A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Plant Resources among Five Ethnic Groups in the Western Himalayan Region of Jammu and Kashmir

Simple Summary For generations, local ethnic communities have amassed a vast body of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) on the use of plant resources. Ethnobiologists have recently focused on cross-cultural studies in order to record and measure the processes guiding the evolution of TEK within a specific society; both to preserve it and use it sustainably in the future. The current study documents the TEK of plant resources from five ethnic communities of the Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) region, Western Himalayas. Through semi-structured interviews and group discussions, we recorded a total of 127 plant species used by local ethnic groups for various provisioning services (i.e., medicine, food, fodder, fuelwood, herbal tea) and/or with spiritual significance. Across the ethnic groups, Gujjar reported the highest number of plants (25% species), followed by Pahari (24% species), and the lowest number of plants were reported by Dogra (12% species). Looking at plant uses among different cultural groups, we discovered that, especially, some ritual practices were associated with specific plants. We found a relatively high overlap in the use of specific plants among the ethnic groups, namely Gujjar, Bakarwal, and Pahari. Certain species were found to be common in all cultures due to their food value. The current study is a collaborative effort that includes not only documenting, but also cross-cultural comparisons of the documented species, in order to better understand the diverse traditional plant usage systems. This will not only increase regional understanding of cross-cultural ethnobotany, but it will also open opportunities for local people to be rewarded for promoting and celebrating their expertise and participating in future development activities. Abstract Plant resources have always been valuable in human life, and many plant species are used in medicine, food, and ritual, and resource utilization is closely related to cultural diversity. Our study was conducted from June 2019 to April 2021, during which we aimed to document the local knowledge of plant resources of five ethnic groups, i.e., the Gujjar, Bakarwal, Kashmiri, Pahari, and Dogra communities of the Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) region, Western Himalayas. Through semi-structured interviews (N = 342) and group discussions (N = 38), we collected data on the ethnobotanical uses of plant resources. The data was subjected to hierarchical cluster analysis and ordination techniques (Principal Component Analysis) via, R software of version 4.0.0. Traditional uses were classified into three groups, i.e., single-, double-, and multi-use groups. The study recorded a total of 127 plant species, belonging to 113 genera and distributed among 64 botanical families. The dominant plant families were the Asteraceae, with 8% of all species, followed by Lamiaceae (6%), Polygonaceae (5%) and Ranunculaceae (4%). The recorded plant taxa were frequently used for medicine (51.4% responses), followed by food (14.9%), and fodder (9.5%). Principal component analysis (PCA) separated three groups of provisioning services depending on plant consumption preference levels. Comparative analysis showed remarkable similarities in plant uses (food, medicinal) among the Gujjar and Bakarwal ethnic groups, as both groups share a common culture. Some plants like Azadirachta indica, Brassica campestris, Ulmus wallichiana, Amaranthus blitum, and Celtis australis were also used for magico-religious purposes. We also recorded some medicinal uses that are new to the ethnobotanical literature of the J&K Himalayas, such as for Betula utilis, Sambucus wightiana, and Dolomiaea macrocephala, in our case for example local medicinal recipe, which is derived from Dolomiaea macrocephala, often known as Nashasta, used to treat weakness, back pain, and joint pain. Similarly, we also recorded new food uses for Eremurus himalaicus. Moreover, we also observed some plants for instance, Fragaria nubicola, Betula utilis and Juniperus communis have spiritual significance (i.e., amulets and scrolls) for this part of the Himalayan region. The present study provides a useful tool for resource management and can help in developing scientifically informed strategies for the conservation of plant resources.


Introduction
The Himalayan Mountain region is home to a wide diversity of medicinal and food plants and is considered an important site of bio-cultural diversity -in other words, the site of biocultural refugia [1]. To date, a significant number of ethnobotanical studies have been carried out in different countries across this mountain range, including the Indian Kashmir, and have reported an enormous number of aromatic, medicinal, and food plants, being used by the local communities [2]. Particularly the tribal communities of the region are more dependent on non-timber forest products, and they extract their livelihood from plant-derived ingredients which are playing a crucial role in managing the traditional health care systems [3,4].
According to various studies, the Indian Himalaya is home to over 8000 species of vascular plants, with 1748 of them being known for their therapeutic potential [5,6]. Plant use is important for supporting the lives of tribal peoples living in the Himalayas by providing both food and medicine [2,3]. Since ancient times, many wild and cultivated plants have been used as curative agents, and medicinal plants have recently acquired popularity as natural ingredients for cosmetics as well as herbal medications [7]. Similarly, wild food plants (WFPs) are also important food ingredients, supporting the local food systems among various ethnic communities who are living in remote mountain territories. Reports have shown that medicinal plants which grow in the wild are frequently used by certain nomadic groups who are living in remote mountain areas and are using these plants to treat livestock diseases [8]. Recent research has also recorded cross-cultural uses of plant resources e.g., in the Balti, Beda, and Brokpa communities in the Ladakh region of the Trans-Himalayas. By offering an in-depth understanding of the ethnomedicinal, cultural, and ritual perspectives of plant diversity in the Ladakh region, this study investigated how the wild flora of Ladakh could benefit local life and aid poverty alleviation [4]. It has been affirmed that many plant species have been reported across the region and the local communities have developed an enormous body of traditional knowledge on the utilization of these natural resources since generations [9]. Because of rapid globalization and modernization, traditional ecological knowledge is a subject of discussion among contemporary ethno-biologists. Studies have shown that the remarkable social change has led Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) to fade, if not erode [10]. On the one hand, we see the remarkable socio-cultural integration in the globalized world but on the other hand we are losing culture and languages. The three diversities of life i.e., biodiversity, cultural diversity, and linguistic diversity are facing equal threats. The socio-cultural integration of ethnic groups has caused cultural and linguistic homogenization, which in turn has also have homogenized the TEK [11,12]. Traditional knowledge is particular to each individual group, and it is vulnerable to change on a spatio-temporal basis, especially when held by small groups. In recent times, ethnobiologists have been focusing on cross-cultural studies to record and measure the dynamics leading to the evolution of TEK within a given society and put recommendations for policy frameworks. According to the recommendation given by the Convention on Biological Diversity [13], local knowledge should be part of future developmental processes to get sustainability because sustainability could be a praxis without considering the local wisdom-referred to as TEK of communities that have a longstanding relationship with their natural resources including plants. As Maffi et al. [14] described, a holistic approach should be adopted to counter the upcoming extinction crisis to ensure the sustainability of the planet. In this overwhelming situation, researchers need to focus on local and traditional knowledge to preserve it as a basis for future sustainability. We argue that the field of ethnobiological studies will not only help to protect TEK but will also encourage policymakers to focus on the social sustainability of ethnic groups to achieve the future long-term sustainable goal. The current study is not just a documentation but also a cross-cultural comparison of the documented taxa to understand various traditional plant use systems, highlighting the historical stratifications and economic status of the research groups. This will not only advance the knowledge of cross-cultural ethnobotany in the region, but it will also open potential lines for obtaining incentives for the local people to promote and celebrate their knowledge and get benefits in future development programs. This study focused on the comprehensive assessment of plant resources with the following objectives: (1) to document the ethnobotanical uses of the local flora among the different ethnic groups in the Jammu and Kashmir Region, (2) cross-cultural comparison of the ethnobotanical uses of the quoted plants, (3) to evaluate the conservation status of plant resources utilized to put policy recommendations for policymakers and relevant stakeholders.

Study Area and Communities
The study area (Jammu and Kashmir) is part of Western Himalaya and currently administered as a Union Territory in India ( Figure 1). The region is situated to the West of Ladakh UT, North of Himachal Pradesh, West of Punjab, and shares the international boundaries with Pakistan and China (Tibet) to the East. J&K has two biogeographic provinces, i.e., Jammu and Kashmir. Geo-graphically, Jammu and Kashmir comprise rugged mountains and barren slopes with Dfb (Warm-summer humid continental climate) climate category according to Koppen classification [15]. The main Himalayan range runs along the valley's northeastern flank. The Kashmir valley has an average elevation of 1850 m above sea level (masl), but the surrounding Pir Panjal range has an elevation of 3000 masl. The Jammu region has an average elevation of 300 masl. The mighty mountain ranges support unique forest ecosystems with diverse microclimates [16]. The biodiversity and vegetation heterogeneity of the region is controlled by a combination of various biophysical, geographical, and topographical features [17]. Jammu and Kashmir are gifted with rich flora diversity with enormous economic potential. Trillium govanianum, Fritillaria cirrhosa, Aucklandia costus, Aconitum heterophyllum, Dolomiaea macrocephala, Bergenia ciliata, and Rheum webbianum were important medicinal plants collected by the indigenous population for their livelihood. The region is providing the home for linguistic communities like Kashmiri, Gujjar, Pahari, Dogra, and Bakarwal. The Kashmiri are the descendants of an Indo-European ethnolinguistic group [18], the Pahari trace their decent from the Kash empire [19], the Dogra trace their identity from the Ikshvaku (Solar) dynasty of northern Northern India [20], and the Gujjar and Bakarwal are believed to have migrated from Gujrat (via Rajasthan) and the Hazara Division of the Northwestern Frontier province [21]. According to the last census (2020) (https://uidai.gov.in/images/state-wise-aadhaar-saturation.pdf, accessed on 14 May 2020), the population of Jammu and Kashmir is 13606320. The sex ratio is 889 women per 1000 men. The inhabitants in the regions follow different faiths; 68.3% of the people are Muslim, 28.4% are Hindu, 1.9% Sikh, 0.9% Buddhist, and 0.3% Christian.

Field Study
A field ethnobotanical study was carried out from June 2019 to April 2021 in 76 villages ( Figure 1) in Jammu and Kashmir India. Information was gathered from several linguistic and religious groups distributed throughout the valley's settlements. Semiskilled workers, shepherds, farmers, daily wage laborers, govt. employees, housewives, skilled workers, shopkeepers, and others were recruited among middle-aged, young, and elderly residents (range: 18-75 years old), using a snowball strategy (Table 1). Of all informants, 76% were men and 24% were women. The reason that our study had less women participating lies in the social, religious, and cultural values of the society. Women, overall, are much more restricted to the household, and often not allowed or not willing to interact freely with strangers. Participants gave verbal prior informed consent before each interview, and the International Society of Ethnobiology's Code of Ethics (ISE, 2008) was observed. Semi-structured interviews (N = 342) and group discussions (N = 38) were con-ducted in the local languages, (one of the authors was familiar with all the languages) [4,22]. The interviews focused on uses of the local flora for medicinal, religious, cultural, veterinary, and food usage. The survey results were redisplayed to the informants after data collection to remove errors and omissions from the data. Based on the uses of plant resources, traditional uses were classified into three groups i.e., single, double, and multi-use groups [23]. The conservation assessment of plant species was assessed as per International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) criteria (version 3.1) [24]. Collected plant specimens were identified with the help of taxonomists at the CBT Lab, University of Kashmir, Srinagar (Jammu and Kashmir), and verified at the Herbarium of Kashmir University (KASH), where all vouchers were deposited. The POWO (Online flora) 2019 (www.plantsoftheworldonline.org, accessed on 26 October 2019) database was used for the authentication of the botanical names of the plants. We also compared our data with previous field ethnobotanical studies carried out in the nearby regions [2,4,6,25,26]. Old (56-75+)  252  102  152  108  43  29  35  37   Profession   Farmers  20  8  12  11  2  2  2  3   Shepherds  56  22  14  14  9  21  7  5   Semi-skilled  Workers  113  43  70  82  15  0  8  8   Daily wage  laborers  82  34  48  41  21  0  7  13   Govt. employees  32  10  22  10  5  5  5  7   Housewives  54  25  29  10  11  15  10  8   Skilled workers  73  31  42  11  12  26  15  9   Shopkeepers  59  28  31  15  6  2

Use Value (UV)
The UV is used to determine the relative value of a species in relation to other species [27], and is calculated as: where U = number of use reports for a given species, and N = total number of informants. A high UV score suggests that there are numerous usage reports for that plant, whereas a low score shows that the informants provided fewer use reports for that plant.

Data Analysis
To evaluate the difference in the number of plant parts used, we used a Generalized Linear Model (GLM) with binomial distribution, followed by a Likelihood Ratio test using the packages "stats" [28] and "car" [29]. We used a heat map associated with a cluster analysis using the Sorensen's similarity index [30] to elucidate species grouping based on presence-absence data [31]. Using this method, similar groups cluster close to each other, and dissimilar groups are shown as distant clusters. Principal component analysis (PCA) was employed to visualize the provisioning services and plant parts associations between plants using the package "vegan" [32] in the software R ver. 4.0.0 [28]. The contribution of different usages was displayed in chord diagrams using the "circlize" package [33] in R software 3.6.1 [28]. The chord diagram allows us to investigate which plant species are associated with which use groups, as well as count the number of species in each use group and determine which use group is more diverse based on the thickness of each bar [34]. The Venn diagram was created to see the variation in the use of plant resources among the five ethnic groups, using the Bioinformatics & Evolutionary Genomics Webpage [35].

Plant Composition and Distribution
This study documented a total of 127 plant and fungal species belonging to 113 genera in 64 families (Table 2). Even though this number may appear low, especially in light of the area's high biodiversity [36,37], the species number of useful plants identified was comparable to studies published by other researchers from various Himalayan regions. For instance, Mustafa et al. [38] reported 121 plant species from Azad Kashmir, Pakistan while Kayani et al. [39] reported 125 plant species from mountainous forests of Pakistan with ethno-botanical relevance. Similarly, in the Naran Valley of Western Himalayas of Pakistan, Khan et al. [40] reported 101 medicinal plant species. Angmo et al. [41] reported 160 plant species from Western Ladakh. Awan et al. [42] reported ethnobotanical knowledge of 102 medicinal and aromatic plants from Mansehra Dis-trict, Pakistan. Similarly, Singh et al. [43] from western Himalayas-India reported 78 plant spe-cies with ethnomedicinal attributions. Raj et al. [44] from Northern Bengal-India reported 140 ethnomedicinal plants.

Species Distribution in Families
Across the 64 families, the distribution of species was unequal, and half of the species be-longed to just 13 families (Asteraceae, Lamiaceae, Polygonaceae, Ranunculaceae, Fabaceae, Pina-ceae, Plantaginaceae, Rosaceae, Rutaceae, Apiaceae, Berberidaceae, Boraginaceae, and Malva-ceae) while the remaining half belonged to 51 families. A large number of families (38) were monotypic i.e., with one species in each (Table 1), similar to other studies [45][46][47]. The domi-nant plant families included Asteraceae with 10 species (8%) followed by Lamiaceae (7 species, 6%), Polygonaceae (6 species, 5%) and Ranunculaceae (5 species, 4%). The details of reported plant species are given in Table 2. The prevalence of the aforementioned families was comparable to studies from other Himalayan regions [2,48,49]. The members of the Asteraceae family accli-mate quickly and adapt to arid settings due to their wide ecological amplitude [50]. In contrast, Angmo et al. [41] reported Polygonaceae as the dominant family from Cold Desert Biosphere Re-serve, India, and Kayani et al. [39] described Ranunculaceae as the most dominant representative family in mountain forests of Pakistan, and Hussain et al. [51] reported Lamiaceae as the dominant family from the Koh-e-Safaid Range of Pakistan. Despite their diversity, members of these families are distinguished by their ability to synthesize secondary metabolites with potentially significant biological activity. As a result, they are used in a variety of ways in traditional medi-cine to treat a wide range of ailments [52].

Plant Usage Pattern
Based on the uses of plant resources, traditional uses were classified into three groups i.e., single-, double-, and multi-use groups ( Figure 2).  Table 2. The thickness of each bar reflects the degree of variation in each use category, and the direction of the lines depicts which plant is associated with which form of usage.
Multi usage: Plant species such as Abies pindrow, Acer caesium, Aesculus indica, Betula utilis, Cedrus deodara, Malva neglecta, and Parrotiopsis jacquemontiana were used for more than two purposes and classified as multi-usage plants. Around 16% of the plant species reported in the study area had multiple-usage.
The use value (UV) indicates the importance of a species to the informants and the local ethnomedicinal system. The main species (Table 2) in the current study with the highest UVs are Dolomiaea macrocephala (UV = 0.28), Aconitum heterophyllum (0.27), Artemisia absinthium (0.29), Podophyllum hexandrum (0.27). Whereas the lowest UV value is recorded for Albizia lebbeck and Sambucus wightiana (0.11). The high UV of medicinal plant species in the study region is attributed to their common usage of plants across ethnic groups in the area, and the local people are well familiar with their medicinal uses. Plants were mostly harvested for self-consumption (55%) and for commercial purposes (45%). The highest priority of the local people was the extraction of medicinal plants in the summer season (79%), followed by the early autumn season (21%). The indigenous population collected important medicinal plants (especially Trillium govanianum, Fritillaria cirrhosa, Aucklandia costus, Aconitum heterophyllum, Dolomiaea macrocephala, Bergenia ciliata, and Rheum webbianum) for both traditional use and trade. The region's medicinal plant trade is the single most important factor in the preservation of traditional knowledge about medicinal plants. The continued use of medicinal plants demonstrates the value of these ancient practices [53].
The leaves of Aesculus indica, Celtis australis, Betula utilis, Parrotiopsis jacquemontiana, Indigofera heterantha, Salix alba, Acer caesium, Ziziphus jujuba, and Prunus cornuta were used as fodder. The plant species like Heracleum candicans, Trifolium pratense, Trifolium repens, and Taraxacum officinale were used to increase the milk production in cattle. Achillea millefolium and Artemisia absinthium were fed to animals to remove worms. The fresh leaves of Cannabis sativa were crushed and applied topically to kill lice and ticks. A decoction made from the roots of Bergenia stracheyi was used as an antiseptic treatment of foot and mouth disease. The mashed roots of Rheum webbianum were used to cure indigestion and constipation in cattle, and the paste of its roots and leaves was used to treat external injuries. The sap of the leaves and stem from Sambucus wightiana was applied to wounds in cattle. Malva neglecta was used against weakness. Jan et al. [54] also reported that, because of the therapeutic properties of plants, ethnic communities use them to treat a variety of animal ailments, and they play an important role in the rural veterinary healthcare system. Similarly, Rafique Khan et al. [55] reported 39 plant species used by the indigenous communities of Kashmir Himalaya for curing 21 different diseases of 7 different types of livestock. Abassi et al. [56] reported a total of 89 species of 46 families used for ethnoveterinary applications.

Novelty of the Study
Some of the ethnobotanical uses found in our study had never been reported from the region, including the use of the stem of Betula utilis to treat diabetes, the roots of Dolomiaea macrocephala used for treating body weakness and lower back pain, and the recipe locally called Nashasta. Stems of Eremurus himalaicus were chewed raw. Fragaria nubicola, Ulmus wallichiana, and Juniperus communis were used for religious and cultural perspectives. Leaves of Heracleum candicans were given to cattle to increase milk production. Flowers of Trifolium repens and Trifolium pratense were eaten raw. Whole plant of Thymus linearis was used by the Gujjar and Pahari to wash and clean the pots used to keep milk. Twigs of Parrotiopsis jacquemontiana and Indigofera heterantha were used to make traditional fire pots (Kangri). A unique food preparation from Dolomiaea macrocephala was reported for the first time from the Himalayan region.   Root paste is applied on joints by arthritis patients to relieve pain.
(G) Leaves are used in cigarettes. (P) Fresh aerial parts eaten by shepherds as salad. * Leaves are locally given to cattle to increase milk production.

Roots Leaves
Roots are used fresh and also sun dried. Leaves are cooked.
Roots are used for treatment of dysentery, rheumatism, skin disorder, cough, cold and bronchial asthma. * Leaves are used as vegetables. (

Leaves Roots
Leaves are boiled and fried with spices. Leaves are also boiled in water for more than an hour. Roots are boiled in water.
Leaves are used as vegetables and roots are also edible, especially given to the ladies who have given birth to babies. * Leaves are also used with other herbs for bathing the same ladies and their young ones.
Bark is boiled in water for more than 30 min.
Bark is used to make tea by the locals and also used by spiritual healers to write scrolls. * Stem is used as fuelwood. (P,G) Stem is cut and modified into glass like vessel in which water is put overnight take empty stomach in morning to treat diabetes. (K) Leaves are used as fodder. *        Flowers are used for rheumatism and piles, and also for headaches and common colds.   Leaves are cooked, and seeds are dried grinded to powder and used with water.
Leaves are cooked as food and powdered seeds are used as protein and fat supplements. * Used against weakness in cattle.  Leaves are cooked as food and dried powdered leaves with water are used as gargle to treat mouth and throat ulcers.        Whole plant is used as diuretic, also used to get against cough and skin disease.

Fruits Leaves
Fruits are dried in the sun for more than a week.
Dried fruits are eaten raw and used to treat irritability, insomnia, and heart palpitations.   A brush made of twig is rubbed gently around the teeth and gums to relieve toothache and also for tooth cleaning. * Leaves used as fodder, and stems as fuel wood, also used to bath newborn babies to protect them from the different infection.  Stem and branches are used as fuel wood and leaves as fodder.

Preference Analysis
The preference analysis highlighted the differences in the uses of the plants (χ 2 = 74.991, df = 8, p < 0.001). The local population used plants most commonly as medicine (51.4% responses), followed by food (14.9%), and fodder (9.5%) ( Figure 3A). Apart from the need for their own medicinal care, this can also be credited to the high market value of medicinal species when sold to the pharmaceutical industry [53]. It has been widely documented that people in rural areas favor plant-based medicines [44,57,58]. There was very little difference in the species used, nor in their specific use, and all traded species were collected and used all over the region which indicates a very ample distribution of traditional knowledge across many ethnic groups and transgressing national boundaries, as also indicated by Ajaib et al. [58] and Khan et al. [40]. Most plants were frequently used for medicine but we also recorded a high number of species (43) used for food purposes, e.g., Allium semenovii, Amaranthus blitum, Capsella bursa-pastoris, Dioscorea deltoidea, Dryopteris stewartii, Eremurus himalaicus, Justicia adhatoda, Malva neglecta, Mentha arvensis, Plantago lanceolata, and Plantago major ( Table 2). Given the importance of wild edibles for food security, the local people (Gujjar, Bakarwal) strongly believed that wild foods were important to maintain good health, similar to the participants in other areas [59,60]. Wild vegetables, fruits, herbal tea, and spices form an important part of traditional food systems in the region of the Himalayan Mountains [60,61]. A drink (sharbat) was given to patients of any age against chest and throat problems and was especially used during COVID-19. Prunella vulgaris (Kale voth), Cichorium intybus, Salix alba (Yeed), and Arnebia benthamii (Kah zaban) were mixed and boiled to make herbal tea. Srivastava et al. [62] reported various plants (Ocimum sanctum, Nigella sativa, Astragalus membranaceus) used to help patients with COVID-19. Adhikari et al. [63] documented the use of various plants like Artemisia annua, Agastache rugosa, and Astragalus membranaceus, for COVID-19. Similarly, Pieroni et al. [64] showed the importance of local plant resources as community responses to COVID-19. Different parts of the plants were used, with a significant difference between their uses (χ 2 = 70.587, df = 9, p < 0.001). Leaves were the most highly utilized (25.2%), followed by roots (20.2%), flowers (10.9%), whole plant (9.2%), stem (8.4%), seed oil (7.6%), fruits (5%), bark and branches (4.2% each), rhizomes (3.4%), and twigs (1.7%) ( Figure 3B). Based on the differences in plant component preference levels, PCA analysis elucidated three different groups (Figure 4). Roots and leaves were clearly separated from one another, whereas other sections were grouped together. Our findings are similar to the ethnobotanical investigations conducted in other Himalayan regions [65]. Roots were frequently employed because they contained a higher concentration of bioactive components than other plants [66]. The excessive use of roots or whole plants should, however, be discouraged, as this practice can have a negative impact on population and growth [25,67].

Cross-Cultural Usage of Plant Resources
Comparative analysis showed that only fourteen plant species were used by all five ethnic groups ( Figure 5A). Plants commonly shared among the different ethnic groups were mainly for medicinal usage (N = 10), followed by fodder (N = 7), food (N = 6), fue wood (N = 4), tea (N = 3), and flooring (N = 1), and religious (N = 1) and spiritual (N = 1) practices. The remarkable heterogeneity on the use of plants could be referred to the different historical stratifications of the studied groups and by the various sociocultural adaptations and the human ecological interactions within the given environments. These types of close affinities of the uses of certain plants among the respective groups could be referred to the fact that some of them underwent some socio-cultural negotiations with others. For instance, Gujjar, Bakarwal, and Pahari are intermarrying, but never intermarry with Dogra because of their different faith and religion. This has in turn impacted the transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge among them. It is also relevant to mention that the large number of use differences found could also be because the ethnic groups occupy very different geographical regions. Bakarwal and Gujjar live at higher elevations, Pahari and Kashmiri occupy middle to higher altitudes, Dogra live in sub-urban environments. It is also important that the Bakarwal are practicing mobile pastoralism, leading to different plant knowledge. The Gujjar reported the highest number of plants (25%, 94 species), followed by Pahari (24%, 89 species) and Bakarwal (21%, 76 species), while Kashmiri reported (18%, 68 species), and the lowest number of plants was reported by Dogra (12%, 45 species) ( Figure 5B). We found a comparatively high overlap in the use of certain plants among ethnic groups. The Gujjar, Bakarwal, and Pahari ethnic groups used 17 plants in common, while all ethnic groups used 14 species in common. One of the reasons for the Gujjar Pahari and Bakarwal overlap might be that both ethnic groups live in highly remote areas in mountainous areas. In contrast the Dogra ethnobotanical portfolio consists of a comparatively small number of plants, as they mostly live in urban and suburban areas and thus have less interaction with nature. Similar cross-cultural plant usage has been recorded from other regions of the Himalayas, e.g., by Abbas et al. [68], who found similar results in Pakistan's Himalayas and attributed the findings to socio-cultural differences. In the Ladakh region, Haq et al. [4] discovered a notable overlap in plant uses among three ethnic groups (Balti, Beda, and Brokpa). Plants common to all cultures were mostly used for therapeutic purposes, while some were also used for religious purposes in the two major religions (Muslim faith and Buddhism).
Looking at the plant uses among the different cultural groups, we found that the Dogra, who follow the Hindu religion, had some ritual practices using plants. Calotropis procera (aak) had a special religious (Hinduism) with regard to the deity Hanuman in the many regions of Jammu, especially Kathua, Reasi, and Udhampur. Leaves of Aegle marmelos (belpatra), fruits of Datura stramonium, Ziziphus jujuba (ber), and seeds of Elaeocarpus ganitrus (Rudraksh) were especially attributed to Lord Shiva. Some plants were used in different festivals, for instance oil from the seeds of Brassica campestris (Tilgagul) was used in the Deepavali Diwali -the festival of lights. Cannabis sativa was used as a drink (bhang) for the Holi festival. In Hinduism, Azadirachta indica is not only beneficial to mankind but to the gods as well. Santalum album is considered as "wooden gold" in Hinduism due to its fragranced wood. The flowers of Rhododendron arboreum (Nichhni) were used to bless crops for never-ending food security. Among Kashmiri, Ulmus wallichiana (bran), Amaranthus blitum (Craie) and Celtis australis (brimji) were also used for religio-magical purposes. Gujjar, Pahari and Kashmiri, bathe the deceased with Althaea officinalis (Sazposh) along with "Kafoor" (from Cinnamomum camphora). Leaves of Salix alba are used to bathe newborns so that they may not catch any infection. Some important medicinal herbs included the seeds of Datura stramonium (Datur-bool), Rheum webbianum (Pambchalan), Artemisia absinthium (Tethwan), Origanum vulgare (Wan baber), and Prunella vulgaris (Kale voth). Arnebia benthamii (Kah zaban) and Viola odorata (Banafsha), which were boiled together to make a drink (Sharbat) given to nursing mothers for one month to stimulate the defense mechanism of the body, preventing infections. The sap of fruits from Fragaria nubicola was locally used as ink by spiritual healers to write scrolls and amulets. Celtis australis, Datura stramonium had spiritual and cultural values [69][70][71]. In Kashmir, Ulmus wallichiana (bran), Celtis australis (brimji), and Amaranthus blitum (Craie) were used to protect children from the evil eye and black magic. Similar uses were reported by Haq et al. [4] in Ladakh, Trans-Himalayas, and Rout et al. [72] in Assam (northeast India).

Quantitative Ethnobiological Approach
The two-way cluster analyses of eight ethnobotanical uses of the 127 species resulted in 6 major clusters ( Figure 6) between provisioning services and plant species that were also recognized based on Sorenson's similarity index. Abies pindrow and Picea smithiana were both used for timber and flooring and formed the first group of the cluster, whereas plants such as Celtis australis and Parrotiopsis jacquemontiana used for agricultural equipment, formed the second cluster; and plants like Betula utilis and Woodfordia fruticosa used for making herbal tea, formed the third cluster. Plants like Aesculus indica, Indigofera heterantha, Salix alba, Acer caesium, Ziziphus jujube and Prunus cornuta used for both fuelwood and fodder, formed the fourth cluster. Species like Arnebia benthamii, Eremurus himalaicus, Justicia adhatoda, Fragaria nubicola, Polygonum amplexicaule and Plantago lanceolata were used for food and medicinal purposes, and forming the 5th and 6th clusters of the dendrogram, respectively. The clustering of plants based on ethnobotanical usage is presented in Figure 7 where plants grouped into one limb are more similar in usage and show proximity to each other. This was further substantiated by PCA analysis, which revealed separate groups of provisioning services based on differences in plant utilization preference levels (Figure 7). Medicinal and food services were split, while other provisioning services were divided into various categories. Upadhyay et al. [73] observed similar results when using PCA to group plant consumption by local communities, finding 59% variation in their data. In the Lesser Himalayas of Pakistan, Rahman et al. [74] employed a two-way cluster and principal component analysis to quantitatively classify different diseases. The PCA found that all plant species were positively connected. Asif et al. [2], from the Indian Himalayan region, employed quantitative categorization factors to report five groupings of wild plants from tribal populations in the tehsil Karnah within Jammu and Kashmir, India. Haq et al. [75], Tokuoka et al. [76], Dicko et al. [77], and Ahoyo et al. [78] applied multivariate analysis for quantitative ethnobiological research.

Conservation of Key Plant Species
Based on the conservation assessment, out of 127 species observed, 14(11%) species fell in the Critically Endangered category of IUCN, 8 (6%) were Vulnerable, 2(2%) were Endangered, and 103 (81%) in the Least Concern category ( Table 2). Many important medicinal plants such as Aconitum heterophyllum, Trillium govanianum, Rheum webbianum, Fritillaria cirrhosa, Aucklandia costus, Bergenia ciliata, Dolomiaea macrocephala, Dactylorhiza hatagirea, Inula racemosa, and Picrorhiza kurroa are facing threats because of the exhaustive utilization of their underground parts on a large scale. Due to the over-collection of these species for trade purposes they have become en-dangered all over the Himalayan region [79,80], with all medical systems of South Asia utilizing Himalayan plants in their preparations [81]. With the expansion of roads and the growing popu-lation, plants have now been exposed to new commercial interests [82]. It is estimated that over 15000 plants used in the traditional healthcare systems in the world fall in the threatened cate-gory and need immediate conservation efforts to prevent their extinction [83]. Local people rely on plant species for medicine, food, and for their cultural and religious value. The above-mentioned species have become a favourite target due to their use by indigenous communities in traditional medicine systems and other uses, resulting in species decline. This unsustainable exploitation endangers biodiversity and the livelihoods of indigenous peoples. It is critical to organize awareness programmes and conservation education involving stakeholders and ethnic people in order to prevent changes in the population dynamics of these species. Traditional knowledge bearers and their knowledge can assist to promote the protection of species and habitats more effectively, stimulate the sustainable use of biodiversity, as well as raise awareness of the importance of conservation. Better understanding of the specific knowledge of medicinal plants, for example, could aid in the development of more complex community-based conservation efforts. Local knowledge, as well as area economic and socio-cultural issues, can be considered in inclusive conservation initiatives (e.g., perceptions based on local values and beliefs). Improved recognition of local knowledge may also aid in the preservation and transmission of local knowledge, which is required for the continuation of local-often still sustainable-land-use practices.
It is important to note that when developing conservation strategies, local traditions and customs must be considered.

Conclusions
The present study found that religious affiliation can be an important factor influencing the use of wild plants, as it shapes kinship relations and vertical transmission of traditional local ethno-botanical knowledge. This study emphasizes the importance of ethnobotanical uses of wild plants and underlines that the traditional knowledge associated with their use is vanishing. The local population in the study area was often not fully aware of the value and need for conservation of their plant resources (conservation, religious, ecological, and aesthetic values) and exploiting them at an increasing rate. The depletion of indigenous knowledge is already accelerating due to the disinterest of the young generation to obtain such knowledge. The interruption of oral-based knowledge transfer, the extinction of valuable medicinal species due to overharvesting and other anthropogenic factors, and the influence of the modern allopathic system of medicines can be considered the major factors leading to knowledge decline. The documentation of traditional knowledge serves a wide variety of purposes, including its preservation for future generations, it is safeguarding by putting the information in the public domain, and its use as the baseline for further research and conservation strategies.