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Article

Mentoring, Academic Belonging, and Imposter Phenomenon Among Undergraduate Women: A Critical Feminist Perspective

by
Diana R. Beltran
and
Rachael D. Robnett
*
Department of Psychology, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, NV 89154, USA
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Educ. Sci. 2026, 16(5), 750; https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci16050750
Submission received: 19 March 2026 / Revised: 23 April 2026 / Accepted: 6 May 2026 / Published: 9 May 2026
Versions Notes

Abstract

The current research employs a mixed-methods approach to examine associations among mentoring, academic belonging, and the imposter phenomenon (i.e., persistent self-doubt) among undergraduate women. Participants were 383 women who were undergraduates in an introductory psychology course at a public university in the Southwestern United States. Approximately half of the sample reported that they had either an academic or non-academic mentor. Quantitative analyses revealed that women with mentors had lower levels of imposter feelings and higher levels of academic belonging compared to those without mentors. Qualitative analyses explored whether and how women discussed their imposter experiences with their mentors. Using a deductive approach informed by feminist research on empowerment, thematic analysis revealed two key themes: combatting imposter phenomenon at the individual level and acknowledging imposter phenomenon as a shared experience. Together, these themes provide new insight into how mentors can help women cope with imposter experiences. The current study highlights novel associations between mentoring and women’s academic experiences. The findings also indicate that academic and non-academic mentors can both play a helpful role in enhancing women’s academic experiences and alleviating feelings of inadequacy.

1. Introduction

Although women are generally well represented at institutions of higher education, this does not equate to an absence of gender inequity. On the contrary, women and students from other marginalized backgrounds continue to encounter subtle and overt challenges in higher education. The current research focuses on one such challenge: the imposter phenomenon1, which is characterized by persistent feelings of self-doubt and non-belongingness that originate from systems of oppression such as patriarchy (Leaper, 2015; Muradoglu et al., 2022). Research illustrates that women report higher levels of imposter feelings relative to men in higher-education contexts—even in fields such as psychology in which women are particularly well represented (Muradoglu et al., 2022; Pákozdy et al., 2024). Given that imposter feelings are associated with a range of negative correlates related to mental health and academic performance (e.g., Dao et al., 2024; Parkman, 2016), it is crucial to identify strategies to mitigate its impact. The current study examines whether mentoring might be one such strategy.
Although scholars have long been interested in how mentoring can impact women in higher education (e.g., Cullen & Luna, 1993), surprisingly little research has directly examined whether and how mentoring relates to the imposter phenomenon and potential correlates such as academic belonging. The current study addresses this gap in the literature via a mixed-methods investigation that focuses on links between the imposter phenomenon and mentoring among undergraduate women. A unique aspect of our approach is our focus on two types of mentoring relationships: academic and non-academic. We also consider whether mentoring attenuates the negative association between low feelings of academic belonging and higher levels of imposter feelings. Below, we elaborate on the focal constructs under investigation in the current research—imposter phenomenon, academic belonging, and mentoring—and explain why they might relate to one another.

2. The Imposter Phenomenon

The imposter phenomenon is a term that refers to persistent self-doubt regarding one’s abilities (Clance & Imes, 1978). This phenomenon is observed across various domains, which include the workplace, parenthood, and academic settings (Clark et al., 2022; Parkman, 2016). Research indicates that imposter feelings are prevalent among students regardless of their academic performance and might be especially prevalent in high-achieving students (Lee et al., 2021; Pákozdy et al., 2024). Thus, imposter feelings cannot be attributed to academic ability or performance.
It is critical to understand imposter feelings within the broader context of structural inequity. Women, particularly those with multiple marginalized identities, encounter systemic barriers, implicit biases, and a lack of institutional support, which give rise to feelings of inadequacy (Chowdhury & Gibson, 2019; Kumar & Jagacinski, 2006; Smith, 2017). Framing imposter feelings as an individual-level problem not only perpetuates the problematic narrative that overcoming these feelings is solely the responsibility of the individual, but also reinforces what Rickett and Thompson (2024) describe as the psy complex, whereby the self is located within the individual mind and stripped of its social and relational contexts. Similarly, Bano and O’Shea (2023) illustrate how institutional cultures, faculty and peer relationships, and intersecting forms of marginalization contribute to the development of imposter feelings among doctoral students, emphasizing that these experiences are socially and structurally embedded rather than purely psychological. Although the current study’s methodological lens centers participants’ individual-level accounts of their experiences with the imposter phenomenon, our interpretation of these experiences is informed by feminist perspectives that emphasize the ways in which structural inequity impacts individuals (e.g., Collins et al., 2021; Crenshaw, 1991). From this lens, efforts to understand and address imposter phenomenon are incomplete unless they also recognize and seek to transform the broader structural conditions that generate and sustain the imposter phenomenon.
Although men can and do experience the imposter phenomenon, women2 often report higher scores on measures of the imposter phenomenon compared to men (Muradoglu et al., 2022; Pákozdy et al., 2024). A recent meta-analysis demonstrated that the effect size for the gender difference in the imposter phenomenon is small in magnitude, but robust in the sense that it was present in studies with samples constituting a wide range of professional and sociodemographic backgrounds (Price et al., 2024). It should be noted that these challenges are almost certainly magnified among women of color (Muradoglu et al., 2022). Consistent with this point, the interpretive lens of intersectionality suggests that the instances of self-doubt that characterize the imposter phenomenon are shaped by the simultaneous operation of racism, sexism, and racialized gender stereotypes, which differ across social locations and shape experiences of marginalization, visibility, and scrutiny within academic spaces (see Crenshaw, 1991).
The implications of experiencing the imposter phenomenon can be consequential—both in terms of mental health and academic performance (Dao et al., 2024; Parkman, 2016). For example, Dao et al. (2024) found a negative longitudinal association between the imposter phenomenon and students’ psychological wellbeing. Research also demonstrates that the imposter phenomenon is associated with a reduced likelihood of seeking new academic and professional challenges (Parkman, 2016; see also Aelenei et al., 2019). This is the case even in fields such as psychology in which women are well represented. For example, women outnumber men in psychology majors, but their representation significantly drops at each successive phase of education and career advancement (APA, 2014; Gruber et al., 2021; Vaid & Geraci, 2016). At a more general level, the imposter phenomenon is thought to contribute to the relatively low number of women in academic leadership positions and higher academic ranks (Smith, 2017; Vaughn et al., 2020).

3. Academic Belonging and the Imposter Phenomenon

Research suggests that students who feel a low sense of academic belonging are more likely than other students to experience the imposter phenomenon (Caselman et al., 2006; Dao et al., 2024; Muradoglu et al., 2022). Academic belonging has been conceptualized and defined in a variety of ways in prior work (e.g., Dao et al., 2024). In the current research, we focus on students’ sense of connection with peers in their major, which has been linked to important academic outcomes such as self-efficacy, motivation, identity, and persistence (John et al., 2023; Leaper, 2015; Robnett, 2013; G. M. Walton et al., 2012). For example, in one experimental study, G. M. Walton et al. (2012) found that even a small sense of connection (e.g., shared birthday) to peers in an academic setting can enhance students’ persistence on academic tasks.
Importantly, women tend to report lower levels of academic belonging relative to men across a variety of academic fields (Aelenei et al., 2019; Muradoglu et al., 2022; Robnett & Leaper, 2013). For example, Aelenei et al. (2019) found that women in both psychology and engineering majors were less likely than their male counterparts to report that they would enroll in a psychology course that was framed as important for their future careers. The findings further demonstrated that women were less likely than men to feel like they belonged in the course and that their willingness to enroll in the psychology course was explained in part by whether they felt like they would belong in the course. Women’s lower rates of belongingness, perhaps originating from the aforementioned structural inequities, may help to explain why they experience the imposter phenomenon to a greater degree than do men. Indeed, Caselman et al. (2006) demonstrated that lower levels of social support from classmates were associated with higher rates of the imposter phenomenon among adolescent girls, but not adolescent boys. This suggests that women in particular might benefit from support systems that can attenuate the association between low academic belonging and the imposter phenomenon.

4. Mentoring and the Imposter Phenomenon

The current study seeks to investigate whether and how mentoring relationships might help to offset the imposter phenomenon. Mentoring can take a variety of forms. For example, some students have academic or professional mentors, whereas others have mentors from their family or peer network (e.g., Ong et al., 2011). The type of mentoring most frequently studied in the higher-education literature is academic mentoring, which is a specialized form of academic guidance where a more experienced professional supports a student in their field of study (e.g., Robnett et al., 2018; Sadler et al., 2010). In research-intensive fields (e.g., biology; physics; psychology), academic mentoring often occurs within the context of a research apprenticeship (i.e., a faculty member mentors a research assistant in their research lab), but it may also involve more general support of a student who is enrolled in a faculty member’s course. At a minimum, academic mentoring typically involves meeting with the student to identify the student’s academic goals and then engaging in collaborative efforts to achieve them. For instance, if a student aims to pursue graduate education but lacks research experience, a mentor might encourage them to take a leadership role in an upcoming research project. It is crucial to note that mentors often expect students to reciprocate the support they receive. Students demonstrate this reciprocity through effective communication, consistent meetings, maintaining confidentiality, expressing commitment to the mentoring relationship, and actively engaging in assigned tasks (Shuler et al., 2021).
Although mentoring may seem like an obvious solution to challenges such as the imposter phenomenon, not all mentoring relationships are characterized by a positive dynamic. Some mentoring relationships—particularly more formal mentoring relationships in academic or professional spaces—are governed by norms that emphasize power dynamics, hierarchy, and gatekeeping, which can have a disparate negative impact on women and other students who might grapple with the imposter phenomenon (Goerisch et al., 2019; Limeri et al., 2019; McIntyre & Lykes, 1998; Saavedra et al., 2026; Tuma et al., 2021). For example, Limeri et al. (2019) found that some women faced discrimination from the men who mentored them (e.g., offering less support due to assumptions about the women’s desire to have children). One participant even feared her mentor’s reaction if he saw her with her boyfriend. Similarly, in a study by Tuma et al. (2021), a woman in a doctoral program noted that her mentor would take the men in his lab to conferences, but not the women in his lab (see also Tolar, 2012).
Importantly, this biased behavior is not exclusive to men in mentoring roles; gender inequity can be perpetuated by mentors of any gender identity. Indeed, feminist scholars have long noted that women are often complicit in perpetuating patriarchal inequities (e.g., Jaggar, 1983). Relatedly, the psychological science of stereotyping reveals a general human tendency to internalize commonplace stereotypes such as the belief that women have less potential relative to men in research-intensive fields such as psychology (see Ellemers, 2018). Consistent with these points, research shows that implicit biases are present among both women and men who serve as mentors in research-intensive fields, which can lead them to perceive men (vs. women) as more competent and deserving of mentorship (Moss-Racusin et al., 2012; see also Eaton et al., 2020; McCoy et al., 2015; Milkman et al., 2015).
Given these challenges, it is understandable that some women may seek support from mentors outside of academia to help them navigate the educational system (Blackwell, 1983). For example, Patton (2009) found that African American women often sought mentorship from friends and family because it was difficult to find research mentors within their academic programs (see also Robnett et al., 2020). Similarly, Gomez and Cabrera (2023) found that Latina undergraduate and doctoral students frequently used virtual spaces, like Instagram, to provide and receive mentorship from one another. These findings are consistent with the results of a large-scale review, which demonstrated that women of color in STEM frequently rely on diverse networks—including peers, family members, and various university staff—for mentorship support in academic settings (Ong et al., 2011). Taken together, these findings underscore the varied sources of mentorship that women utilize, emphasizing the necessity of a comprehensive examination of both professional and non-professional mentorship relationships in the current research.

5. Current Study

The overarching objective of the current research is to investigate links among academic belonging, the imposter phenomenon, and mentoring in a sample of undergraduate women. First, we investigate two research questions and a hypothesis via quantitative analyses. Specifically, Research Question 1 is as follows: Does the presence of a mentoring relationship help to explain variation in women’s imposter experiences and academic belonging in their major? Next, we investigated Research Question 2: Do different types of mentoring relationships (i.e., academic vs. non-academic vs. no mentor) relate in different ways to women’s imposter experiences and academic belonging in their major? In addition, we expected that women’s experiences with mentorship would moderate the association between academic belonging and the imposter phenomenon. Specifically, Hypothesis 1 is as follows: There will be a significant 2-way interaction between academic belonging and mentorship in predicting the imposter phenomenon. Specifically, among women without a mentor, there will be a significant association between lower levels of academic belonging and higher levels of the imposter phenomenon; this association will be attenuated among women with a mentor.
Next, we leverage qualitative data to more deeply examine the association between mentorship and imposter experiences. Research Question 3 specifically investigates whether women discuss their imposter experiences with their mentors and, if so, what types of conversations occur. In investigating this question, we sought to characterize the nature of discussions between women and their mentors using a deductive (i.e., theory-driven) approach. Specifically, our coding was informed by feminist research that focuses on empowerment as a strategy for helping women to navigate disparate treatment and bolster self-confidence (e.g., Cornwall & Rivas, 2015). We also considered whether the types of conversations women had with their mentors differed depending on their mentor’s gender identity.

6. Method

6.1. Participants

Participants were recruited from a public research university located in the Southwestern region of the United States. Specifically, the current research focuses on 383 women who were undergraduates in an introductory psychology course. Of note, this course is a general education requirement; thus, the women in the sample were pursuing a range of academic majors. Although transgender women were eligible to participate, all participants indicated that they were cisgender women. Most participants, 281 (73.4%), were in their first or second year of college, and 220 (57.4%) reported they were first-generation college students. Regarding ethnic–racial background, 97 (25.3%) identified as Hispanic or Latine, 85 (22.2%) identified as White, 64 (16.7%) identified as Asian or Asian American, 42 (11%) identified as Black or African American, 5 (1.3%) identified as Middle Eastern, 4 (1%) identified as Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, 2 (0.5%) identified as other, and 84 (21.9%) identified as two more ethnic–racial backgrounds.

6.2. Procedure

Participants were recruited from the introductory psychology subject pool. Prior to beginning the survey, all participants provided their informed consent to participate in the study. The survey included a short demographic questionnaire; quantitative measures assessing the imposter phenomenon and belongingness in academic majors; and open-ended questions gauging participants' experiences speaking to their mentors about their imposter experiences.

6.3. Measures

Imposter Phenomenon. The imposter phenomenon scale is a 20-item instrument designed to measure imposter experiences (Clance, 1985). Participants respond to items such as, “It is hard to accept compliments or praise about my intelligence or accomplishments.” Responses range from 1 (not at all true) to 5 (very true). Higher scores reflect higher levels of imposter experiences. Scores on this measure demonstrated excellent internal reliability (α = 0.93).
Academic Belonging. The academic belonging scale is a 14-item instrument that measures the degree to which students glean support and motivation from other students in their major (Stake & Mares, 2001). Sample items include, “My experiences and interactions with other students in my major have increased my confidence in my ability to complete material related to my college major” and “My experiences and interactions with other students in my major have helped me realize that many other students enjoy the material related to my college major, just like I do.” Responses ranged from 1 (Disagree Strongly) to 6 (Agree Strongly). This measure demonstrated excellent internal reliability (α = 0.96).
Mentorship. First, participants indicated whether or not they had a mentor. Those responding “yes” were asked to identify their most important mentor and prompted to specify the type of mentor. Those who selected “faculty member” or any other professional encountered during their college journey (e.g., college advisor) were classified as having academic mentors. Conversely, those selecting other types of mentors (e.g., family members; coaches) were classified as having non-academic mentors. Those who did not report having any mentors were classified as having no mentor. Overall, 190 (49.6%) participants reported that they were not in a mentoring relationship, whereas 189 (49.3%) participants reported that they were in a mentorship relationship. Of those in a mentoring relationship, most reported having non-academic mentors (n = 157; 83.1%); the remainder reported having an academic mentor (n = 32; 16.9%).

6.4. Qualitative Coding and Analysis

To explore whether participants discussed their imposter experiences with mentors and if these discussions varied based on the mentor’s gender (Research Question 3), we used an open-ended question. Specifically, participants who reported having a mentoring relationship responded to the following question: “Have you spoken to your mentor about your imposter experiences?” If they answered “yes,” they were then asked the following follow-up question: “How did they [the mentor] react or respond?” This allowed participants to elaborate on their mentor’s reaction to their disclosure about imposter experiences. To ensure clarity, the survey provided a brief definition of the imposter phenomenon along with a fictional example illustrating how it might manifest. The definition provided was as follows: The imposter phenomenon, also known as “imposter syndrome”, occurs when a person feels as if they are a “fraud” and as if they have unintentionally fooled the people around them into believing they’re competent. After reading the prompt, participants reflected on their own experiences with the imposter phenomenon.
The open-ended data were analyzed through thematic analysis, a qualitative method designed to identify, analyze, and report themes within the data. The analytic approach followed the recommendations of Braun and Clarke (2006) for thematic analysis. Initially, the lead author conducted a comprehensive reading of the entire dataset and drafted a coding manual. The manual was primarily developed via a deductive (theory-driven) approach; however, we allowed for the possibility of inductive (data-driven) themes in our analysis. Our deductive approach was informed by previous research on the concept of empowerment, which is a feminist strategy for boosting self-confidence and altering experiences that contribute to women’s disempowerment (Cornwall & Rivas, 2015; Rotaeche et al., 2023). The coding manual included two overarching parent themes that were each composed of two subthemes. To assess inter-rater reliability, the lead author and a trained undergraduate research assistant independently utilized the coding manual to code all 87 responses. Regular meetings were held throughout the coding process to gauge interrater reliability and check for coder drift. Inter-rater reliability, which was indexed by Cohen’s kappa, was good to excellent throughout the coding process (k = 0.85).

6.5. Researcher Positionality

During the process of data analysis and coding, our research team actively engaged in self-reflection and extensive discussions regarding the potential influence of our individual positionality on the formulation of research questions and subsequent data analysis. The lead author, a doctoral student in her twenties, identifies as a Hispanic, cisgender, heterosexual woman. The second author, a full professor in her forties, identifies as a white, cisgender, heterosexual woman. Both authors possess academic training in educational psychology, developmental psychology, and the psychology of gender. The remaining team member is an undergraduate research assistant in her twenties, who identifies as a Caucasian, cisgender, heterosexual woman.

7. Results

The findings are divided into two overarching sections. The first section describes quantitative findings pertaining to links among the imposter phenomenon, academic belonging, and mentorship. The second section presents qualitative analyses that examine whether students discuss their imposter experiences with mentors, the nature of these discussions, and whether they differ depending on the mentor’s gender.

7.1. Quantitative Findings

Preliminary analyses. We began by conducting preliminary analyses that tested for ethnic–racial differences across our three key variables: imposter experiences, academic belonging, and mentorship. First, a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted to examine whether their ethnic–racial background (White, Hispanic or Latine, Asian or Asian American, and Black or African American) was associated with mean differences in participants’ imposter experiences and academic belonging. Given the significant multivariate result, F (6, 646) = 2.47, p = 0.023; Wilks’ Lambda = 0.956, partial η2 = 0.02, separate univariate ANOVAs were conducted for the two dependent variables. The follow-up ANOVA for imposter experiences was significant, F (3, 324) = 2.64, p = 0.049, partial η2 = 0.02, indicating that ethnic–racial background was associated with significant mean differences in participants’ imposter experiences. Post hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni test indicated that students who identified as Asian or Asian American reported significantly higher imposter experience scores (M = 3.36, SE = 0.09) than those who identified as Black or African American (M = 2.99, SE = 0.11). None of the other comparisons reached statistical significance. The follow-up ANOVA for academic belonging was not significant, F (3, 324) = 2.64, p = 0.19, partial η2 = 0.02. Thus, there was no evidence of statistically significant mean racial differences in academic belonging.
Second, a chi-square test of independence was conducted to examine the association between ethnic–racial background and the type of mentor participants reported (academic mentor, non-academic mentor, no mentor). The chi-square test was not statistically significant, χ2 (6) = 4.95, p = 0.55. Thus, there was no evidence of an association between ethnic–racial background and the type of mentor participants reported.3
Mean Differences in Imposter Experiences and Academic Belonging as a Function of Mentoring. A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted to examine Research Question 1 and Research Question 2, which pertained to whether the type of mentor women had (academic mentor, non-academic mentor, no mentor) was associated with mean differences in participants’ imposter experiences and academic belonging. Given the significant multivariate result, F (4, 742) = 9.59, p < 0.001; Wilks’ Lambda = 0.904, partial η2 = 0.05, separate univariate ANOVAs were conducted for each dependent variable.
The follow-up ANOVA for imposter experiences was significant, F (2, 372) = 6.47, p = 0.002, partial η2 = 0.03, indicating that mentor type was associated with significant mean differences in participants’ imposter experiences. Post-hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni test indicated that students with non-academic mentors reported significantly lower imposter experience scores (M = 3.04, SE = 0.06) than those without a mentor (M = 3.31, SE = 0.54). There was no significant mean difference for those with an academic mentor (M = 3.02, SE = 0.14) when compared to those with a non-academic mentor or no mentor.
The follow-up ANOVA for academic belonging was also significant, F (2, 372) = 15.40, p < 0.001, partial η2 = 0.08, indicating that mentor type was associated with significant mean differences in participants’ academic belonging. Post-hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni test indicated that women with non-academic mentors (M = 4.70, SE = 0.08) reported significantly higher scores than those with no mentor (M = 4.13, SE = 0.07). There was no significant mean difference for those with an academic mentor (M = 4.52, SE = 0.17) when compared to those with a non-academic mentor or no mentor.
Does Mentoring Moderate the Association Between Academic Belonging and the Imposter Phenomenon? A moderation analysis was performed to address Hypothesis 1, which predicted that having a mentor would moderate the hypothesized association between lower academic belonging and higher levels of the imposter phenomenon. The regression model was significant, F (3, 371) = 7.52, p < 0.001. The model explained 5.7% of the variance in imposter feelings, Adjusted R2 = 0.05, SE = 0.74. Inconsistent with expectations, however, the hypothesized interaction between academic belonging and mentorship was not statistically significant:, β = −0.146, p = 0.072.

7.2. Qualitative Findings

Analyses for Research Question 3 focus on open-ended responses from 87 participants (46% of the full sample) who indicated that they spoke with their mentor about their feelings of the imposter phenomenon. All subthemes, coding categories and sample responses are presented in Table 1. It merits noting that some qualitative responses were not coded due to a lack of information or clarity. For example, one participant simply wrote, “Same as parents”, which did not provide sufficient information to code or interpret.
The thematic analysis yielded two overarching parent themes: (1) Combatting the Imposter Phenomenon (f = 70) and (2) Imposter Phenomenon as a Shared Experience (f = 18). These parent themes capture recurring patterns in how mentors actively shape mentees’ experiences of self-doubt and imposter feelings. Participants often referenced multiple forms of meaning-making in their responses, reflecting the multifaceted ways mentors provide guidance and support.
Combatting the Imposter Phenomenon. The first overarching theme reflects mentors’ strategies to counter narratives of inadequacy, framing the imposter phenomenon as a challenge that can be actively resisted rather than a personal flaw. Within this theme, the first subtheme Validation and Emotional Support (f = 57) highlights mentors’ use of empathy, reassurance, and attentive listening to create a safe and affirming environment. For example, Sarah (White) explained that her mentor helped her counteract the imposter phenomenon by being “very caring and supportive [and having] great listening skills,” while Carmen (Hispanic) explained that her mentor “validated my feelings.” Similarly, Ana (White) noted that her mentor offered “words of encouragement, understanding, and empathy.” These acts of validation demonstrate that emotional support itself serves as a meaningful strategy to mitigate feelings of self-doubt and imposter experiences.
The second subtheme Empowerment (f = 18) illustrates how mentors fostered mentees’ self-efficacy, reframing challenges as opportunities for growth and encouraging self-belief. Olivia (Asian) recalled, “They [my mentor] told me to believe in myself because I will always be good enough for myself and myself only, and that I should always be proud of myself because I push myself until I do my best.” Likewise, Claire (Middle Eastern and Hispanic) described her mentor as helping her “recognize my own strengths and weaknesses and [not be] so hard on myself for not being great at something right away.” Similarly, Mila (Asian) noted that her mentor would emphasize her strengths when she discussed her imposter feelings: “They would complement how smart I am and outgoing for doing a lot of extracurriculars.” Across these examples, mentorship practices consistently fostered resilience, confidence, and an internalized sense of competence, revealing a clear pattern of meaning in how mentors actively resist the imposter phenomenon.
Imposter Phenomenon is a Shared Experience. The second overarching theme reflects mentors’ efforts to frame imposter feelings as common, socially embedded, and shared, helping mentees reinterpret self-doubt as a normal aspect of academic and professional life. It merits noting that this theme overlaps with the feminist practice of consciousness raising, whereby sharing experiences of marginalization contributes to the understanding that these experiences are not isolated incidents but rather driven by systemic inequity.
The first subtheme Shared Experiences and Solidarity (f = 8) illustrates how mentors used disclosure of their own struggles to foster connection and belonging. Sofia (American Indian and Hispanic) wrote, “They [my mentor] let me know that have had similar experiences,” while Violet (Asian) noted her mentor gave her helpful advice “since they’ve been through similar experiences.” Hannah (White and Asian) recalled a conversation with her father in which he shared his experiences with the imposter phenomenon: “[He shared that] within his work as well as academic settings, he has also felt this way and that we are both so capable and we do belong in these settings.” These narratives reveal that sharing experiences not only normalizes imposter feelings but also strengthens relational bonds and affirmations of competence.
The second subtheme Deconstructing Societal Norms (f = 10) captures how mentors contextualized the imposter phenomenon within broader social and structural pressures, emphasizing that these experiences are widespread and not indicative of personal inadequacy. For example, Nora (White and Asian) reported that her mentor “reacted well and told me it was normal.” Similarly, Gretta (Asian) recalled that her mentor explained, “It’s a natural thing to feel and I’m not alone when it comes to feeling [that] way.” Leah (White) shared, “They [reacted] positive and although they might not have the experience themselves, they know and reassure that other students have that feeling as well.” In addition, mentors situated imposter feelings within systemic expectations, as Ella (African American and Pacific Islander) explained, “My mentor responded in the same sense that sadly in the world we live in imposter feelings will arise, but it is up to us to remain who we truly are despite any and all feelings.” These strategies illustrate a recurring pattern: Mentors help mentees recognize that they are not alone in experiencing imposter feelings and encourage them to understand these experiences as situated within broader societal and organizational contexts, thereby supporting empowerment and self-reflection.
Mentor Gender and Conversations
A chi-square test of independence was conducted to examine whether the number of participants whose data reflected each subtheme differed based on the mentor’s gender. The first chi-square test focused on the subtheme of Validation and Emotional Support. The test was statistically significant, χ2 (1) = 6.72, p = 0.01. Participants with mentors who were women reported receiving validation and emotional support more frequently than those with mentors who were men. The second chi-square test examined the subtheme of Empowerment. This test was also statistically significant, χ2 (1) = 6.48, p = 0.01. Participants with mentors who were women reported that their mentors engaged with imposter phenomenon in ways that reflected empowerment more frequently than those with mentors who were men. The third chi-square test addressed the subtheme of Shared Experience and Solidarity. This test was not statistically significant, χ2 (1) = 0.009, p = 0.92. Finally, the fourth chi-square test focused on the subtheme of Deconstructing Societal Norms. This test was not statistically significant, χ2 (1) = 0.074, p = 0.79.

8. Discussion

The present study offers novel insight into connections among the imposter phenomenon, academic belonging, and mentorship. Importantly, our findings must be interpreted within the broader structural context that gives rise to imposter experiences in the first place. Feminist scholars argue that the imposter phenomenon is not an individual deficit, but a socially constructed experience produced within patriarchal, racialized, and neoliberal academic cultures that consistently undervalue women’s knowledge and labor (Breeze et al., 2022; Rickett & Thompson, 2024; Thompson et al., 2023). Systemic barriers, exclusionary institutional cultures, and intersecting forms of marginalization contribute to the persistence of imposter feelings, especially for women with multiple marginalized identities (Chowdhury & Gibson, 2019; Kumar & Jagacinski, 2006; Smith, 2017). In this sense, mentorship must be understood not only as an academic support mechanism but also as a site of feminist resistance and solidarity within inequitable systems.
Our findings indicated that women with mentors experienced lower levels of imposter experiences and higher levels of academic belonging compared to those without mentors. From a feminist perspective, this suggests that mentorship offers more than instrumental benefits; it provides a relational space that challenges dominant narratives of individual responsibility and meritocracy that underlie the imposter phenomenon. Findings also revealed that the mentors’ gender was associated with differences in how they discussed the imposter phenomenon with participants. Specifically, women who were mentored by women were more likely to hear messages reflecting validation and empowerment from their mentors compared to women who were mentored by men. Feminist theory highlights that such outcomes are not coincidental but reflect gendered socialization and feminist practices of care, solidarity, and relational mentoring (Allen & Eby, 2004; Eagly & Carli, 2007; Hjálmsdóttir & Rafnsdóttir, 2025).
It is noteworthy that mentors largely focused on individual-level strategies for coping with the imposter phenomenon, rather than explicitly framing imposter experiences as products of systemic inequities (Allen & Eby, 2004; Breeze et al., 2022; Thompson et al., 2023). Although this individualized support builds confidence and resilience, future mentoring interventions could guide mentors toward having conversations that explicitly link imposter feelings to structural and institutional barriers. Doing so could help mentees not only resist self-blame but also develop a critical understanding of the social and organizational forces that shape imposter experiences.

8.1. Associations Among the Imposter Phenomenon, Academic Belonging, and Mentorship

A key contribution of the current research resides in the distinction it draws between academic and non-academic mentors. In this regard, the current research expands on prior research that tends to focus exclusively on academic mentorship (e.g., Robnett et al., 2018; Saavedra et al., 2026). Women with non-academic mentors reported lower levels of imposter experiences and higher academic belonging compared to those without mentors. A feminist interpretation suggests that non-academic mentors might be less constrained by institutional hierarchies and therefore more able to validate mentees’ lived experience, offering care-centered and less transactional forms of support. Notably, there was no significant difference in imposter experiences and peer social connections between women with academic mentors and those with non-academic mentors or no mentors. This aligns with feminist critiques of academic mentoring, which highlight how hierarchical structures in academia may limit the transformative potential of these relationships (Breeze et al., 2022; Thompson et al., 2023). Consistent with this point, women—and particularly women of color—often seek mentorship outside of their academic institutions as a way to circumvent traditional academic gatekeeping (Gomez & Cabrera, 2023; Ong et al., 2011; Patton, 2009; Robnett et al., 2020).
Our moderation analysis revealed that mentoring did not moderate the association between academic belonging and imposter experiences. This finding suggests that although mentorship is important, it may not directly buffer the association between academic belonging and imposter experiences. It is possible that other factors, such as the quality of mentoring, frequency of interactions, or mentees’ access to broader support networks, play a more central role in shaping this relationship. That said, we also note that our original hypothesis should be tested in a larger sample before drawing firm conclusions, given that the analysis was likely underpowered.

8.2. Racial Background of the Imposter Phenomenon

Guided by the interpretive lens of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1991), our preliminary analyses explored racial differences in the imposter phenomenon. Findings illustrated that Asian and Asian American women reported higher levels of the imposter phenomenon compared to Black or African American women. These differences should be interpreted with caution and situated within broader sociocultural contexts, reflecting the intersection of gendered and racialized pressures. Our findings align with research focusing on the model minority myth, which places Asian American women under heightened pressure to meet expectations of effortless competence, thus intensifying self-doubt when those expectations feel unattainable (J. Walton & Truong, 2023; Wu, 2014). Importantly, the model minority myth is historically rooted in the United States and may not operate in the same way across different cultural or national contexts, which should be considered when interpreting these findings. Our findings do not indicate that Black women are immune to the imposter phenomenon. On the contrary, Black women experience heightened scrutiny, racialized and gendered stereotyping, and diminished institutional support, all of which shape how imposter experiences are negotiated and expressed (McGee & Bentley, 2017). Thus, the race differences observed in the current research should not be interpreted as evidence of differential vulnerability or resilience, but as reflecting context-specific patterns of meaning-making within inequitable academic systems. Future research is needed to examine how intersecting racialized expectations and institutional context contribute to variation in imposter experiences across groups.

8.3. Conversations with Mentors About the Imposter Phenomenon

The qualitative analysis provides a deeper understanding of how mentors support women experiencing imposter feelings. Together, the qualitative themes illustrate the multifaceted role of mentoring in cultivating resistance to the imposter phenomenon. For example, participants in the current study described mentors who helped them feel validated and emotionally supported. These forms of support helped participants navigate feelings of inadequacy and self-doubt, thus aligning with existing literature that emphasizes the importance of emotional support in mentoring relationships (Eby et al., 2013; Robnett et al., 2018). Mentors also normalized imposter experiences by situating them as socially embedded and widespread rather than personal failings. This mentorship practice connects with feminist scholarship indicating that sharing personal struggles fosters solidarity, reduces isolation, and highlights collective challenges within patriarchal and exclusionary systems (Palmieri & MacLean, 2022; Saavedra et al., 2026). Notably, participants with mentors who were women (vs. men) were more likely to report that their mentors provided validation, emotional support, and empowerment in discussions about the imposter phenomenon. Taken together, these findings suggest that mentorship surrounding the imposter phenomenon can be a feminist practice that resists exclusionary academic cultures, validates lived experiences, and creates counter-hegemonic spaces of belonging. By integrating feminist theory, this study aligns with scholarship that positions mentorship as both relational and political and as a deliberate act of care and solidarity that challenges systemic inequity (Ong et al., 2011; Saavedra et al., 2026).

8.4. Implications

The findings of this study have several practical implications. Notably, about half of the participants in our sample reported that they did not have a mentor. Educational institutions should prioritize establishing and promoting mentorship programs to support women in higher education. However, increasing access alone is insufficient. Institutions should also invest in structured mentor training programs that equip mentors to recognize and address imposter experiences, provide validation and emotional support, and engage in conversations that contextualize self-doubt within broader inequities. Women mentors may play a particularly important role in fostering validation, empowerment, and belonging, especially in contexts where gender inequities are more pronounced (Palmieri & MacLean, 2022; Ragins & Cotton, 1999). In addition, institutions may benefit from implementing mentorship-matching processes that consider students’ preferences for mentor identity and style, as well as providing resources for non-academic mentoring networks (e.g., peer, family, and community support systems). For example, mentor training programs could include structured modules on recognizing and responding to imposter experiences, facilitating discussions about systemic inequities, and practicing validation and affirming communication strategies. In this regard, we echo other scholars who have emphasized that improving access to mentorship is an essential component of rectifying systemic inequities (Gomez & Cabrera, 2023; Ong et al., 2011; Patton, 2009; Saavedra et al., 2026).
Of the participants who did report having mentors, about half indicated they had not discussed their imposter experiences with them. This highlights the need for training mentors to address commonplace challenges that students encounter in college, particularly imposter experiences. Developing culturally sensitive mentoring approaches is also crucial to address the unique challenges faced by women from diverse ethnic–racial backgrounds. By recognizing and addressing these differences, mentors can provide more effective support and help mitigate imposter experiences across diverse groups. It is important to note, however, that all participants in this study were from the United States, which may limit the generalizability of these findings to women in other cultural, educational, or institutional contexts.

8.5. Limitations and Future Research

The current research was correlational and cross-sectional, which precludes our ability to make inferences about causal direction. Moreover, our findings focus on a sample of students from an introductory psychology course who were largely in their first or second year of undergraduate studies. Future research should explore the nuances of mentorship across different academic disciplines and among students who are nearing graduation. Because this course fulfills a general education requirement, participants were not necessarily psychology majors; thus, findings should not be interpreted as reflecting women specifically in psychology. Future research should examine women in psychology majors to better understand gender inequities in this context. In addition, future research should examine differences across age groups, particularly given the increasing presence of non-traditional adult learners in higher education (Park & Su, 2026), as age may shape perception of imposter phenomenon and academic belonging. Regarding the latter, longitudinal studies could offer deeper insights into the long-term effects of mentorship on the imposter phenomenon and related outcomes. In addition, the qualitative analyses focused on written responses to a single, open-ended prompt. Semi-structured interviews would be more effective in illuminating the specific conversations and dynamics within mentoring relationships that help students cope with imposter experiences. Future work may benefit from incorporating multiple open-ended questions that explicitly probe experiences related to the imposter phenomenon, academic belonging, and mentoring. A final limitation pertains to our analyses focusing on racial differences in the imposter phenomenon, which were limited to tests of mean-level differences. This analytic approach may be limited it its ability to capture nuanced differences in factors that contribute to the imposter phenomenon among women from different racial backgrounds (see Kim & O’Brien, 2018; Muradoglu et al., 2022).

9. Conclusions

This study highlights the important role that mentorship can play in mitigating the imposter phenomenon among women in higher education. This may be particularly the case to the extent that women talk with their mentors about their imposter feelings. Taken together, findings suggest that mentorship can function as a site of feminist resistance by providing women with relational support, validation, and empowerment within inequitable academic systems. In closing, we emphasize that lasting impact requires both individual support and structural change, including inclusive policies and practices that challenge systemic inequities in higher education.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, D.R.B. and R.D.R.; methodology, D.R.B. and R.D.R.; software, D.R.B.; validation, D.R.B. and R.D.R.; formal analysis, D.R.B.; investigation, D.R.B.; resources, D.R.B.; data curation, D.R.B. and R.D.R.; writing—original draft preparation, D.R.B. and R.D.R.; writing—review and editing, D.R.B. and R.D.R.; visualization, D.R.B.; supervision, R.D.R.; project administration, D.R.B. and R.D.R. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki, and approved by the Institutional Review Board Review Board at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (protocol code UNLV-2022-128, with approval granted on 6 April 2023).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Notes

1
In the current research, we use the term imposter phenomenon instead of the more commonly used imposter syndrome to avoid pathologizing this experience.
2
It merits noting that most existing research compares cisgender women to cisgender men; participants of other gender identities are typically not included in these comparisons due to sample size constrains.
3
We also conducted exploratory analyses to examine whether race- and gender-aligned mentorship was associated with variation in students’ experiences of imposter phenomenon. These analyses did not yield statistically significant results, which may be due to limited statistical power.

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Table 1. Qualitative themes illustrating how mentors discuss the imposter phenomenon with participants.
Table 1. Qualitative themes illustrating how mentors discuss the imposter phenomenon with participants.
Theme/SubthemeDefinitionExampleFrequency (f)
Theme 1: Combatting the Imposter Phenomenon
(1A) Validation and Emotional SupportParticipants highlighted that their mentors foster a nurturing environment by offering empathy, advice, and a listening ear. Mentors are described as caring, understanding, and supportive, providing a comforting presence to help mentees navigate feelings of inadequacy and self-doubt.“They [Their Mentor] were very understanding and supportive”57
(1B) EmpowermentParticipants emphasize that mentors focus on skill development and empowerment. They nurture mentees’ strengths and encourage viewing challenges as growth opportunities. This approach builds self-belief, resilience, and confidence, enabling mentees to assert themselves, boost self-confidence, and form reciprocal relationships, aligning with feminist empowerment theory for a fairer society.“They [Their Mentor] helped me recognize my own strengths and weaknesses and helped me not be so hard on myself for not being great at something right away”18
Theme 2: Imposter Phenomenon as a Shared Experience
(2A) Shared Experiences and SolidarityParticipants highlight that mentors stress relatability and shared struggles. Mentors share their own challenges to show mentees they are not alone, fostering deeper empathy and connection. For instance, when mentors discuss their own imposter experiences, it creates solidarity and strengthens their bond with mentees.“They [Their Mentor] let me know that they had a similar experience.”8
(2B) Deconstructing Societal NormsIn the fourth theme, participants emphasize that mentors highlight the commonality of imposter experiences among students. Mentors encourage mentees to recognize these feelings as widespread and to question societal pressures that contribute to self-doubt.“They [Their Mentor] reminded me that I was not alone in my experiences.”10
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Beltran, D.R.; Robnett, R.D. Mentoring, Academic Belonging, and Imposter Phenomenon Among Undergraduate Women: A Critical Feminist Perspective. Educ. Sci. 2026, 16, 750. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci16050750

AMA Style

Beltran DR, Robnett RD. Mentoring, Academic Belonging, and Imposter Phenomenon Among Undergraduate Women: A Critical Feminist Perspective. Education Sciences. 2026; 16(5):750. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci16050750

Chicago/Turabian Style

Beltran, Diana R., and Rachael D. Robnett. 2026. "Mentoring, Academic Belonging, and Imposter Phenomenon Among Undergraduate Women: A Critical Feminist Perspective" Education Sciences 16, no. 5: 750. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci16050750

APA Style

Beltran, D. R., & Robnett, R. D. (2026). Mentoring, Academic Belonging, and Imposter Phenomenon Among Undergraduate Women: A Critical Feminist Perspective. Education Sciences, 16(5), 750. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci16050750

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