction. This results in landslides in the study area, causing severe water scarcity for irrigation and drinking water. Local political leaders and greedy businessmen also contribute to the issue. The sora/canal coming out from the top of the hills cannot flow water after a few months of rainy season, creating a lot of problems for irrigation surrounding the hillside (See Table 2). This sora is not only the source of irrigation water for that particular area, but also the hub of taking baths and washing different materials for the villagers. This is also the source of different fishes, i.e., shrimp, crab, snail, etc., which are consumed by the Indigenous people to maintain their lives. About the benefit of sora, one of the interviewees mentioned—

“Our family relies on the sora/canal for daily water use, including bathing, washing clothes, and irrigation. However, the lack of sufficient water, particularly during summer and winter, has led to numerous daily life issues”.

(Participant, FGD-2, housewife, 27, Kutuk Chhari Union)

Landslides significantly damage Indigenous agricultural land, causing infertile soil, stones, and sand to fall on the surface, making it unsuitable for cultivation. This stone-mixed soil hinders crop production and fills canals, altering water flow. Indigenous people are not only deprived of crop cultivation, but also face water issues due to the landslides (See Table 2).

4.2.3. Development Project and Destruction of Environment

In the study area, the local government and political leaders often undertake development projects without consulting the local community, leading to problems rather than improving the lives of Indigenous people in every aspect of their lives. In this context, one of the Chakma people reiterates his suffering in these ways—

“I have been living in this place since the last 16 years and hardly saw flood in this locality. The construction of an electronic tower near the canal contributes to obstructing the flow of water resulting flood in this locality. Moreover, landslides filled up the pond near the canal and this place was used as a parking place. Before constructing the tower, no flood had happened in this locality”.

(Participant, interview-17, jhum cultivator, 41, Kutuk Chhari Union)

In the study area, Indigenous people suffer greatly due to unplanned government projects, including culverts, bridges, pavement roads, canal dredging, and filled canals. Corrupted officers exploit local money for large-scale projects, causing water obstruction and disrupting natural activities. The unplanned construction of a bridge or culvert over a canal or lowland can cause water to overflow, leading to floods and damage to crops and homes in the surrounding area, as broken trees and waste narrow down the bridge’s hole (See Table 2).

4.2.4. Maximization of Profit and Environmental Degradation

Local leaders construct brick kilns in residential areas without government permission, violating environmental rules and policies. They manage corrupt officers by giving bribes to local administrations. The kilns are provided cheap fuel woods, leading to indiscriminate tree cutting and selling. This deforestation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is attributed to illegal wood businessmen and the government’s indifferent role in the situation. In this milieu, one of the Chakma people utters—

“Money-makers destroy the environment for personal gain, disregarding the importance of the environment for our survival and the extinction of various species due to environmental degradation. They focus on maximizing their earnings without considering the environment’s impact”.

(Participant, interview-23, jhum cultivator, 32, Sapchhari Union)

Some individuals use harmful pesticides to kill insects, disregarding their environmental impacts. These chemicals can quickly clean jungles, destroying harmful and beneficial insects. Local governments are unaware of this, leading to environmental degradation in communities (See Table 2).

4.2.5. Climatic Events Disappeared Fountain/Sora/Canal and Created a Scarcity of Water

Climate change in CHT increases summer temperatures and irregular rain, affecting Indigenous communities’ irrigation systems. Indigenous people rely on sora/canal/jhorna for water, which flows from the top of the hill and runs through forestry and the community, causing significant rainfall fluctuations. Indigenous people utilize water for bathing, washing, cleaning, drinking, and crop irrigation, but its flow has decreased due to various factors. It is considered their life source.

First of all, the plantation of sagwan trees affects the flow of the canal. The sagwan tree is not environmentally friendly as it does not allow other plants to grow near it. Moreover, this tree cannot preserve water under the soil as well as in the hills. So, hills cannot flow enough water in the sora and consequently, sora becomes dried within a few weeks after the rainy season. Secondly, stones and hilly soil can preserve water for long days underneath the soil, but due to some greedy persons, this stone is extracted excessively from the soil and it loses the capacity to preserve water for long days. Thirdly, deforestation is another cause of water scarcity in the Indigenous community. Trees are the best sources for keeping the earth cool along with preserving water underneath the soil, but the indiscriminate cutting of trees makes the earth warm and hot which is largely responsible for the water crisis. Fourthly, the hill slide is the cause of the drying sora/canal in the community. Due to the relentless cutting of hills, it easily collapses to the lower land and fills up the flowing place of sora/canal with sands, stones, dried leaves, etc., leaving the canal dried within a few days. Fifthly, the siltation of soil from the community fills up the canal and it cannot store much water for a long time or in the summer season. Sixthly, Indigenous people have used sora for different purposes for a long time, but it is never dredged/excavated to make it deeper. So, its water cannot stay a long time in the canal (See Table 2).

About the impacts of climatic events and scarcity of water, one of the interviewees uttered—

“In excessive heat, trees, and crops are dried in Chotro- Boishak month (first half of March to first half of May) for want of water. At this time, canal/sora become dried and farmers get very little amount of water for irrigation. Canal water only lasts for two to three months and then dries after the rainy season”.

(Participant, interview-30, farmer, 22, Kutuk Chhari Union)

Apart from drinking water, Indigenous people also face a crisis of irrigation water. About the scarcity of irrigation water for cultivation, one of the farmers said—

“Sora is our main source for irrigation in summer, but due to climate change and excessive heat, sora water is dried and we are facing scarcity of irrigation water. Government should dredge/excavate the canal as it is filled up by gathering siltation”.

(Participant, interview-29, jhum cultivator, 41, Sapchhari Union)

4.3. Climatic Events Disrupt Agricultural Activities and Yield Less Productivities

In the study area, Indigenous peoples depend on agriculture and natural resources in forestry. In the past, fertile soil allowed them to cultivate various vegetables and fruit trees without the need for fertilizer and pesticides. However, the days have changed, and they now struggle to obtain sufficient crops without the use of fertilizers and pesticides (See Table 2). Without these resources, expecting crops is a daydream for Indigenous peoples. About the crop production, one of the Indigenous farmers articulate—

“We were never worried about the crop production in our land in the past as we got sufficient crops from the fields to maintain our family. We did not need to use fertilizers and pesticides in the past, but now without using them, we cannot get any crops from the land”.

(Participant, interview-32, farmer, 35, Kutuk Chhari Union)

In the past, Indigenous people were hunters and gatherers, and not interested in saving money or property. However, with the introduction of mainstream people, they began to understand the concept of saving money and accumulating profit. They only worked for a few months for subsistence, enjoying their life by gossiping, playing, visiting relatives’ houses, and performing religious activities. In the globalized era, profit accumulation has led Indigenous people to work more on land for crop production and other activities. They use power tillers and pumps instead of traditional methods. NGOs provide training and logistic support, while the Asian Development Bank provides irrigation pumps and power tillers. This capital accumulation pressures not only on land but also on forest resources in the area. Indigenous people and corrupt forest department officials are indiscriminately removing trees and extracting stone from soil, causing soil water levels to drop and posing significant challenges for agricultural activities.

Flooding is also a great challenge for agricultural activities in CHT. In the rainy season, excessive rain contributes to creating floods and inundates lower land, especially crop land, and massive destruction happens to different crops in that area. Due to inundation, vegetables are also rotten and become unusable for eating. About the destruction of agricultural production, one of the farmers claimed—

“Floods destroy our crops, vegetables, etc., and do massive losses to our life. We cannot preserve our crops from the flood. However, if we can preserve some of the crops, we cannot get the real prices. Due to the hazards, sometimes we cannot get the expenditure that we invest to the crops land and thus, it has become a great challenge for us in this area”.

(Participant, interview-37, jhum cultivator, 55, Kutuk Chhari Union)

4.4. Hazards Cause Immeasurable Damages to Properties and Chakma Peoples

In the study area, Indigenous people face unprecedented hardship due to climatic events, particularly during rainy seasons, which cause floods, damaging their homes and destroying their valuable materials. To protect themselves, they keep valuable items at safe heights and furniture in other houses or higher locations. The lower land crops submerged under water are damaged, which brings a great problem to the poor people because they depend on this crop for maintaining their livelihood. Sometimes, they harvest some crops from those flooded lands, but cannot obtain sufficient prices in the market. Like many other climatic events, flood water causes immeasurable damage to the businesses of Indigenous people. In this case, one of the small-scale businessmen mentioned—

“We had a poultry farm where 3000 hens were produced in 2017. A sudden flood caused massive damage to this poultry farm, as we only could save 600 hens with the help of friends and family members. Rest of the hens were washed away by the flash flood and we faced huge losses in our business”.

(Participant, FGD-5, small-scale businessman, 43, Sapchhari union)

Flood water inundates the kitchen and toilet of many families along with damaging living rooms. So, Indigenous people face huge problems in their daily lives. In this case, they need to go to neighbors’ houses to get support for their daily activities in hazards. To protect their house from flood water, rather than making the house with mud, they construct it with brick, cement sands, or wood and tin, so water cannot damage it. Moreover, they also make the foundation of the house with brick, sand, and cement, as it becomes strong enough to resist entry water into the room. During the flood time or before the flood, they temporarily made a small wall in front of the door so water could not enter the room piercing the underground of the door. Some Indigenous people who have money build 3 to 4-foot-long walls surrounding their houses’ wall, so that they can protect their rooms from entering the water. Most of the time, Indigenous people make their kitchen 4 to 5 feet high from the land by making a bamboo loft, so that during flood time, water cannot enter the kitchen room. Otherwise, they cannot prepare food during flood time. Along with making a kitchen room in a higher place, they also make a small room for storing fuelwood and use this fuel on rainy days for cooking. Otherwise, they have to cook food with wet fuel, which is inconvenient for cooking. During floods, poor women face huge problems as they do not have a reserved place to keep dried fuel for cooking.

In the Indigenous community, those who are solvent try to buy gas cylinders and rice cookers to use during distress time. Children and elderly/disabled people face problems mostly during floods as they cannot move in flood water, even for doing their daily activities. Educational activities such as going to school, reading, etc. are also disrupted due to flooding. Excessive rain sometimes causes landslides in the hill tracts area, which contributes to collapsing houses, especially muddy and wooden houses. Many a time, this collapse may cause huge damage to the houses near to the hill, even causing death/injuries to the family members. About this, one of the respondents highlighted—

“During the rainy season, due to excessive rains houses collapsed and my uncle and his son including his wife died in the landslides. Political leaders are cutting down hills illegally for their benefit and poor people like us have to face vulnerability owing to their ill activities. After the landslides, local administrators visited the spot and gave some money to the affected people. They promised that they would take steps against those ill activities but some days later all became the same and they forgot their promise”.

(Participant, interview-17, agro labor, 21, Kutuk Chhari Union)

Indigenous people face increased frequency and intensity of cyclones due to climate change, causing damage to houses, crops, and properties. The speed of cyclones has weakened due to the dense jungle and forest, but now, due to there being less forest, the damage is higher. Cyclones swiftly remove houses’ roofs, cause massive damage, and break down tree branches and standing crops. Houses built with weak materials like fences, wood, and mud face significant challenges during cyclones, with many damaged roofs blown away due to strong winds (See Table 2).

About the severity of the cyclone, one of the affected respondents said—

“In August 2019, a cyclone severely damaged our locality, causing rooftops to fly away, properties to be damaged, and food to spoil. Our neighbors also suffered damage, staying in our house due to unsuitability”.

(Participant, interview-36, jhum cultivator,35, Sapchhari Union)

Indigenous people are constructing houses on hill slopes to prevent direct cyclone impacts. They plant trees like jackfruit, mangoes, coconut, and betel to weaken wind flow and protect their homes. They also tighten their roofs with trees using ropes or cane to prevent rooftops from being swept away during cyclones.

4.5. Scarcity of Natural Resources and Vulnerabilities

CHT hills in the past were rich in resources like fruits, vegetables, flowers, honey, and wild animals. However, environmental degradation and increasing hunting and gathering in Indigenous communities have led to a decline in these resources. Wild animals like deer, monkeys, and foxes have become extinct due to food demands, security concerns, and climatic events. Today, these resources are being hunted by various groups, including Bengali, Mog, and Chakma. Indigenous people traditionally cut bamboo at specific times for house-building and other tasks, following myths that removing them during other months could ruin the forest and bring bad luck to their families and communities. However, now, people cut all types of trees for profit, disregarding the environmental benefits of their actions.

Previously, the canal and surrounding forest provided Indigenous people with various foods, like snails, oysters, fish, shrimp, and vegetables like water spinach, Diplazium esculentum, Colocasia esculenta, Arum lobe, and natural mushrooms. However, these foods are now disappearing due to the canal drying from the forest and hills. About the scarcity of resources in the forest one Chakma woman reiterated—

“We can’t find any wild foods in the forest on which we maintain our livelihoods. So, we have to buy foods from the market that is very challenging for us”.

(Participant, FGD-3, jhum cultivator, 33, Sapchhari Union)

Privatization of Lands Limits the Access to Resources for Marginalized Indigenous Peoples

In CHT, though there are abundant forests, the resources in the forests are not abundant at the expected levels from previous times. Climate-induced extremities limit natural resources in the forest, and the privatization of hill lands restricts poor people from collecting resources from the forest.

About the problems of collecting natural resources from the forests, one of the landless poor Chakma people quotes—

“Like the past time, we cannot go to hill land/forest to collect resources because it is privatized. If we go to the hill for the sake of collecting resources for our subsistence, the owner of the hill scolds us and uses slang language for going there. Finding no other ways, we work as wage labor for others’s land such as cutting and cleaning jungles, cutting trees and soil, etc. daily to manage our subsistence”.

(Participant, interview-20, agro labor, 44, Kutuk Chhari Union)

Along with this privatized land, there is some khash land (government lands/non-private land) where every person has access to collect natural resources, except cutting trees and soil. The availability of resources in khash land is decreasing due to climate-induced extremity and the relentless pressure of human beings in this land. On the hill, some resources, such as wild potatoes, tubes, herbs, small branches of trees, honey, wildflowers, some vegetables, etc., are automatically grown, and people can collect them for their daily food without getting permission from the owner of the hills.

Indigenous people have a deep connection with nature, relying on it for their livelihood and resources. They understand that if nature works well, they can obtain resources from it. However, with the rise of market-oriented economies, excessive resource extraction for profit is putting pressure on nature, threatening people’s relationship with nature. Mainstream people exploit nature for capital accumulation and market-based economic gain, causing ecological imbalance. Indigenous people are also pressured to extract resources for profit. To restore balance, Indigenous people should have decision-making power in the conservation of nature. Regaining this power in the CHT would be challenging without their involvement (See Table 2).

4.6. Changing the Traditional Housing Structures and Tradition of Slash and Burn Cultivation

The traditional Machang house, a traditional dwelling of Indigenous people, is made from bamboo, wood, and cane, collected from nearby forests. The Chakma people construct these houses using simple methods, with strong pillars on both sides and a roof on these pillars. The walls enclose the room, ensuring stability and comfort. Indigenous people use bamboo leaves, Talpata, sonpata, and kurup leaves to cover their houses’ roofs, ensuring a clean front yard fenced with bamboo and cane.

Indigenous people have traditionally used traditional houses in their communities, but this tradition is under threat in the present day. They build houses above the soil using wood and bamboo, believing it protects them from wild animals and floods. In the past, they had abundant resources, and they could collect bamboo from other land without paying. At present, bamboo and wood are very expensive and it is not available everywhere in CHT. Due to natural hazards like floods and cyclones, this house cannot last a long time (only two to three years), especially if it is damaged within the making year. On the other hand, a brick-built house lasts for a long time and it is not damaged easily by floods and cyclones. So, Indigenous people are losing their interest in building traditional houses in their locality (See Table 2).

Traditional houses require significant maintenance and hard work, such as binding bamboo with wood using a cane to prevent collapse due to strong winds. Modern Indigenous people often dislike hard work, and materials used for traditional houses are often rotten by flood water and damaged during cyclones, leading to a lack of traditional houses in local communities.

About the change of living in traditional houses, one of the interviewees demonstrates—

“Traditional Indigenous house is our identity and culture and we want to live on it but people are not interested to use it in present time. Due to the scarcity of bamboo and wood and its short longevity in climatic events, we feel apathy to use it in our daily lives. Moreover, the tin-made house is cheaper and long-lasting against climatic events, so, we are bound to make it. Moreover, in recent decades, due to the increased cyclones, we feel insecure about staying in this house as it can collapse at any time on our head during hazards”.

(Participant, interview-35, teacher, 45, Sapchhari Union)

‘Jhum’ is intimately related to the social and economic factors of Indigenous people in CHT. The Bangla meaning of jhum is ‘Pahar’ (Hill). A hill (pahar) is a very important thing in CHT, as without a hill, this locality cannot be imagined. If there is no hill, there is no rain, and without rain, there is no cultivation of jhum and creation of river/lowland/canal in the locality. If there is no river/canal, there is no water, and without water, no life can survive.

Indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) practice slash-and-burn cultivation (jhum), using tools like Tokkal or Damra for soil digging and seed sowing. This practice is derived from the word ‘Jahoma’, which later became ‘jhum’. Jhum cultivation is also observed in Africa, Southeast India, Myanmar, and the Southern region of Chittagong.

Indigenous people have relied on jhum cultivation since their ancestors. In Choitro-Boishak (first half of March and second half of April), they burn jungles to clear land for cultivation, creating ash for fertilizer. During rainy seasons, they create small holes in hill slopes and plant various crops like paddy, turmeric, ginger, cotton, wheat, vegetables, and fruits. Farmers must work hard for the expected crops to thrive. In jhum land, fertilizer and pesticides are not used as ash is used as a natural fertilizer. Moreover, marigold flowers are planted in the jhum land whose flowers and roots are used as natural pesticides in the land. In jhum cultivation, irrigation facilities, huge capital, or modern instruments for cultivation are not needed. About the benefit of Jhum cultivation, one of the farmers in the Indigenous community highlighted—

“In the past, there was abundant land in CHT, so we can do jhum cultivation and get much harvest. In this case, we did not need to use any pesticide and fertilizer but now even using pesticide and fertilizer we can’t get expected harvest in the hill”.

(Participant, interview-19, Farmer, 50, Kutuk Chhari Union)

In jhum cultivation, after the usage of the land, it is left for two to three years unused for the next cultivation, and people shift to other new land for cultivation. So, Indigenous people are like hunters and gatherers in the community. To cultivate jhum, they build temporary bamboo lofts on the land for accommodation (See Table 2).

In the past, jhum lands were sufficient but due to the lack of deep forest and huge population, the land used for jhum cultivation has decreased a lot. Due to this, Indigenous people need to cultivate jhum in the same place frequently, which reduces the amount of productivity. Consequently, a large proportion of jhum cultivators cannot get sufficient crops for the years. As jhum cultivators need to shift to different hills for jhum cultivation, they cannot establish permanent houses or cultivate cows, buffalos, goats, pigs, etc., permanently in their family. So, very often they cannot make a developed society in their community.

In recent decades, jhum cultivation has not yielded sufficient crops; so, people are shifting away from this traditional cultivation system. As a huge amount of land was covered for jhum cultivation in the past, so people built temporary ‘Machan Ghor’ (bamboo loft room) in the jhum land, but it has also disappeared in the present time.

The Department of Forest and local government accuse Indigenous peoples of causing environmental harm through jhum cultivation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. However, Indigenous peoples argue that they continue jhum cultivation without causing deforestation or disrupting ecological balance, as they burn jungles and bushes instead of large wooden trees. Jhum cultivation is typically done every 5–8 years in hilly areas, but due to scarcity and reduced jungle/bush areas, it is now done every 3–4 years. This unused land, called Ranya, attracts various animals and insects for food and water, protecting the area’s biodiversity. Indigenous people blame wood businessmen for deforestation, while sagwan tree planting also contributes to ecological disorder in the Chattogram Hill Tracts.

5. Discussion

Indigenous people, making up only 1% of Bangladesh’s population, play a crucial role in cultural diversification and economy. Living in hilly and remote areas, their adaptation strategies are significant in addressing environmental and socio-economic impacts [36]. Indigenous peoples have nothing to do with the causes of climate change and environmental degradation, yet they are disproportionately impacted by this. Effective and solution-oriented steps should be taken to respect their sovereignty and uphold their rights to resources and land, and their expertise is essential to this process [37]. Mainstream and Western society should not overlook Indigenous climate change adaptation strategies, as they can be effective in national and international climate change policies. Indigenous people in Bangladesh are among the first to face natural hazards and depend heavily on the environment for their subsistence [38]. This study explores the impact of natural hazards and environmental degradation on Indigenous people’s cultural and traditional lives. Climate change has led to delayed rainy and winter seasons, affecting their agricultural activities and ecological activities [38]. This has severely affected their subsistence and access to modern technology. This study suggests that local governments should ensure adequate amenities for Indigenous people, similar to mainstream people, to help them overcome these vulnerabilities and improve their lives. Another study conducted by [39] recommended that Indigenous people have a wealth of knowledge that is very crucial for climate change adaptation and environmental management. Indigenous methods which are often neglected can provide important insights for climate solutions in the affected community [39].

This study reveals that Indigenous communities have been planting sagwan trees in hills for profit, due to their high growth rate. However, this tree is not environmentally friendly as it prevents other trees and crops from growing underneath it, leading to water scarcity during summer. This scarcity affects daily life, including washing, cleaning, bathing, drinking, and cooking, causing irrigation problems in agro-lands. The forest department in the CHT is encouraging local people to plant sagwan trees for profit, rather than stopping them. This is a shift from Indigenous people who followed a nomadic lifestyle and worked as hunters and gatherers, not exploiting the environment. However, with the introduction of mainstream people, they have changed their mindset and started accumulating profit from nature. They are using modern technology and cultivating the same lands frequently, which reduces production and soil fertility. Climate change also causes diseases in crops and plants, which cannot be cured even with pesticides [38].

Climatic events, such as floods, can damage homes and household belongings, leading Indigenous people to adopt brick-built houses instead of traditional ‘Machang houses’ [28]. These houses, built three to four feet above the soil to protect against wild animals and natural hazards, are becoming less popular due to a shortage of materials and high costs. Despite their cultural value, the Chakma people are losing interest in building traditional houses. Local governments and cultural ministries should encourage them to construct these houses by providing incentives or easy access to building materials, thereby safeguarding this cultural practice. Similarly, [40] also found in his study that climate change and environmental degradations decline biodiversity, deteriorate cultural legacies, and threat social and economic well-being in Indigenous communities. These difficulties compel changes to long-held ideas and customs, underscoring the necessity of research and policies that support them [40].

Indigenous people have historically relied on forests for daily commodities like food, fuels, fiber, fish, meat, vegetables, housing materials, and traditional medicines. However, the expansion of market-based economies has led to the excessive extraction of resources for profit, putting pressure on nature. Climate change and climatic events also decrease forest resources. Local administrations should introduce alternative livelihood sources and prohibit the commercial use of wild foods or forest resources to reduce environmental degradation.

Indigenous people traditionally practice jhum cultivation, which involves burning jungles on hill slopes [28,41] during Choitro-Boishak (Middle-March and Middle-April) months for cleaning and planting crops like paddy, turmeric, ginger, cotton, wheat, vegetables, and fruits during the rainy season. However, due to land pressure and climatic events, this traditional practice has gradually disappeared [38,41,42,43]. The forest department frequently accuses jhum cultivation of environmental degradation, despite Indigenous people’s decades-long practice without harming the environment. The blaming game should be stopped and effective conservation measures should be implemented. Indigenous people can deal with climate change and environmental degradation through social capital, cultural practices, and adaptive resources management incorporating their traditional knowledge [44]. Governments and policymakers should take necessary steps to institutionalize local knowledge to address climate change and environmental management that may reduce vulnerability and develop resilience among Indigenous communities and beyond.

6. Conclusions

This study delves into the impacts and vulnerabilities of climate-induced hazards and environmental degradation on the cultural and traditional life of Indigenous people in CHT. Indigenous people experience climate change impacts in multiple ways in their lives, in terms of food security, housing structure, cultural aspects, livelihood patterns, traditional cultivations, access to natural resources, and so on [28]. However, this vulnerability increases manifold with the gradual degradation of the environment in CHT. Indigenous people face seasonal variability that affects their agricultural activities, along with experiencing an acute scarcity of water in the community. Climatic events along with anthropogenic causes destroy their environment and threaten food security and livelihoods. Climate-induced hazards destroyed their housing properties and standing crops, and forced Indigenous people to adjust their traditional housing structure and shift their traditional jhum cultivation. As an example, it can be said that Indigenous people build concrete/brick-built houses to protect themselves from climatic hazards and depend on market-based food as they cannot find wild foods in a sufficient manner and adapt to the adverse situation. Through their life-long experiences and Indigenous knowledge, these people try to adapt to this adversity and develop resilience in their community. Nevertheless, the government as well as policymakers should consider the adversity that Indigenous people face in their everyday lives and take necessary steps to solve the problem, along with respecting their local strategies to consider in climate change adaptation and environmental management.