The Classiﬁcation of Bedouin Arabic: Insights from Northern Jordan

: The goal of the present paper is to provide a revaluation of the classiﬁcation of the Bedouin dialects of Northern Arabia and the Southern Levant, based on published or publicly available data and on ﬁrst-hand data recently collected amongst some Bedouin tribes in Northern Jordan. We suggest extending previous classiﬁcations that identify three types of dialects, namely A ( “ nizi ), B ( šammari ), and C ( š¯awi ). Although intermediary or mixed types combining šammari features with š ¯ awi features were already noted, our data suggest that further combinations are possible, either because they had so far been unnoticed or because recent levelling and dialect mixing have blurred the boundaries between some of the varieties.


Introduction
The goal of the present paper is to provide a revaluation of the classification of the Bedouin dialects of Northern Arabia and the Southern Levant, based on published or publicly available data and on first-hand data recently collected by the authors amongst some Bedouin tribes in Northern Jordan. We suggest extending Cantineau's (1936Cantineau's ( , 1937 classification that identifies three types: A ( " nizi), B (šammari), and C (sāwi). Although Cantineau already noted intermediary or mixed types combining šāmmari features with šāwi features, our data suggest that further combinations are possible, either because they have so far not been noticed or because recent levelling and dialect mixing have blurred the boundaries between some of the varieties. Foundational surveys include Cleveland (1963) who, much in the same way as Blanc (1964) coined the gilit-q∂ltu dichotomy, coined the dialectonyms biqūl, bikūl, bigūl, bi "¯u l and yigūl based on the 3.m.sg. of the imperfective of the verb *qāl 'he said'. Further developments can be found in Palva (1984). Palva divides the Bedouin dialects of the Southern Levant into four groups, as below:

•
The dialects of the Negev Bedouins.

•
The dialects of the Arabia Petraea Bedouins such as the H . wēt .ā t.

•
The dialects of the Syro-Mesopotamian sheep-rearing tribes, which corresponds to the šāwi type (Cantineau's type C, Younes and Herin 2016).

•
The dialects of the North Arabian Bedouins (Cantineau's types A and B).
The problem with the biqūl-yigūl appellation is that it fails to capture the difference between a major split in Jordan, namely between dialects that exhibit final /n/ in the imperfective endings -īn and -ūn and those which exhibit -ī and -ū (Herin 2019). Using the 3.m.pl. of the imperfective of qāl would partially solve this problem, which, combined with geography, yields the following classification: Southern ygūlu, Central ygūlu, and Northern ygūlūn. Central ygūlu is in many ways identical to the Northern ygūlūn šāwi C; the presence or absence of /n/ is the main difference. Only Southern ygūlu is an extension of the North-West Arabian type (Palva 2011). Our focus will be the hitherto under-studied the presence or absence of /n/ is the main difference. Only Southern ygūl of the North-West Arabian type (Palva 2011). Our focus will be the hither Northern ygūlūn type with a special focus on the Misāʿīd dialect which ex mari features such as the apophonic passive (yiḏkar 'it is remembered') */ǧ/ (d y ibal 'moutain'), but also šāwi-like traits such as the [q] < /ġ/ (qēr ' surprisingly, features that are reminiscent of North-West Arabian such a cation of *ʾinC1aC2aC3a… into ʾinC1C2vĆ3a (ʾin ǝ ḥkúmat 'it was ruled'). C major taxonomies have to be combined to represent the overall picture Additionally, sociolinguistic developments which have affected the class dialects, such as dialect contact and koineization, need to be incorporate The data on which this paper draws were collected amongst memb tribe in 2019 in the municipality of Umm al-Ǧimāl in Northern Jordan, tw East of Mafraq. With the help of Youssef Al-Sirour, a permanent resident and an immediate member of the community under investigation, we v lies and recorded two casual conversations. Because of the limited natu the present discussion should be considered provisional until more data will first sum up Cantineau's classification followed by those put forwa and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essential amen classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect, followed ple taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the classificatio dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight some metho regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommodation.

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification of the Bed Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction relates to profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau called " ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads'). The fo tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, and the tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartite separa divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the letters A, B group designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. The B-grou rearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to t tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Can about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm regio northern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far north and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Palm Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and [ʣ /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: ćalbati kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized [g j ], [d j ] 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising except /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). Ety thongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distance elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] an and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, u insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and a nant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforementioned C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2aC resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa s active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it als the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another impo introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these terms meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a particu Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties. T ahr → Languages 2021, 6, x FOR PEER REVIEW the presence or absence of /n/ is the main difference. Only South of the North-West Arabian type (Palva 2011). Our focus will be th Northern ygūlūn type with a special focus on the Misāʿīd dialect mari features such as the apophonic passive (yiḏkar 'it is remem */ǧ/ (d y ibal 'moutain'), but also šāwi-like traits such as the [q] < surprisingly, features that are reminiscent of North-West Arabi cation of *ʾinC1aC2aC3a… into ʾinC1C2vĆ3a (ʾin ǝ ḥkúmat 'it was r major taxonomies have to be combined to represent the overall Additionally, sociolinguistic developments which have affected dialects, such as dialect contact and koineization, need to be inc The data on which this paper draws were collected among tribe in 2019 in the municipality of Umm al-Ǧimāl in Northern J East of Mafraq. With the help of Youssef Al-Sirour, a permanent and an immediate member of the community under investigati lies and recorded two casual conversations. Because of the limi the present discussion should be considered provisional until m will first sum up Cantineau's classification followed by those p and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essent classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect ple taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the cla dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight som regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommoda

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification o Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction r profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartit divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the let group designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. Th rearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group re tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More margina about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Ga northern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qar Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowel kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< l thongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the d elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syn insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or / nant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforem C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, * resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which c the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Ano introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While the meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic var ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C 1 aC 2 aC 3 v sequences are resyllabified into C 1 C 2v C 3 v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa syndrome is also active in the passive participle template *maC 1 C 2ū C 3 , in which case it also combines with the resyllabification rule: mah . t .ū t . → mah . at .ū t . → mh . at .ū t . 'put'. Another important distinction introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these terms refer to a type of meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a particular syllabic type. Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties. Trochaic varieties have the tendency to favour sequences of Cv/Cv syllables. CvC syllables are tolerated in final position or if followed by Cv or a final CvC/CvC: ih . ás . adan Languages 2022, 7, 1 3 of 10 'they (f.) harvest', yākalan 'they (f.) eat', rāsa-na 'our head', nāgat-i 'my she-camel'. Atrochaic dialects do not restrict sequences of CvC syllables: ih . ás . dan 'they (f.) harvest', yāklan~yāčlan 'they (f.) eat' rās-na 'our head', nāgt-i 'my she-camel'. The A group is strongly trochaic.
As far as morphology is concerned, these dialects feature the nominal suffix -n commonly called 'nunation' in Semitic studies, which essentially marks nouns denoting indefinite specific referents when they are complex NPs consisting of a nominal head and a modifier (Holes 2004). Another salient feature is the pronominal indexes which feature a final /n/ in the prefix conjugation: t(v)gūlīn 'you (f.) say', t(v)gūlūn 'you (m.pl.) say' and y(v)gūlūn 'they (m.pl.) say'. As far as bound pronouns are concerned, a noticeable trait is the allomorph -ah of the 3.f.sg. after a final weak root consonant: " aly-ah 'on her' and abw-ah 'her father'. The 2.m.sg. and 2.f.sg. in those dialects surface as -k and -ć after words ending in a short vowel: farás-k 'your (m.) horse'. The 2.m.pl. and 2.f.pl. forms are -kam and -kin and the 3.m.pl and 3.f.pl. are -ham and -hin. Specific independent forms of free pronouns include 1.sg.āna and 1.pl. h . inna. Another salient feature is the forms of the verbs axad 'he took' and akal 'he ate', instead of kala, xad a.
As far as group B (šammari) is concerned, much of the phonology and morphology is shared with group A. Differences arise in the following features. As noted by Cantineau (1937, p. 130), "l'imāla de la terminaison féminine est nette et forte, a un tel point qu'elle semble résister au tafxīm d'une consonne précédente": gargūre 'she-lamb', nāge 'she-camel'. These dialects are also characterised by the lenition of the feminine plural ending -āt in pause in which case it reduces to -ā i : xams ∂bs . alā i 'five onions'. Concerning bound pronouns, šammari dialects exhibit -ak and -ić in the 2.m.sg. and 2.f.sg. with any vowel syncope. In addition to this, the 1.sg. allomorph -an surfaces in all positions: classifications. We then present the salient feat ple taken from the recordings. The last part dialect in the light of previous literature. We regarding data collection, levelling, and short-

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensi Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The profile of the Bedouins located in this area, ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomade tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, tribes which were mostly active in sheep rea divided into three broad groups to which he group designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza rearers from the Sămmar confederation, where tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'stepp about three smaller subgroups, the variety of northern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of aland finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syria Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) incl /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicin kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae] thongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongis elements is reduced, yielding, respectively an and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the soinsertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ nant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'pie active in the passive participle template *maC the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atroc meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic fr rub-an 'he hit me' (< and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essential amendments to these classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect, followed by a small sample taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the classification of the present dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight some methodological issues regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommodation.

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification of the Bedouin dialects of Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction relates to the occupational profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau called "grands nomades" ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads'). The former designates tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, and the latter designates tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartite separation was further divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the letters A, B, and C. The Agroup designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. The B-group refers to camelrearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to the sheep-rearing tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Cantineau also talks about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm region in the centralnorthern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far north of Saudi Arabia, and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Palmyra and Suxne.
Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and [ʣ] of etymological /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: ćalbati 'my she-dog' (< kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized [g j ], [d j ], and [ʤ]: did y ād y a 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising except in the vicinity of /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). Etymological diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distance between the two elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] and [ɛ j ]: ǧowz 'nut' and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, understood as the insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and a following consonant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforementioned consonants and C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2aC3v sequences are resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa syndrome is also active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it also combines with the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another important distinction introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these terms refer to a type of meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a particular syllabic type. Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties. Trochaic varieties arab-an → and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essential amendments to these classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect, followed by a small sample taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the classification of the present dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight some methodological issues regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommodation.

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification of the Bedouin dialects of Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction relates to the occupational profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau called "grands nomades" ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads'). The former designates tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, and the latter designates tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartite separation was further divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the letters A, B, and C. The Agroup designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. The B-group refers to camelrearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to the sheep-rearing tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Cantineau also talks about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm region in the centralnorthern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far north of Saudi Arabia, and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Palmyra and Suxne.
Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and [ʣ] of etymological /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: ćalbati 'my she-dog' (< kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized [g j ], [d j ], and [ʤ]: did y ād y a 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising except in the vicinity of /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). Etymological diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distance between the two elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] and [ɛ j ]: ǧowz 'nut' and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, understood as the insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and a following consonant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforementioned consonants and C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2aC3v sequences are resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa syndrome is also active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it also combines with the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another important distinction introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these terms refer to a type of meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a particular syllabic type. Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties. Trochaic varieties aráb-an → and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essential amendments to these classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect, followed by a small sample taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the classification of the present dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight some methodological issues regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommodation.

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification of the Bedouin dialects of Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction relates to the occupational profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau called "grands nomades" ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads'). The former designates tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, and the latter designates tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartite separation was further divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the letters A, B, and C. The Agroup designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. The B-group refers to camelrearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to the sheep-rearing tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Cantineau also talks about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm region in the centralnorthern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far north of Saudi Arabia, and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Palmyra and Suxne.
Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and [ʣ] of etymological /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: , and [ʤ]: did y ād y a 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising except in the vicinity of /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). Etymological diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distance between the two elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] and [ɛ j ]: ǧowz 'nut' and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, understood as the insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and a following consonant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforementioned consonants and C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2aC3v sequences are resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa syndrome is also active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it also combines with the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another important distinction introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these terms refer to a type of meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a particular syllabic type. Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties. Trochaic varieties rub-an). Cantineau also notes the allomorph -(w)o after final long -ā:ġadā-o 'his lunch'. Our data suggest that this allomorph is selected after any long vowel, whether plain or monophthongised.
Group C dialects, also known as šāwi dialects, are spoken by the sheep-rearing tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe' and its fringes. Distinct features include the affricates [Ù] and [Ã] as reflexes of /k/ and /g/ in front vowel environments. The reflex of etymological /ǧ/ is always the affricate [Ã]. A slight raising towards [ae] of final -a and -ā is heard in non-back and non-velarised contexts: šinīnä 'butter milk', ih . nä 'we'. In terms of phonotactics, *maC 1 C 2ū C 3 stems are not susceptible to the gahawa syndrome and hence, there is no resyllabification. Šāwi dialects are also atrochaic, in that sequences of CvC syllables are not restricted: yihárban 'they (f.) escape', yāklan 'they (f.) eat'. Specific morphological forms are 1.sg.āni 'I' and ih . nä 'we' for free pronouns and the pairs -kum/-č∂n and -hum/-h∂n. Cleveland (1963) is an attempt to classify the dialects spoken in Jordan and Palestine, both sedentary and Bedouin. Cleveland coined new terms using the 3rd person singular of the verb qāl 'he said' in the imperfective in order to designate the different dialectal groups. His first cluster, which he calls yigūl, refers to all the Bedouin varieties which lack the bprefix of the imperfective. The second group he distinguishes is bigūl, by which he refers to the sedentary populations of Jordan, including some locations on the west bank of the Jordan river. His third group is the bikūl type, which is characteristic of the sedentary rural populations of central Palestine. Lastly, the bi "¯u l group incorporates the sedentary urban populations of Palestine, including those which settled more recently in Jordan. Cleveland does not mention a biqūl group which would include the Druze dialect of Azraq, Northern Jordan. This dialect is as yet undocumented but research in this community is ongoing and the findings will be published in due course. 1 As we will see below, Cleveland's classification does not capture important differences found amongst the Bedouins. It also fails to capture the divergences amongst the indigenous sedentary dialects of Jordan, which, although all belong to the bigūl group, exhibit a sharp division between a southern mu "¯a bi type and a northern-central balgāwi-h .ō rāni type. Palva (1984) delves deeper into Cleveland's classification using a larger pool of variables. Palva mentions the urban Palestinian dialects, which correspond to Cleveland's bi "¯u l. As far as rural dialects are concerned, he distinguishes between Galilean dialects (biqūl), central Palestinian dialects (bik .ū l), south Palestinian dialects (bigūl), north and central Transjordanian dialects (bigūl), and south Transjordanian dialects (bigūl). His classification of the Bedouin dialects includes those of the Negev Bedouins (bigūl), the dialects of southern Jordan (yigūl), the dialects of the Syro-Mesopotamian sheep-rearing tribes (yigūl), and lastly the dialects of the North Arabian Bedouins (yigūl). Palva's classification distinguishes well between all the subgroups of the sedentary types but lumps together sub-divisions within the Bedouin type that ought to be differentiated. In the dialects of the Syro-Mesopotamian sheep-rearing tribes, no distinction is made between the dialects of the Jordan valley and the šāwi type. As regards the dialects of the North Arabian Bedouins, no further distinction is made between Cantineau's A and B groups.

Younes' Subgrouping of Ca
So far, only tribes which had šāwi type dialects had been located and for some of them investigated, thus belonging to Cantineau's C group. These are for example the N " em, Lhēb, and Bani " Azz who, in Lebanon, are mainly located in the Northern and Eastern parts of the country. The dialects spoken by these tribes are all unmistakably of the šāwi type, exhibiting features such as the /č/ and /ǧ/ reflex of etymological /k/ and /g/, a first or second degree raising of final -a and -ā to [ae] or [E], atrochaism, absence of the gahawa syndrome on the *maC 1 C 2ū C 3 template, the pseudo-verb w∂dd 'want', and the lexeme ∂t ∂m for 'mouth'. In recent fieldwork carried out in the central part of the Bekaa valley by one of the authors of the present study, two new Bedouin tribes were investigated: the Abu " Id and the " Idīn. Their presence in that part of the country had been, until then, unnoticed. Indeed, the presence of H . sina clans, who are a big sub-section of the " Niza confederation and to whom the Abu " Id and the " Idīn are connected, was already attested in Syria. The H . sina are to the " Niza what the T . ayy are to the Šammar in that they are the first clans who migrated northwards into the Syro-Mesopotamian steppe around a millennium ago. This resulted in a prolonged contact with Bedouin tribes who had migrated earlier into the area such as the Muwāli, H . adīdīn, and N " em-who had dominated the Syro-Mesopotamian steppe. The linguistic outcome of this prolonged contact was convergence towards the šāwi type. After investigation, it turned out that the dialect of the Abu " Id and the " Idīn exhibited a similar profile, with core šāwi features alongside with " nizi features. For instance, these dialects exhibit no raising of -a and -ā, gahawa active in the *maC 1 C 2ū C 3 template, the verb yibi 'he wants', and a more pervasive use of nunation. This state of affairs led us to coin a new term for this type of configuration, using Cantineau's terminology. Consequently, it seemed opportune to use the combination of Ca letters to designate this type of dialects: upper case C for the šāwi component and lower case a for the " nizi component. Cantineau (1937) already used such a combination of letters for the varieties spoken in the Gas .ī m area in modern-day Saudi Arabia that combine predominantly šammari features alongside with " nizi features: Ba.

Herin's ygūlu vs. ygūlūn
As noted in Herin (2020), one of the shortcomings of Cleveland's yigūl type is that it lumps together three sub-types within the Bedouin dialects of Jordan: the dialects of the Jordan valley Bedouins such as the " Aǧārma, " Adwān, and " Abābīd, the dialects of Bedouins of northern Jordan such as the Bani S . axar, Sardiyye, Sirh .ā n,Āl " Isa, and Misā " ıd, and finally the Bedouin varieties of Southern Jordan such as the H . wēt .ā t, Bdūl and Zawāyda. The Jordan valley type differs from Cantineau's C group in that they lack the final /n/ in the imperfective endings -īn and -ūn, also found in the dialects of the Bedouins of northern Jordan. It appears that it would be more conclusive to use the 3.m.pl. inflexion of the Languages 2022, 7, 1 5 of 10 imperfective of the verb gāl to capture some of these differences. The following general classification would arise: (I) Sedentary bigūlu, (II) Southern Nomadic ygūlu, (III) Central Nomadic ygūlu, and (IV) Northern Nomadic ygūlūn.

Features of the Misā
" ıd Dialect In 2019, Bruno Herin, Enam Al-Wer, and Youssef Al-Sirour began fieldwork amongst the Misā " ıd tribe in Umm al-Ǧimāl, Northern Jordan. The fieldwork was facilitated by Yūsif, who is a member of the tribe, as noted above. In this exploratory phase of the research, we recorded two forty-minute sessions consisting of casual conversations and narratives. These recordings were subsequently transcribed and analysed. In the remainder of this article, we present our analysis of the salient features of this dialect based on these recordings.

Phonology
The phonetics of the feminine ending was mostly recorded as the unraised reflex [a]: šidīda 'severe, extreme', šāša 'piece of fabric/muslin', mayya 'water', wah . da 'one (f.)'. A first degree raising was recorded in sāknä 'dwelling (f.)', " ašīrä 'clan', " ut māniyyä 'Ottoman', lahd y ä 'speech, accent'. A second degree raising was also recorded in a handful of items such as zġīre 'small' and ktīre 'much (f.)', and also after an emphatic sound as in mih . mās . e 'coffee bean roasting pan'. The unraised reflex [a] is typical of " nizi type (in the Syro-Mesopotamian steppes) whereas the first-degree reflex is equally found in the šāwi varieties as in the " nizi dialects, although it is contextually conditioned (e.g., in front contexts). The second-degree raising found in some items most likely represents short-term accommodation, induced by the presence of speakers of other Jordanian dialects. 2 It may also be indicative of the course of future developments in the dialect, viz. convergence to koineised Jordanian varieties, especially since the younger members of the tribe have frequent face-to-face contact with speakers of other Jordanian dialects through formal education and in the workplace. The raising heard in mih . mās . e after a velarized consonant on the other hand, is typical of the šammari type. Despite some degree of variation in the realization of the feminine ending in our data, the distribution found amongst the informants overall is consistent with the " nizi type.
As far as the affrication of etymological /k/ and /g/ is concerned, the recorded reflexes all pattern respectively with the šawi type /č/ and /Ǧ/: hīč 'so',čimä 'desert truffle', citīr 'much'. Only one instance of /ǧ/ < /g/ was recorded in t .īǧ 'endure'. Other items which were expected to be realised with /Ǧ/ were recorded with /g/: šarg 'east', giddām 'in front'. This, in all likelihood, is a short-term accommodation phenomenon induced by the presence of speakers of standard Jordanian. The same observation can be made about non-affricated reflexes of /k/ in items such as kān 'he was', kitīr 'much' (also recorded with /č/, see above), and kibīr 'big' all of which are normally affricated in the vernacular.
Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in d y ibal 'mountain', d y aw 'they (m.) came', and id yī ban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ was also recorded: yiǧūn 'they (m.) come', gawwa 'inside',ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is common in groups A and B whereas the affricate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The indigenous reflex is undoubtedly /d y /. Although a short-term accommodation effect cannot be ruled out, the presence of /ǧ/ could also be due to earlier change within the dialect, as noted by Cantineau in some camel-breeder varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpected feature that was occasionally recorded is the qalqala, understood to be the uvular realisation of etymological /ġ/: qēr 'other' (<ġēr), qāli 'expensive' (<ġāli), muqsil 'washing area' (<maġsil). To the best of our knowledge, this phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopotamian šāwi dialects.
Final /t/ in the plural feminine ending -āt interestingly drops in pause:ġuza Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in d y ibal 'mountain', d id y īban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ was also recorded ǧawwa 'inside', ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is common in groups A cate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The indigenous reflex is un a short-term accommodation effect cannot be ruled out, the pre due to earlier change within the dialect, as noted by Cantinea varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpected feature that was the qalqala, understood to be the uvular realisation of etymolog qāli 'expensive' (< ġāli), muqsil 'washing area' (< maġsil). To the b phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopotamian šāwi dialects.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to Examples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabifica naḥáṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presenc in *taC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, which would suggest spect with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly conf As expected, the article receives primary stress as is norm Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, on the type C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the type C1vC2v(C3) ca definite article. Attested instances in our data are: ʾál-muṭar 'the ʾál-ʿarab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpected stressed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ-ṣaḥra 'the desert'. F confirm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in and also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is in the plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "points" which also s vowel elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in N 2011)

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both th in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gṭaʿam kassaram 'and there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) -aw allomorph was recorded in the following: ḥǝmaw baʿaḏ ̣ -ham tikāṯ araw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples sugg phones are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some dle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded wit out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axaḏ behave sim the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike ʿnizi-type diale axaḏt 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to be present in the dialect. ples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabification náḥṣid → náḥaṣid → ṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presence of the gahawa syndrome aC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, which would suggest that it patterns in this ret with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly confirm this observation. As expected, the article receives primary stress as is normally the case in all of the uin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, only monosyllabic words of ype C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the type C1vC2v(C3) can trigger the stress of the ite article. Attested instances in our data are: ʾál-muṭar 'the rain', ʾán-nifal 'the clover', rab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpectedly, we also encountered a sed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ-ṣaḥra 'the desert'. Further data are needed to irm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in other words of this type also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, would be a novelty. An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is the second syllable stress e plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "points" which also surfaced as ngaṭ after high el elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in North-West Arabian (Palva ) hology In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both the allomorphs -aw and -am e 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gṭaʿam kassaram min-ʿind giddām al-ǧamal there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) in front of the camel'. The llomorph was recorded in the following: ḥǝmaw baʿaḏ ̣ -ham ʿāšaw u-tikāṯ araw u-lamma raw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and multiplied and when they iplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples suggest that -aw and -am alloes are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some šāwi tribes along the Miduphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively in pause. Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded with /a/ vowel: yaṭlaʿ 'he goes takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This is a typical camel-rearing not found in the šāwi dialects. Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axaḏ behave similarly to what is found in , Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike ʿnizi-type dialects which have akalt and t 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'. 'things', R rearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to the sheep-rearing tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Cantineau also talks about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm region in the centralnorthern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far north of Saudi Arabia, and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Palmyra and Suxne.
Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and [ʣ] of etymological /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: ćalbati 'my she-dog' (< kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized [g j ], [d j ], and [ʤ]: did y ād y a 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising except in the vicinity of /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). Etymological diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distance between the two elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] and [ɛ j ]: ǧowz 'nut' and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, understood as the insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and a following consonant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforementioned consonants and C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2aC3v sequences are resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa syndrome is also active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it also combines with the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another important distinction introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these terms refer to a type of meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a particular syllabic type. Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties. Trochaic varieties a " iyya Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in d y ibal 'mountain', d y aw 'they (m.) came', and id y īban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ was also recorded: yiǧūn 'they (m.) come', ǧawwa 'inside', ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is common in groups A and B whereas the affricate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The indigenous reflex is undoubtedly /d y /. Although a short-term accommodation effect cannot be ruled out, the presence of /ǧ/ could also be due to earlier change within the dialect, as noted by Cantineau in some camel-breeder varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpected feature that was occasionally recorded is the qalqala, understood to be the uvular realisation of etymological /ġ/: qēr 'other' (< ġēr), qāli 'expensive' (< ġāli), muqsil 'washing area' (< maġsil). To the best of our knowledge, this phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopotamian šāwi dialects.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to be present in the dialect. Examples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabification náḥṣid → náḥaṣid → naḥáṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presence of the gahawa syndrome in *taC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, which would suggest that it patterns in this respect with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly confirm this observation.
As expected, the article receives primary stress as is normally the case in all of the Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, only monosyllabic words of the type C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the type C1vC2v(C3) can trigger the stress of the definite article. Attested instances in our data are: ʾál-muṭar 'the rain', ʾán-nifal 'the clover', ʾál-ʿarab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpectedly, we also encountered a stressed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ-ṣaḥra 'the desert'. Further data are needed to confirm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in other words of this type and also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, would be a novelty.
An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is the second syllable stress in the plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "points" which also surfaced as ngaṭ after high vowel elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in North-West Arabian (Palva 2011)

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both the allomorphs -aw and -am in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gṭaʿam kassaram min-ʿind giddām al-ǧamal 'and there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) in front of the camel'. The -aw allomorph was recorded in the following: ḥǝmaw baʿaḏ ̣ -ham ʿāšaw u-tikāṯ araw u-lamma tikāṯ araw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and multiplied and when they multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples suggest that -aw and -am allophones are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some šāwi tribes along the Middle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively in pause.
Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded with /a/ vowel: yaṭlaʿ 'he goes out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This is a typical camel-rearing trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axaḏ behave similarly to what is found in the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike ʿnizi-type dialects which have akalt and axaḏt 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
(toponym), h . alāla Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in d y ibal 'mountain', d y aw 'they (m.) came', and id y īban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ was also recorded: yiǧūn 'they (m.) come', ǧawwa 'inside', ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is common in groups A and B whereas the affricate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The indigenous reflex is undoubtedly /d y /. Although a short-term accommodation effect cannot be ruled out, the presence of /ǧ/ could also be due to earlier change within the dialect, as noted by Cantineau in some camel-breeder varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpected feature that was occasionally recorded is the qalqala, understood to be the uvular realisation of etymological /ġ/: qēr 'other' (< ġēr), qāli 'expensive' (< ġāli), muqsil 'washing area' (< maġsil). To the best of our knowledge, this phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopotamian šāwi dialects.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to be present in the dialect. Examples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabification náḥṣid → náḥaṣid → naḥáṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presence of the gahawa syndrome in *taC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, which would suggest that it patterns in this respect with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly confirm this observation.
As expected, the article receives primary stress as is normally the case in all of the Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, only monosyllabic words of the type C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the type C1vC2v(C3) can trigger the stress of the definite article. Attested instances in our data are: ʾál-muṭar 'the rain', ʾán-nifal 'the clover', ʾál-ʿarab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpectedly, we also encountered a stressed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ-ṣaḥra 'the desert'. Further data are needed to confirm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in other words of this type and also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, would be a novelty.
An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is the second syllable stress in the plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "points" which also surfaced as ngaṭ after high vowel elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in North-West Arabian (Palva 2011)

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both the allomorphs -aw and -am in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gṭaʿam kassaram min-ʿind giddām al-ǧamal 'and there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) in front of the camel'. The -aw allomorph was recorded in the following: ḥǝmaw baʿaḏ ̣ -ham ʿāšaw u-tikāṯ araw u-lamma tikāṯ araw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and multiplied and when they multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples suggest that -aw and -am allophones are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some šāwi tribes along the Middle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively in pause.
Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded with /a/ vowel: yaṭlaʿ 'he goes out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This is a typical camel-rearing trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axaḏ behave similarly to what is found in the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike ʿnizi-type dialects which have akalt and axaḏt 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
'livestock heads'. This feature, as mentioned above, was already noted as commonly occurring in the B and Bc dialects.
The laryngeal stop / " / was recorded once as pharyngeal / " / in sa " alt 'I asked', which is a salient feature of North-West Arabian. In addition to this, / " / is often glottalised in pause: hassā " # [hassa: Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in d y ibal 'mountain', d y aw 'they (m.) came', and id y īban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ was also recorded: yiǧūn 'they (m.) come', ǧawwa 'inside', ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is common in groups A and B whereas the affricate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The indigenous reflex is undoubtedly /d y /. Although a short-term accommodation effect cannot be ruled out, the presence of /ǧ/ could also be due to earlier change within the dialect, as noted by Cantineau in some camel-breeder varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpected feature that was occasionally recorded is the qalqala, understood to be the uvular realisation of etymological /ġ/: qēr 'other' (< ġēr), qāli 'expensive' (< ġāli), muqsil 'washing area' (< maġsil). To the best of our knowledge, this phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopotamian šāwi dialects.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to be present in the dialect. Examples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabification náḥṣid → náḥaṣid → naḥáṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presence of the gahawa syndrome in *taC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, which would suggest that it patterns in this respect with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly confirm this observation.
As expected, the article receives primary stress as is normally the case in all of the Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, only monosyllabic words of the type C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the type C1vC2v(C3) can trigger the stress of the definite article. Attested instances in our data are: ʾál-muṭar 'the rain', ʾán-nifal 'the clover', ʾál-ʿarab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpectedly, we also encountered a stressed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ-ṣaḥra 'the desert'. Further data are needed to confirm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in other words of this type and also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, would be a novelty.
An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is the second syllable stress in the plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "points" which also surfaced as ngaṭ after high vowel elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in North-West Arabian (Palva 2011)

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both the allomorphs -aw and -am in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gṭaʿam kassaram min-ʿind giddām al-ǧamal 'and there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) in front of the camel'. The -aw allomorph was recorded in the following: ḥǝmaw baʿaḏ ̣ -ham ʿāšaw u-tikāṯ araw u-lamma tikāṯ araw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and multiplied and when they multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples suggest that -aw and -am allophones are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some šāwi tribes along the Middle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively in pause.
Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded with /a/ vowel: yaṭlaʿ 'he goes out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This is a typical camel-rearing trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axaḏ behave similarly to what is found in the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike ʿnizi-type dialects which have akalt and axaḏt 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
] 'now', māni " # [ma:ni Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in d y ibal 'mountain', d y aw id y īban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ was also recorded: yiǧ ǧawwa 'inside', ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is common in groups A an cate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The indigenous reflex is undou a short-term accommodation effect cannot be ruled out, the presen due to earlier change within the dialect, as noted by Cantineau in varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpected feature that was oc the qalqala, understood to be the uvular realisation of etymological qāli 'expensive' (< ġāli), muqsil 'washing area' (< maġsil). To the best o phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopotamian šāwi dialects.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to be Examples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabification naḥáṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presence of in *taC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, which would suggest tha spect with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly confirm As expected, the article receives primary stress as is normally Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, only m the type C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the type C1vC2v(C3) can tr definite article. Attested instances in our data are: ʾál-muṭar 'the rain ʾál-ʿarab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpectedly, w stressed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ-ṣaḥra 'the desert'. Furth confirm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in oth and also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, wou An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is the in the plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "points" which also surfa vowel elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in North 2011)

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both the all in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gṭaʿam kassaram mi 'and there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) in fr -aw allomorph was recorded in the following: ḥǝmaw baʿaḏ ̣ -ham ʿāša tikāṯ araw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and mul multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples suggest t phones are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some šāwi dle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively in p Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded with /a/ out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This is a trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axaḏ behave similarl the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike ʿnizi-type dialects axaḏt 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
] 'hindrance', bē " # [be: Etymological /ǧ/ was recorded /d y / in id y īban 'they (f.) brought'. The affricate /Ǧ/ ǧawwa 'inside', ǧild 'skin'. The /d y / reflex is c cate /ǧ/ is a hallmark of the šāwi type. The ind a short-term accommodation effect cannot b due to earlier change within the dialect, as varieties.
An interesting and somehow unexpec the qalqala, understood to be the uvular rea qāli 'expensive' (< ġāli), muqsil 'washing area phenomenon is a hallmark of the Mesopota Final /t/ in the plural feminine ending -šaġlā# 'things', Rḏ ̣ aʿiyyā# (toponym), ḥalā tioned above, was already noted as common The laryngeal stop /ʾ/ was recorded onc a salient feature of North-West Arabian. In a hassāʿ# [hassaːʕ ʔ ] 'now', māniʿ# [maːniʕ ʔ ] 'hi Expectedly, *C1aC2aC3v sequences are r 'they settled', Šrufāt (tribal patronym < Šar resyllabification in derived templates such ruled' (inḥakamat → inḥkamat → inḥkúmat → As far as the gahawa syndrome is conc Examples are nḥáṣid 'we harvest' (here com naḥáṣid → nḥáṣid), baʿad 'after'. Our data do n in *taC1C2īC3 and *maC1C2ūC3 templates, w spect with the šāwi type. Further data are ne As expected, the article receives prima Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of the type C1v̄C3 and disyllabic words of the definite article. Attested instances in our dat ʾál-ʿarab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this an stressed article with a C1vC2C3v word in ʾáṣ confirm whether stress assignment on the a and also possibly in other templates, which, An unexpected stress-related feature w in the plurals of C1vC2vC3 type as in nigáṭ "p vowel elision in unstressed position. This is 2011)

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it a in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: wi 'and there they had cut and broken into piec -aw allomorph was recorded in the followin tikāṯ araw, d y aw ǝ ṯ bitaw hānä 'they protected ea multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 Th phones are not in complementary distributi dle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs Person prefixes in the imperfective wer out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal a the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', un axaḏt 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
As far as the gahawa syndrome is concerned, it appears to be present in the dialect. Examples are nh . ás . id 'we harvest' (here combined resyllabification náh . s . id → náh . as . id → nah . ás . id → nh . ás . id), ba " ad 'after'. Our data do not attest the presence of the gahawa syndrome in *taC 1 C 2ī C 3 and *maC 1 C 2ū C 3 templates, which would suggest that it patterns in this respect with the šāwi type. Further data are needed to firmly confirm this observation.
As expected, the article receives primary stress as is normally the case in all of the Bedouin varieties of the area. To the best of our knowledge, only monosyllabic words of the type C 1v C 3 and disyllabic words of the type C 1 vC 2 v(C 3 ) can trigger the stress of the definite article. Attested instances in our data are: " ál-mut . ar 'the rain', " án-nifal 'the clover', " ál-" arab 'the Bedouins'. In addition to this and quite unexpectedly, we also encountered a stressed article with a C 1 vC 2 C 3 v word in " ás . -s . ah . ra 'the desert'. Further data are needed to confirm whether stress assignment on the article is licenced in other words of this type and also possibly in other templates, which, as far as we know, would be a novelty.
An unexpected stress-related feature we found in the data is the second syllable stress in the plurals of C 1 vC 2 vC 3 type as in nigát . "points" which also surfaced as ngat . after high vowel elision in unstressed position. This is a feature found in North-West Arabian (Palva 2011).

Morphology
In the realm of verbal morphology, it appears that both the allomorphs -aw and -am in the 3.m.pl in the perfective are found: winn-o gt . a " am kassaram min-" ind giddām al-ǧamal 'and there they had cut and broken into pieces (the engravings) in front of the camel'. The -aw allomorph was recorded in the following: h . ∂maw ba " a Northern ygūlūn type with a special focus on the Misāʿīd dialect which e mari features such as the apophonic passive (yiḏkar 'it is remembered' */ǧ/ (d y ibal 'moutain'), but also šāwi-like traits such as the [q] < /ġ/ (qēr surprisingly, features that are reminiscent of North-West Arabian such cation of *ʾinC1aC2aC3a… into ʾinC1C2vĆ3a (ʾin ǝ ḥkúmat 'it was ruled'). major taxonomies have to be combined to represent the overall pictur Additionally, sociolinguistic developments which have affected the cla dialects, such as dialect contact and koineization, need to be incorporat The data on which this paper draws were collected amongst mem tribe in 2019 in the municipality of Umm al-Ǧimāl in Northern Jordan, East of Mafraq. With the help of Youssef Al-Sirour, a permanent reside and an immediate member of the community under investigation, we lies and recorded two casual conversations. Because of the limited na the present discussion should be considered provisional until more dat will first sum up Cantineau's classification followed by those put forw and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essential am classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect, follow ple taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the classificat dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight some met regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommodation.

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification of the B Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction relates t profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau called ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads'). The tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, and th tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartite sepa divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the letters A, group designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. The B-gro rearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Ca about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm reg northern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far nor and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Pa Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: ćalba kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized [g j ], [d 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising excep /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). E thongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distance elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] a and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and nant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforemention C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2a resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahawa active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it a the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another im introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these term meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a parti Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties.
-ham " ašaw u-tikāt araw u-lamma tikāt araw, d y aw ∂ t bitaw hānä 'they protected each other, lived and multiplied and when they multiplied they came and settled here'. 3 These examples suggest that -aw and -am allophones are not in complementary distribution, unlike in some šāwi tribes along the Middle-Euphrates where one of the allomorphs is used exclusively in pause.
Person prefixes in the imperfective were often recorded with /a/ vowel: yat . la " 'he goes out', takbar 'it gets bigger', yamši 'he walks', talga 'you find'. This is a typical camel-rearing trait not found in the šāwi dialects.
Initial glottal stop verbs such as akal and axad behave similarly to what is found in the B, Bc, and C groups: kalēt-o 'I ate it', unlike " nizi-type dialects which have akalt and axad t 'I ate/have eaten', 'I took/have taken'.
As far as derived forms are concerned, the causative Form IV template *aC 1 C 2 aC 3 -yiC 1 C 2 iC 3 is well attested in our data: n∂t . ∂l " -o w-un∂n∂f Languages 2021, 6, x FOR PEER REVIEW the presence or absence of /n/ is the main difference. Only Southern yg of the North-West Arabian type (Palva 2011). Our focus will be the hith Northern ygūlūn type with a special focus on the Misāʿīd dialect which mari features such as the apophonic passive (yiḏkar 'it is remembered */ǧ/ (d y ibal 'moutain'), but also šāwi-like traits such as the [q] < /ġ/ (qēr surprisingly, features that are reminiscent of North-West Arabian such cation of *ʾinC1aC2aC3a… into ʾinC1C2vĆ3a (ʾin ǝ ḥkúmat 'it was ruled'). major taxonomies have to be combined to represent the overall pictur Additionally, sociolinguistic developments which have affected the cla dialects, such as dialect contact and koineization, need to be incorpora The data on which this paper draws were collected amongst mem tribe in 2019 in the municipality of Umm al-Ǧimāl in Northern Jordan, East of Mafraq. With the help of Youssef Al-Sirour, a permanent reside and an immediate member of the community under investigation, we lies and recorded two casual conversations. Because of the limited na the present discussion should be considered provisional until more dat will first sum up Cantineau's classification followed by those put forw and Palva. Based on our own observations, we suggest essential am classifications. We then present the salient features of the dialect, follow ple taken from the recordings. The last part deals with the classifica dialect in the light of previous literature. We also highlight some met regarding data collection, levelling, and short-term accommodation.

Cantineau's Classification
The first scholar to draw a comprehensive classification of the B Northern Arabia is Cantineau (1936Cantineau ( , 1937. The first distinction relates profile of the Bedouins located in this area, whom Cantineau called ('great nomads') as opposed to "petits nomades" ('little nomads'). The tribes which mostly rely, at least historically, on camel rearing, and th tribes which were mostly active in sheep rearing. This bipartite sepa divided into three broad groups to which he attributed the letters A group designates camel-rearers from the ʿNiza confederation. The B-gro rearers from the Sămmar confederation, whereas the C-group refers to tribes of the Syro-Mesopotamian bādya 'steppe'. More marginally, Ca about three smaller subgroups, the variety of ar-Rass in the Gaṣīm reg northern part of Saudi Arabia, the dialect of al-Ǧōf located in the far nor and finally the dialects of the oasis of the Syrian desert of al-Qarītēn, Pa Some features of the A-group (ʿNiza) include the affricate [ʦ] and /k/ and /g/ (Standard Arabic /q/) in the vicinity of front vowels: ćalba kalbati), ǵiddam 'front' (< giddām). Etymological /ǧ/ can be realized [g j ], [ 'hen'(< daǧāǧa 'hen'). The feminine ending -a exhibits no raising excep /i/, /ī/, or /j/ in which case it raises towards [ae]: laḥyä 'beard' (< liḥya). E thongs /aw/ and /ay/ are not monophthongised although the distanc elements is reduced, yielding, respectively and approximately, [o w ] a and beyt 'tent'. An important feature is the so-called gahawa syndrome, insertion of an anaptytic /a/ vowel between /ġ/, /x/, /ḥ/, /h/, or /ʿ/ and nant of the type Ø → /a/ / aX_C in which X is one of the aforemention C is different from X: ḏ ̣ ahr → ḏ ̣ ahar 'back'. In addition to this, *C1aC2a resyllabified into C1C2vĆ3v: xšíba < xašaba 'piece of wood'. The gahaw active in the passive participle template *maC1C2ūC3, in which case it a the resyllabification rule: maḥṭūṭ → maḥaṭūṭ → mḥaṭūṭ 'put'. Another im introduced by Cantineau is trochaism vs. atrochaism. While these term meter in Classical Greek poetry, his use of this parameter entails a parti Accordingly, Cantineau separates trochaic from atrochaic varieties.
-o 'we take it out and dust it', yumt . ar 'it rains', yiws . il 'he brings'. The presence of this feature is not diagnostic of any sub-group but in the context of dialect contact and levelling, it is a noticeable feature. The imperfective of Form V *taC 1 aC 2 C 2 aC 3 was recorded as ytiC 1 aC 2 C 2 aC 3 as in ytidarrab Languages 2022, 7, 1 7 of 10 'he trains'. Given that šāwi dialects are known for having yiC 1 aC 2 C 2 aC 3 (yidarrab), the presence of this form is another indication of the camel-rearer background of the present dialect. This, in all likelihood, should also happen in form VI *taC 1ā C 2 aC 3 but our data lack instances of any verb of this type.
Another typical camel-rearer feature that is found in our data is what is referred to as the apophonic passive, known to be lost in the šāwi varieties. Only two instances were recorded: yid kar 'it is remembered' and timadd 'it is presented'. The template in the imperfective yiC 1 C 2 aC 3 in which the /i/ vowel contrasts with the /a/ vowel was noted above as a marker of the active forms. Further data are needed to assess the productivity of the apophonic passive in the modern-day form of the dialect.
The pronominal morphology of the dialect appears to be mixed. We recorded the first person free forms ana and ih . na, which are found in the C-šawi group. Inversely, the bound plural forms -kam and -ham were found, which are camel-rearer forms. In the feminine plural, only the third person -hin is recorded in the data, but no second person. The first person singular bound pronoun surfaced as -an after a consonant: wǦi " at-an 'it hurt me', tūd y a " -an 'it hurts me'. This -an form is typical of the B and Bc groups. In the same vein, we recorded the form -wo after long vowels, which are also found amongst the B and Bc groups: " alē-wo 'on him', ∂ nnxallī-wo 'we let him', šifnā-wo 'we saw him'. Moreover, an -ah allomorph in the 3rd person feminine singular was recorded after final /w/ and /y/ stems: " aly-ah 'on her', abw-ah 'her father', which patterns with both the A and B camel-rearer dialects. After consonants, initial consonant bound pronouns all have initial vowel allomorphs: bilād-a-na 'our country', kill-a-ham 'all of them'. This, of course, is reminiscent of the trochaic syllable type of the dialect and a distinctive feature of all the A and B camel-rearer varieties.

Dialect Sample
We present here a sample of the recordings to enable the reader to capture the nature of the dialect. Because much of the sessions consisted of group conversations in which turns were for the most part quick and uncontrolled, it was difficult to isolate long stretches of monologue. Another problem that quickly surfaced was the presence of several instances of mixed forms, which are due to dialect mixing and perhaps ongoing changes in the dialect itself. As explained earlier, the session involved participants with different dialect backgrounds, which as we quickly realised, prompted the informants to accommodate towards other Jordanian dialects. Nevertheless, the two short excerpts exhibit salient features that can be safely attributed to the local form of speech of the Misā " ıd tribe. Speaker 1: Bū S .ā lih . : As far as derived forms are concerned, the causative Form IV template *aC1C2aC3-yiC1C2iC3 is well attested in our data: nǝṭǝlʿ-o w-unǝnǝfḏ ̣ -o 'we take it out and dust it', yumṭar 'it rains', yiwṣil 'he brings'. The presence of this feature is not diagnostic of any sub-group but in the context of dialect contact and levelling, it is a noticeable feature. The imperfective of Form V *taC1aC2C2aC3 was recorded as ytiC1aC2C2aC3 as in ytidarrab 'he trains'. Given that šāwi dialects are known for having yiC1aC2C2aC3 (yidarrab), the presence of this form is another indication of the camel-rearer background of the present dialect. This, in all likelihood, should also happen in form VI *taC1āC2aC3 but our data lack instances of any verb of this type.
Another typical camel-rearer feature that is found in our data is what is referred to as the apophonic passive, known to be lost in the šāwi varieties. Only two instances were recorded: yiḏkar 'it is remembered' and timadd 'it is presented'. The template in the imperfective yiC1C2aC3 in which the /i/ vowel contrasts with the /a/ vowel was noted above as a marker of the active forms. Further data are needed to assess the productivity of the apophonic passive in the modern-day form of the dialect.
The pronominal morphology of the dialect appears to be mixed. We recorded the first person free forms ana and iḥna, which are found in the C-šawi group. Inversely, the bound plural forms -kam and -ham were found, which are camel-rearer forms. In the feminine plural, only the third person -hin is recorded in the data, but no second person. The first person singular bound pronoun surfaced as -an after a consonant: wǦiʿat-an 'it hurt me', tūd y aʿ-an 'it hurts me'. This -an form is typical of the B and Bc groups. In the same vein, we recorded the form -wo after long vowels, which are also found amongst the B and Bc groups: ʿalē-wo 'on him', ǝ nnxallī-wo 'we let him', šifnā-wo 'we saw him'. Moreover, an -ah allomorph in the 3rd person feminine singular was recorded after final /w/ and /y/ stems: ʿaly-ah 'on her', abw-ah 'her father', which patterns with both the A and B camelrearer dialects. After consonants, initial consonant bound pronouns all have initial vowel allomorphs: bilād-a-na 'our country', kill-a-ham 'all of them'. This, of course, is reminiscent of the trochaic syllable type of the dialect and a distinctive feature of all the A and B camelrearer varieties.

Dialect Sample
We present here a sample of the recordings to enable the reader to capture the nature of the dialect. Because much of the sessions consisted of group conversations in which turns were for the most part quick and uncontrolled, it was difficult to isolate long stretches of monologue. Another problem that quickly surfaced was the presence of several instances of mixed forms, which are due to dialect mixing and perhaps ongoing changes in the dialect itself. As explained earlier, the session involved participants with different dialect backgrounds, which as we quickly realised, prompted the informants to accommodate towards other Jordanian dialects. Nevertheless, the two short excerpts exhibit salient features that can be safely attributed to the local form of speech of the Misāʿīd tribe.
The Misāʿīd are the biggest tribe and the other tribes are our neighbors, the two other tribes… All these tribes live next to each other here in the region, they are neighbors. In the past, people used to raid each other, before the region was under control […] I think The Misā " ıd are the biggest tribe and the other tribes are our neighbors, the two other tribes . . . All these tribes live next to each other here in the region, they are neighbors. In the past, people used to raid each other, before the region was under control [ . . . ] I think in the days the Ottomans controlled this region, people used to protect themselves in a warlike manner. I mean they used to raid each other and these . . . It depends on the strength of the tribe which is facing them [ . . . ] I don't remember well, I am maybe older than seventy, it comes from what I have heard before from the elders. They said that the Misā " ıd never took, those who emerge during raids, they get out of the raid they emerge, always victorious God bless.
Speaker 2: Umm S .ā lih . : Data Availability Statement: Restrictions apply to the availability of these data. Data was obtained from the speakers and are available from the authors upon request and permission of the participants.

Conflicts of Interest:
The authors declare no conflict of interest.

1
The research in Azraq is led by Bruno Herin and Enam Al-Wer and involves several local field researchers. The Druze of Jordan originally migrated from Swēda and the villages surrounding it in Syria.

2
The interview sessions were primarily led by Youssef Al-Sirour who is a native speaker of the dialect under investigation. Also present were Enam Al-Wer, Bruno Herin, and Dina Oweidat, all of whom are speakers of urban central Jordanian dialects.