Non-Pronominal Intransitive Verb Variants with Property Interpretation: A Characterization

: In this paper, we study a syntactic construction that has received little attention in the study of Spanish grammar ( La masa de pizza congela perfectamente , ‘Pizza dough freezes perfectly’). It is characterized by the presence of a verb in a non-pronominal intransitive variant, with property interpretation. This construction is related to mediopassive sentences or generic middles ( Las camisas de algod ó n se lavan f á cilmente , ‘Cotton shirts wash easily’), as well as to the anticausative construction ( La camisa se sec ó al sol , ‘The shirt dried in the sun’), a relationship that has not always been highlighted in previous studies, which are usually based on a short list of verbs. Taking as a point of departure both the verbal classiﬁcation found in ADESSE and data from Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects , the construction under study is described, paying special attention to the types of verbs found in it in order to check if they coincide with the verbs found in mediopassive sentences or the anticausative construction. In addition, our study provides new data on the linguistic factors (presence of a manner adverb or other modiﬁers, negation), as well as on the extralinguistic factors (type of text, geographical distribution) involved in this phenomenon.


Introduction
In this paper, we study a syntactic construction that has received little attention in the study of Spanish grammar (La masa de pizza congela perfectamente, 'Pizza dough freezes perfectly').It is characterized by the presence of a verb in a non-pronominal intransitive variant, with property interpretation (Felíu Arquiola and Torres Martínez 2004;RAE and ASALE 2009).
This construction, which we will call NPPC (non-pronominal property construction) for the sake of brevity, is related to mediopassive sentences or generic middles 1 (Las ca-misas de algodón se lavan fácilmente, 'Cotton shirts wash easily') in several ways: they are usually generic statements, in which a property of the subject is predicated; the preferred word order involves a preverbal subject; the verb usually appears in an imperfective tense; and the presence of a manner adverb is frequent (Martín Zorraquino 1979;Mendikoetxea 1999b;García Negroni 2002;Sánchez López 2002;Fábregas 2021, among others; see Lekakou 2005 for a crosslinguistic semantic study).
In addition, NPPC is related to the anticausative construction (La camisa se secó al sol, 'The shirt dried in the sun') (Haspelmath 1993;Schäfer 2008 for a general point of view ;Mendikoetxea 1999a;Kailuweit 2013;Vivanco 2016Vivanco , 2017;;Fábregas 2021;De Benito Moreno 2022a, 2022b for the Spanish case, among many other works).On one hand, a transitive verb appears in an intransitive variant.On the other hand, some of the verbs involved in the anticausative construction can optionally appear without the clitic se (La puerta abrió, 'The door opened').According to De Benito Moreno (2022a, 2022b), in the anticausative construction, the presence or absence of this marker depends on different factors, both linguistic (animacy of the subject, presence of a non-reflexive dative, negation, among others) and extralinguistic (dialectal variety, type of text) in nature.forest burned') (Mendikoetxea 1999b(Mendikoetxea , pp. 1654-55)-55).However, she also points out the fact that many verbs can appear both in se-passive sentences and mediopassive sentences but not in the anticausative construction.This is the case for accomplishment verbs with an agent like construir, 'to build';comprar, 'to buy';vender, 'to sell';lavar, 'to wash';pintar, 'to paint';leer, 'to read';limpiar, 'to clean';andcomer, 'to eat' (cf. Mendikoetxea 1999b, p. 1655).
As for the anticausative construction (La camisa se secó al sol, 'The shirt dried in the sun'), it has been pointed out that verbs involved in this construction are change of state verbs (Vivanco 2016), although "not all verbs that allow the semantic and syntactic alternation between causative and anticausative take SE in Spanish.From this perspective, anticausative SE is lexically conditioned" (Fábregas 2021, p. 44).For Haspelmath (1993), verbs that give rise to the anticausative construction express changes of state that can be conceptualized as spontaneous, whereas Vivanco (2016) proposes that verbs that take part in the anticausative se-construction have a scalar dimension.

•
Class A: Verbs that take part in the anticausative se-construction, such as El sol secó la ropa, 'The sun dried the clothes', and La ropa se secó al sol, 'Clothes dried in the sun'.It is by far the largest class in Spanish.

•
Class C: Verbs that take part both in the anticausative and the labile alternation.
However, the classification of Spanish verbs in these three classes is far from straightforward, as De Benito Moreno (2022b) shows.Taking data from COSER (Fernández-Ordóñez 2005) as a point of departure, De Benito Moreno (2022b) adopts a corpus-based quantitative approach to the study of the anticausative alternation in Spanish, and she applies a generalized linear mixed model.According to De Benito Moreno (2022b), whose study is restricted to European Spanish, verbs that behave like Class C verbs are much more numerous than assumed in the literature.She shows that the presence or absence of se depends on different factors, both linguistic and extralinguistic in nature.Among the linguistic factors that favor the presence of se, the most important one is the frequency with which a verb is used in transitive structures.That is to say, verbs that appear more frequently in transitive contexts more clearly require the presence of se in the intransitive variant, as was already pointed out by Vivanco (2016) for a smaller number of verbs.Another linguistic factor is related to the animacity of the subject: animate subjects favor the presence of se (Las patatas (se) cuecen, 'Potatoes cook' vs. La bañista *(se) coció al sol, 'The bather burned in the sun').Finally, the presence of a non-reflexive dative is also relevant, which favors the appearance of se (Las patatas (se) cuecen, 'Potatoes cook'; Al cocinero no #(se) le cocieron las patatas, 'Lit.The cook's potatoes did not cook ', apud. De Benito Moreno 2022a, p. 195).
As for the extralinguistic factors, De Benito Moreno (2022b) shows that the geographical variety strongly affects the presence of se.In fact, it is the second factor in general terms, just behind the frequency with which a verb is used in transitive structures.The author confirms that northwestern varieties of European Spanish disfavor the presence of se, unlike what happens in the rest of the country's territory.
On the other hand, in some studies, a relationship is stablished between verbs that appear in mediopassive constructions and those that appear in the anticausative construction.An example comes from the NGLE (RAE and ASALE 2009, § 41.14g), where it is stated that "some pronominal verbs admit variants that are not pronominal in contexts similar to those that allow the formation of mediopassive constructions".The NGLE mentions the case of an intransitive non-pronominal secar, cocer and cerrar, in alternation with secarse, 'to dry'; cocerse, 'to cook'; and cerrarse, 'to close', but only in imperfective tenses and constructions in which the characteristics of an entity are described, like Esta puerta no (se) cierra bien, 'This door does not close properly'.
The same observation is made by De Benito Moreno (2022a, pp. 195-96).Among the structures that favor the absence of se in the anticausative alternation, she mentions the combination of an imperfective tense with a negation, such as La puerta no (se) abre, 'The door does not open'; El ordenador no (se) enciende, 'The computer does not turn on'; and Mi teléfono no (se) carga, 'My phone does not charge'.She also points out extralinguistic factors, like the type of text or the style.Specifically, she mentions the case of cooking recipes, a kind of text in which anticausative verbs that tend to appear with se are found without this marker, typically in imperfective tenses (Volcamos la mesa sobre una bandeja que no sea muy profunda para que enfríe bien rápido, 'We overturn the table on a tray that is not very deep so that it cools very quickly'; CORPES XXI, apud. De Benito Moreno 2022a, p. 196).This kind of extralinguistic factor regarding the type of text is not usually taken into account in the description of the anticausative alternation in Spanish.
For his part, Fábregas (2021) points out that mediopassive sentences (middle passive SE constructions, in his terminology) have generally been related to se-passives, to the point that in many analyses, they "have been treated as passive SE structures where a particular operator has been added in order to make the predicate stative and merely descriptive of the internal properties of the subject" (Fábregas 2021, p. 157).However, this author shows that mediopassive sentences are superficially more closely related to the anticausative construction than to se-passive sentences.He points out some similarities between these two constructions, of which we highlight the following factors:

•
In mediopassive sentences and the anticausative construction, the subject is usually preverbal, unlike in se-passive sentences.In addition, it cannot be a bare nominal.

•
Whereas se-passive sentences allow adverbs oriented toward agents (Se quemaron los bosques deliberadamente, 'Forests were burned deliberately'), mediopassive sentences and the anticausative construction reject them.A sentence like Estas camisas se lavan deliberadamente receives a passive (eventive) interpretation ('These shirts are deliberately washed') and not a mediopassive (stative) one.The same outcome happens with a sentence like La puerta se abrió deliberadamente, which is interpreted as se-passive ('The door was opened deliberately') and not as an anticausative construction ('The door opened').
Taking this scenario into account, in this paper, we will explore the relationships between NPPC, the anticausative and the labile alternations and mediopassive sentences.We will take as a point of departure both the verbal classification found in ADESSE and data from Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects in order to study NPPC via a descriptive (nonquantitative) approach (ADESSE n.d.;Davies 2016).Special attention will be paid to the type of verbs found in it, with the aim of checking if they coincide with the verbs found in mediopassive sentences or the anticausative construction.In addition, our study will provide new data on the linguistic factors (presence of a manner adverb or other modifiers, negation), as well as the extralinguistic factors (type of text, geographical distribution) involved in this phenomenon.

Materials and Methods
The first objective of this paper was to expand the data set of NPPC examples, so that the description of this construction could be based on a sufficient number of real examples.In order to do so, we took ADESSE as a point of departure, a database of verbs and verbal constructions in Spanish and their diathesis alternations.In ADESSE, verbs are grouped into different semantic classes.Attention was paid to change verbs and their subclasses (creation verbs, modification verbs and destruction verbs), since they are the type of verb involved in the causative-inchoative alternation.
ADESSE codifies three types of voice: active, passive and pronominal constructions.Among the later (CP by its acronym in Spanish), we focused on two of them:

•
The type of voice that is called "CPmedia" in ADESSE (anticausative se in our terminology);

•
The type of voice that is called "CPmediopasiva" in ADESSE (se-passive in our terminology), since mediopassive sentences are not treated independently from se-passives in this database.
The two following advanced searches were carried out: The verbs of these two lists were taken as the points of departure for searching examples of NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects 5 .We performed direct searches of these verbs in the present indicative and third person singular (cierra, for example, for the case of cerrar, 'to close'), together with an adverb (mainly manner-related adverbs, like fácilmente, 'easily'; bien, 'well'; mal, 'badly'; and rápidamente, 'quickly', but also quantity adverbs, like mucho, 'much', or poco 'little'), together with negation (no cierra, for example).As has already been said, our aim was not to carry out a quantitative study, but a descriptive one.For this reason, these direct searches provided us with a sufficient number of examples in order to characterize NPPC in Spanish.

Verbs Found of NPPC
The results of the searches performed in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects are presented in the appendices 6 .Appendix A collects 72 verbs that are found in the anticausative construction in ADESSE and have been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.Most of them belong to the modification class, the largest one among change verbs in ADESSE.Some examples of these verbs in NPPC are shown in (1) 7 : ( Verbs included in Appendix A are verbs that undergo a physical change in state (this is a common characteristic of verbs codified as change verbs in ADESSE).They allow a causative interpretation (enmohecer, 'to meldew'; marchitar, 'to wither'; and oxidar, 'to oxidize'), and some of them also allow an agentive interpretation (abrochar, 'to fasten', and regar, 'to water').Some of the verbs considered by Vivanco (2016) as Class A verbs (that is to say, verbs that always require the presence of se in the intransitive variant) appear in Appendix A, which means that they have been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects and, therefore, are without se.This is true in the case of alargar, 'to lengthen'; derretir, 'to melt'; endurecer, 'to harden'; fundir, 'to melt'; pudrir, 'to rot'; and solidificar, 'to solidify'.This fact supports the claim made by De Benito Moreno (2022a, 2022b) about the difficulty of ascribing Spanish verbs to the three classes (A, B, C) distinguished in the literature.It also supports the idea that the absence of se is favored by linguistic factors like the imperfective aspect, negation and manner adverbs, which characterize NPPC, as the examples in (2) show: ( One of the verbs in Appendix B is included in class A by Vivanco (2016), namely encarecer, 'to raise the price of, to become more expensive'.However, it is attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects, as the example (4a) shows.In Appendix B, there are also some verbs included in class B by Vivanco (2016), that is to say, verbs which take part in the labile alternation but not in the se-anticausative construction.They are aumentar, 'to increase'; blanquear, 'to whiten'; cambiar, 'to change'; and engrosar, 'to thicken'.Some of the verbs included in Appendix B are clearly agentive (inventar, 'to invent, to make up'; lavar 'to wash'; and retratar 'to portray').Other verbs allow a causative reading (aumentar, 'to increase'; blanquear 'to whiten'; and destruir, 'to destroy').As for the kind of object, most of the verbs in Appendix B have a physically affected object (blanquear, 'to whiten'; lavar, 'to wash'; and modificar, 'to modify'), whereas some of them have an effected or result object, that is to say, they are creation verbs (inventar, 'to invent'; 'to make up'; and producir, 'to produce').As for the case of retratar, 'to portray', the meaning of this verb implies the creation of a representation of a pre-existing object.
In Appendix C, we present 21 verbs that are found both in the anticausative construction and the se-passive construction in ADESSE and  As in the case of Appendix A, some of the verbs considered by Vivanco (2016) as Class A verbs (that is to say, verbs that always require the presence of se in the intransitive variant) appear in Appendix C, which means that they have been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects, and, therefore, are without se.This is the case of abrir, 'to open'; apagar, 'to turn off'; calentar, 'to heat, to get hot'; cerrar, 'to close'; and encender, 'to turn on, to light'.We offer some examples in ( 8 Most verbs in Appendix C are causative verbs with a physically affected object (abrir, 'to open'; cerrar, 'to close'; romper, 'to break'; vaciar, 'to empty'), whereas some of them have an effected or result object (creation verbs like reproducir, 'to reproduce', or registrar, 'to register').
Summing up, as can be seen in the appendices, in absolute terms, more verbs that take part in the anticausative alternation are found in NPPC than verbs that appear in se-passive construction.This can be related to the fact that we have taken data from ADESSE as a point of departure, and the total number of verbs attested in the anticausative construction (1304) in ADESSE is greater than the total number of verbs attested in the se-passive construction (711).But, there is also a difference in relative terms: 72 of the 233 verbs (30.90%) that take part in the anticausative alternation have been found in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects, whereas the proportion is lower in the case of verbs that appear in the se-passive construction (28 of 129 verbs, 21.70%).

Presence of a Modifier
As said before, NPPC coincides with mediopassive sentences in the frequent presence of a modifier expressing manner, instrument or meaning, although this kind of modifier may be absent.As for mediopassive sentences, Fábregas (2021, pp. 163-64) distinguishes three interpretations, associated with the presence or absence of a modifier:

•
The necessity reading, which emerges typically without modifiers and involves an agent.Example: Estas camisas se planchan, 'One must iron this type of shirt'.

•
The facilitation reading, which also involves an agent.The subject is interpreted as "having internal properties that facilitate or make the event more difficult in combination with the means or instruments expressed by the modifier" (Fábregas 2021, p. 164).This reading is favored by the presence of a manner adverb.Example: Estas camisas se lavan bien con agua fría, 'These shirts wash well with cold water'.

•
The tendency or propensity reading, which does not involve an agent.The modifier may be absent.The subject has a propensity to participate in the event because of its internal properties.Example: Este material se rompe (fácilmente) cuando hace calor, 'This material breaks (easily) when it is hot'.Fábregas (2021) relates the propensity reading to verbs that allow the anticausative construction (abrir, 'to open'; romper, 'to break') and the necessity and the facilitation readings to agentive verbs that do not give rise to the anticausative construction (lavar, 'to wash'; planchar, 'to iron').He considers that mediopassive sentences are anticausative structures with an operator that triggers the non-episodic reading of the event and the kind interpretation of the internal argument.He explains the association between readings and type of verbs in the following way: "There is no agent projected in the structure: verbs that lexically involve an agent and do not allow the anticausative reading require, because of that, a modifier that licenses the agent interpretation that is required by the predicate but is missing from the syntactic structure: the necessity or the facilitation reading emerges.Predicates that allow the anticausative reading without qualification give rise to the propensity reading in combination with the operator" (Fábregas 2021, p. 164) If mediopassives sentences and NPPC were similar constructions, in the case of agentive verbs like lavar, 'to wash', or retratar, 'to portray', we would expect the necessity reading or the facilitative reading when they appear in NPPC, following Fábregas (2021) Another agentive verb like planchar, 'to iron', which is not included in the appendices because it has not been found in ADESSE either in the anticausative construction nor in the se-passive construction, also receives a propensity reading when it appears in NPCC, as can be seen in the example in ( 12 From our point of view, the examples in ( 11) and ( 12) show that NPPC and mediopassive sentences differ in their interpretation.As suggested by Felíu Arquiola and Torres Martínez (2004), while there is an implicit agent in the interpretation of mediopassive sentences, it is absent in NPPC.This explains why the only reading we identify with NPPC is the propensity reading, while the interpretations that involve an agent (the necessity reading and the facilitative reading) are discarded.In this sense, NPPC is closer to the anticausative construction than to mediopassive sentences.
As pointed out by De Benito Moreno (2022a, pp. 195-96) in relation to the anticausative construction, negation also favors the absence of marker se.Since negation is an element that induces a generic reading (Mendikoetxea 1999b), its presence is expected to be frequent in NPPC, as shown in ( 13

Type of Text
It is not usual in grammatical studies focused on the anticausative construction or mediopassive sentences to pay attention to the type of text in which these constructions appear.De Benito Moreno's (2022a) divulgative paper on the presence and absence of se in Spanish can be considered an exception.Indeed, she mentions the case of cooking recipes, a kind of text in which verbs that tend to appear in the se-anticausative alternation are often found without this marker, typically in imperfective tenses (Volcamos la mesa sobre una bandeja que no sea muy profunda para que enfríe bien rápido, 'We overturn the table on a tray that is not very deep so that it cools very quickly', CORPES XXI, apud. De Benito Moreno 2022a, p. 196).
Our data support De Benito Moreno's (2022a) observation.Many of the examples of NPPC found in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects come from cooking recipes, which are instructive texts that may include descriptive content.We offer some examples in ( 14 Summing up, as the examples above show, verbs in NPPC are used in texts that are mainly descriptive (scientific descriptions, recommendations), as well as in other types of texts that include descriptions (such as cooking recipes, which are mainly instructive) in order to express properties that characterize an entity or a kind of entities.

Geographical Origin of the Examples
In our searches, we have found examples of NPPC coming from all Spanish-speaking countries.However, as explained in Section 3, we have performed direct searches of a selection of verbs taken from ADESSE in order to obtain a sufficient sample of examples of NPPC.This methodology has not provided us with all existing examples of NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.For this reason, we cannot draw general conclusions on the geographical distribution of NPPC.Added to this is the fact that there may be lexical differences between verbs.For example, we have searched for all the examples in which two very similar verbs, derretir and fundir, both meaning 'to melt', appear in present indicative, third person singular (derrite and funde), and the results have been very different.While we have found just 6 examples of derrite in NPPC, in the case of funde, we have found 99 examples.Unlike fundir, derretir is not frequently used in scientific texts.This can explain in part the difference in the number of examples found for each of these two verbs.
Due to this kind of lexical differences, it would be necessary to carry out a study of the geographical variation in each verb, something that exceeds the limits of our work.For our part, we will focus on one particular case, namely fundir, 'to melt', included in Appendix A. As said above, we have found 99 examples of NPPC with funde (present indicative, third person singular).In 80 of these examples, fundir is used in the first meaning coded in DLE ('Melt and liquefy metals, minerals or other solid bodies') (see example in 17a), the only one for which this dictionary mentions the possibility of a non-pronominal intransitive use 10 .However, we have also found four examples of the fourth meaning ('Reduce two or more different things to one') (17b) and 15 examples of the sixth meaning related to cinema and television ('Mix the last moments of an image or sound with the first moments of another sequence') (17c).Therefore, although DLE only mentions the possibility of a non-pronominal intransitive use in the case of the first meaning, this use of fundir is also documented in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects for other meanings of the verb: In Table 1, we show the geographical origin of the examples of funde in NPPC found in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.As can be seen, we have found examples coming from 15 countries that belong to different Spanish linguistic areas.The use of fundir in a nonpronominal intransitive variant with property interpretation seems to be quite general in the Spanish-speaking world.The largest number of cases come from Spain (48%), followed by Mexico (13.13%) and Argentina (12.12%).
Table 1 illustrates the situation in relation to the use of funde in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.However, it would be necessary to investigate the geographical distribution of NPPC for each of the verbs documented in the construction in order to check if there are significant differences between them, a task that exceeds the aim of this work and that we leave for future research.

Conclusions
In this paper, we have characterized a type of construction that we have named NPPC, in which a verb appears in a non-pronominal intransitive variant with property interpretation (La masa de pizza congela perfectamente, 'Pizza dough freezes perfectly').We have taken as a point of departure the verbal classification found in ADESSE and data from Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects in order to increase the sample of verbs included in the few previous studies.
Although NPPC seems to be related both to the anticausative construction and mediopassive sentences, which some authors consider a type of se-passive, we have shown that more verbs that take part in the anticausative alternation are found in NPPC than verbs that appear in the se-passive construction, both in absolute and relative terms.As expected, causative verbs with an affected object predominate, although some verbs that allow an agentive reading also appear in NPPC (lavar, 'to wash', and retratar, 'to portray').We have shown that some verbs that have been included among Class A verbs in previous studies of the anticausative construction (Vivanco 2016), that is to say, among verbs that always require clitic se when used intransitively, appear in NPPC, and, therefore, are without clitic se.This is true in the cases of alargar, 'to lengthen'; derretir, 'to melt'; endurecer, 'to harden'; fundir, 'to melt'; pudrir 'to rot'; and solidificar, 'to solidify' (Appendix A), as well as those of abrir, 'to open'; apagar, 'to turn off'; calentar 'to heat, to get hot'; cerrar, 'to close'; and encender, 'to turn on, to light' (Appendix C).Therefore, more verbs than those usually mentioned in the literature take part both in the anticausative alternation and the labile alternation (class C).This fact supports De Benito Moreno's (2022b) claim that the classification of Spanish verbs in three classes in terms of their marking pattern is far from straightforward.It seems that verbs considered to belong to Class A can easily appear without clitic se in some contexts, like generic statements or stative predications like those involved in NPPC.
From our point of view, NPPC can be considered a construction in which a usually eventive predicate turns into a predicate that expresses a property of the subject.Unlike mediopassive sentences, no implicit agent is interpreted.This is the reason why, in NPPC, we only identify the propensity reading (in terms of Fábregas 2021), whereas the necessity reading and the facilitative reading are discarded.Since NPPC expresses a property of the subject, it is frequently used in descriptive texts (scientific descriptions, recommendations), as well as in other types of texts that include descriptions (such as cooking recipes, which are mainly instructive).
As for the geographical distribution of this construction, we have found examples coming from all Spanish-speaking countries.However, due to the limits of this study, we have focused on a single verb, namely fundir, 'to melt'.We have shown that NPPC with funde is not associated with a particular Spanish linguistic area.The presence of this verb in NPPC is quite usual, which explains the fact that dictionaries like DLE mention its non-pronominal intransitive use as a possibility under the form of a grammatical mark at the end of the first meaning.In the case of other verbs, like cerrar, 'to close', this possibility is treated as a different meaning (although not for abrir, 'to open'), whereas in the case of derretir, 'to melt', the non-pronominal intransitive use is not mentioned.Contrary to what we proposed in previous works (Felíu Arquiola and Torres Martínez 2004), the fact that many verbs can appear in NPPC lead us to consider that this possibility should not be coded in dictionaries as a different meaning of particular verbs, but as a grammatical mark if anything.However, before deciding the lexicographical treatment of NPPC, it is necessary to better understand its geographical distribution, since there might be lexical differences among verbs.We leave this question for future research.According to Fábregas (2021, p. 6), mediopassive sentences or generic midles convey "a generic statement that expresses the disposition of a type of entity to participate in an eventuality by virtue of its internal properties (Lekakou 2005)".
2 For example, the relationship between the anticausative construction (spontaneus events) and mediopassive sentences or generic middles (facilitative events) in English and Spanish has been highlighted by Marín Arrese (2011) from a cognitive linguistics point of view, following Kemmer (1993), although no mention is found to NPPC in that paper.
As indicated on its website, Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects "contains about two billion words of Spanish, taken from about two million web pages from 21 different Spanish-speaking countries from the past three to four years".The percentages of words included by Spanish linguistic areas are balanced and correspond to the demographic weight of each of them, as explained in Felíu Arquiola and Pato (2020).
Only seven verbs of the fifteen listed in Felíu Arquiola and Torres Martínez (2004) (see note 3) appear in our appendices.Specifically, three of them appear in Appendix A (arrugar, 'to wrinkle'; cocer, 'to cook'; and doblar, 'to fold'), one of them appears in Appendix B (lavar, 'to wash'), and the remaining three appear in Appendix C (abrir, 'to open'; cerrar, 'to close'; and secar, 'to dry').
The other eight verbs do not appear in either of the three appendices (ajustar, 'to fit'; asar, 'to roast'; cocinar, 'to cook'; congelar, 'to freeze'; descongelar, 'to defrost'; fruncir, 'to gather'; planchar, 'to iron'; and teñir, 'to dye').Two reasons can explain these absences.On the one hand, none of these verbs, except teñir, 'to dye', are found in ADESSE in either the anticausative construction or the se-passive construction.On the other hand, teñir, 'to dye' is found in ADESSE in the anticausative construction but has not been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.

7
All examples hereafter come from Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.

8
The infrequency with which the construction is documented in Spanish contrasts with the interest that it has aroused in grammatical studies, although we are not aware of descriptions of mediopassive sentences based on examples from corpora.This type of study would help us to understand in more detail the characteristics of the construction, among them the verbs that tend to appear in it, beyond the verbs that are usually repeated in the literature (lavar, 'to wash'; secar, 'to dry'; vender, 'to sell'; leer, 'to read', etc.).9 The example in (3b) includes an animated subject, which is an exception among the examples collected.
Appendix B, we present 28 verbs that are found in the se-passive construction in ADESSE and have been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.As said before, this database does not treat mediopassive sentences independently.For this reason, we have underlined those verbs for which examples of mediopassive construction are found in ADESSE.As can be seen in Appendix B, there are very few such verbs, which means that mediopassive sentences are less frequently attested in this database than sepassive sentences, something that probably reflects the general situation in Spanish 8 .Some examples in which verbs from Appendix B appear in NPPC are shown in (3) 9 : In Two of them (cambiar and engrosar) are attested in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects in NPPC and in ADESSE in mediopassive construction.Examples of NPPC are shown in (4b) and (4c): . .] to see that that endometrium does not thicken too much'.
Arquiola and Torres Martínez 2004)us del Español: Web/Dialects.As in Appendix B, those verbs for which examples of mediopassive construction are found in ADESSE are underlined.Some examples in which verbs from Appendix C appear in NPPC are shown in (5):Some of the verbs included in Appendix C are frequently mentioned in studies of the anticausative alternation and studies of mediopassives (abrir, 'to open'; cerrar, 'to close'; and secar, 'to dry').Examples of these verbs in NPPC are presented in (6): The problem is that on some surfaces it does not dry'.Other verbs, like romper, 'to break', frequently mentioned in studies of the anticausative alternation, have been claimed not to give rise to NPPC (FelíuArquiola and Torres Martínez 2004).However, this ability has been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects, as shown in (7): ): . However, these verbs receive a propensity reading, as the examples in (11) show: ): It is important to note that CPM does not completely cure'.Finally, NPPC examples also appear in other descriptive texts like those in which a certain product is recommended, as the examples in (16) show: It dries very fast and the formula runs fast, the brush is a bit big [. ..]'.

Table 1 .
Geographical origin of the examples of funde in NPPC.
This list includes verbs that are found both in the anticausative construction and the se-passive construction in ADESSE and have been attested in NPPC in Corpus del Español: Web/Dialects.We have underlined those verbs for which examples of mediopassive construction are found in ADESSE.